JULY 2013 UPDATE

Interim Report to the AFL-CIO Executive Council on AFL-CIO Pre-Convention Outreach and Engagement

The 2013 AFL-CIO Convention in September will take bold and decisive action to answer the challenges of working people and unions today and in the future. In advance of the Convention, the AFL-CIO has conducted an unprecedented outreach program to gather the broadest possible array of creative ideas and strategies for building the labor movement that working families need now.

The program has been robust and far-reaching. Since late March, more than 6,400 people have participated directly in the massive in-person, online and social media discussions:

• Approximately 4,700 people attended in-person listening sessions, including four regional state federation and central labor regional conferences, state federation conventions and meetings with allies and partners.

• Nearly 950 comments have been posted at our Convention website, aflcio2013.org, generating more than 28,000 page views; another 949 comments came through Facebook and Daily Kos.

• More than 75,000 people have seen our Facebook posts—with engagement (Facebook posts and shares and Twitter posts and retweets) that reached nearly 3 million.

This interim report provides an overview, highlights of the conversation that have been held through July 1, 2013, and a summary of key themes and recommendations that have been made.

THE LISTENING SESSIONS

In-Person Sessions In-person listening sessions have provided the opportunity for rank-and-file members, union leaders, community partners and allies to join the discussion in the communities where they live and work. To facilitate this process, the AFL-CIO developed a “Let’s Talk” tool kit that provided tips on organizing sessions, background on key issues, suggested questions for discussion and a form and website link for reporting back top ideas and recommendations. To broaden the reach of these sessions, the AFL-CIO has provided training and support to affiliates and others who wanted to conduct their own sessions.

aflcio2013.org 1 The in-person listening sessions began in March with the four regional state federation and central labor council conferences, and have included meetings of state federations, local labor councils, national affiliates, partners and allies. As of July 1, 136 listening sessions had been held, with 30 sessions planned for the remainder of July, August and September. A complete list of the listening sessions is included in the Appendix.

Online Engagement Our online listening program got a kickoff boost from a May 6 Twitter chat with AFL-CIO President (see the conversation here: http://storify.com/AFLCIO/1u-future-tweet-chat). The Twitter hashtag (#1ufuture) was used in 1,388 tweets (and counting) with a reach of 2,287,458 accounts during the hour-long Tweetchat alone.

On that same day we began the Facebook engagement, which by May 20 had attracted 147,168 views of our posts, 255 total comments and 663 shares of our post.

President Trumka also posted a column on Daily Kos, the progressive blog. There were more than 129,000 unique visitors that day, and the column received 167 wide-ranging comments.

These social media statistics indicate just the start of our efforts and can be expected to grow, as social media usage does, exponentially.

Also on May 6, we launched an interactive website hosting discussions moderated by noted activists, academics and journalists at aflcio2013.org. By mid-June, the website had attracted nearly 19,000 page views and 700 comments.

The website’s kickoff discussion featured Daily Kos blogger Laura Clawson moderating a discussion around this question: “The sustained war on workers from the right has left unions trying to prevent rights from being weakened rather than setting the agenda. Where are the opportunities to play some offense?”

Dr. Steven Pitts, labor policy specialist at the UC Berkeley Labor Center, hosted our second weekly online discussion around this topic: “Union density is higher among black workers than it is for any other racial or ethnic group of workers. How can the labor movement use this to build a stronger movement for social change?”

The third weekly host was Elianne Ramos, CEO of Speak Hispanic Communications and vice chair of communications and PR for Latinos in Social Media (Latism). Her topic: “Latinos are the fastest- growing ethnic group in the U.S. workforce and their employment experiences are as varied as their individual histories. How can the labor movement use new technologies to solidify its Latino membership?”

From May 27 to June 3, Harold Meyerson, editor-at-large of The American Prospect and op-ed columnist at The Washington Post, hosted a discussion on this topic: “Since unions represent only a sliver of private-sector workers on their jobs, should labor open its rolls to other workers aflcio2013.org 2 outside a collective bargaining context? Should the focus shift to organizing working people at the community level?”

The following week, David Moberg, writer and senior editor at In These Times moderated, asking the question: “Would unions need to change their organizational structure or methods in order to mobilize workers for large-scale initiatives that could strengthen the labor movement?”

Then, between June 10 and June 15, Saru Jayaraman, co-founder and co-director of the Restaurant Opportunities Centers United and director of the Food Labor Research Center at UC Berkeley, asked: “How can we create a culture shift and raise the consciousness of America’s public about the need to improve wages and working conditions?”

The week of June 16 to 23, Robert Reich, Chancellor’s professor of public policy at the University of California at Berkeley, author of 13 books and secretary of labor in the Clinton administration, led a discussion on addressing inequality, posing the question: “The rich keep getting a bigger share of the economic pie while everyone else’s share keeps shrinking. What should be done to reverse this trend?”

And from June 24 to 30, Dorian Warren, assistant professor of international and public affairs at Columbia University, asked: “What would a broad and inclusive labor movement look like and do, and what would it need to provide for you to join it?”

THE CHALLENGES WE FACE

“We are in a life-or-death struggle for the soul of America, and right now the rich, corporate special interests—the bad guys—are in the lead. Let’s get to work to change that starting now.”

Participants in in-person and online listening sessions are well aware of the challenges we face. The need for a concerted effort to revitalize the labor movement is illustrated by the chart below, which was included in the orientation materials for in-person listening sessions. The chart speaks volumes on the wisdom and necessity of engaging the labor movement and the broader progressive community in a discussion of how to collectively build the power we need to address the real and serious problems of working Americans.

The trends are clear and devastating: Union membership is down by 1.9 million people since 2000. Union density is down by more than half since 1980, to 11.2%. With the population growing and union membership flat or falling, our share of the electorate is down 30% since 2000. If we want the fortunes of America’s workers to change, these trends must change. aflcio2013.org 3 The good news is that the engagement has been broad and enthusiastic. Union leaders, activists and progressive allies all made meaningful contributions to an emerging set of themes and ideas about how labor can help create and sustain movements and coalitions in our communities and workplaces, for success in politics and achieving economic justice, to organize and educate, to empower people.

The overarching response to the questions raised in the engagement process is that the labor movement should be better and more strategic at the things it historically does, organizing workers and bargaining for working families, while at the same time doing more, much more, to innovate and build community and global partnerships to advocate for social and economic justice broadly defined.

The challenges that addressing these themes present to the labor movement are serious. Participants emphasized that the labor movement should become more diverse, elevate women and people of color, develop immigrant leaders and act to help young workers who are not in unions. They want more education, more political capacity, more support for central labor councils and state federations and to literally open the doors of union halls to the community.

Growing income inequality, declining wages and lack of economic opportunity were identified as challenges the labor movement must address. These efforts must be broadly focused to target inequality for all workers, with particular focus on the most disadvantaged. Given the globalization of the economy, this requires a global response through enhanced international union cooperation and solidarity.

The need for labor to improve its internal and external communications was given much attention by participants. Unions are poorly understood by the public and many union members. Participants believe it is necessary for labor to have a recognizable, distinct voice on issues that resonate with the public.

Finally, participants believe that figuring out how to create the links and structures to institutionalize community partnerships and broaden our engagement with organizations that aren’t unions is an important task. We were given many examples of unions and labor-community coalitions engaging in this work, successes to be built upon.

WHAT PEOPLE HAVE HAD TO SAY d Collective Bargaining and Bread-and-Butter Issues Are Important to Workers

“As long as people have bosses, they are going to have problems with them. People would like an institutional buffer between their bosses and themselves. People would like to have strong seasoned negotiators winning them better conditions and pay.”

Participants inside and outside the labor movement were clear in the belief that collective bargaining is important and that the labor movement should add to the things it does, not replace them. aflcio2013.org 4 Representation on the job and collective bargaining for the best possible wages and benefits are incredibly powerful tools for working families and communities, and the degradation of pay and the growth of precarious employment deeply concerns broad swaths of American society.

Collective bargaining is a unique source of power for the labor movement, our connection to the real economy and the lives of union members, and it makes labor distinct. Participants think it is important that the training and infrastructure are in place for younger workers to take over these tasks.

Attention to bread-and-butter issues has importance outside of collective bargaining and provides a key opportunity to fight injustice and build a presence in the community. Many examples of labor support for worker centers and independent worker actions have been identified, and many commenters believe this is a key to a broader conception of a successful labor movement.

Participants approve of the labor movement’s call for shared prosperity as a way to bring a public focus on pocketbook issues, but believe the messaging should be sharpened and amplified. Confronting low wages as a social problem would build a direct connection to nonunion workers.

Collective bargaining was seen by a large segment of participants as the reason we had a broad, shared prosperity in the decades following World War II. Family-supporting wages, employer- provided benefits, fair treatment at work and the very creation of the middle class in the were direct results of unionism going back to the 1880s, a big surge in unionism in the 1930s and 1940s, and the resulting collective bargaining agreements.

The participants also think that the route back to that shared prosperity lies in the suggestions they made for new and innovative organizations and movements, a strong focus on increasing the number of people who are in the labor movement and aggressively and creatively fighting for working families. These actions, they believe, ultimately will result in an increase in collective bargaining unionism, in economic justice and in the fair, equitable society we want and deserve. d Enable More People to Be Part of the Labor Movement and Create New Models of Representation—While Putting More Effort into Workplace Organizing; Change the Structure of Unions to Mobilize Workers and Strengthen the Movement

“Actually we will have to change our structures just in order to survive as meaningful working-class institutions. Today more and more working people are considered ‘independent contractors,’ work multiple part-time or temporary jobs, work for very small employers, etc. We are atomized and divided from each other—what people call the ‘precariat.’ We need a labor movement that can engage all working people.”

“From worker centers to affiliates to innovative labor-community coalitions to anti-eviction actions to immigrant rights battles to groups like Domestic Workers United, there are models out there that we can learn from and bring to a larger scale.” aflcio2013.org 5 Participants were nearly universal in calling for more organizing, even as they collectively suggested many things that “organizing” might mean. Perhaps the most widely held opinion is that we need a more open conception of what it means to be a part of the labor movement, an idea that is sometimes called “alt-labor,” organizations for workers that are outside the tortured paradigm of the National Labor Relations Act.

Participants were clear that innovations such as Working America and community-based worker centers are making a difference in engaging America’s workers and in building new capacity. The AFL-CIO and many of its affiliates are engaged in partnerships that support these organizations. Many feel that labor should pilot structural changes that would enable some type of formal affiliation for workers’ organizations that do not engage in collective bargaining.

Exciting examples of this work and the achievements of these worker-oriented organizations were numerous. Especially noteworthy are organizations that are helping workers achieve justice through community organizing, legislative, legal and regulatory campaigns—everything except collective bargaining. These efforts are viewed by many as a key element of a revitalized and successful labor movement.

Non-traditional methods such as members-only unions and advocacy chapters were also suggested as alt-labor approaches that can work in existing union organizations, especially because they involve workers linked by their common employer in a process that many see as “perpetual organizing.”

At the same time, a vast majority of participants believe that traditional organizing should be a top-line goal for the labor movement—but they want it to be more creative, to recognize the changing nature of work and to figure out ways of helping those with contingent or precarious employment relationships.

There was also a repeated observation that the labor movement is organized around the workforce that was, not the workforce that is, or will be. We need to develop organizing strategies that put organized labor into growing areas of the workforce: retail and service work, and traditionally unorganized occupations such as network engineers and software coders—the new skilled trades— highly skilled, non-exempt and often treated poorly.

As part of this reinvestment in organizing, participants want to increase the training of activists and unorganized workers, empowering them with the skills to organize their own workplaces and generally help people organize themselves, especially for young workers, whose patterns of social interaction are often distributed and consensus-oriented.

There is wide recognition that traditional organizing and collective bargaining are the best ways for workers to secure democracy in the workplace and make the most substantive improvements. Therefore, as one respondent put it, “we shouldn’t give up on collective bargaining.”

aflcio2013.org 6 d Reach and Engage Women, Young People, People of Color and the LGBT Community

“It’s extremely important that the labor movement make a concerted effort to grow leaders that are younger and of color. The labor movement has been at the forefront of many a progressive cause, but the perception is that regardless of what the rank-and-file look like, white men continue to dominate the upper ranks.”

Many participants advised unions to engage women, people of color, young workers and LGBT workers, and change the stereotype that union leadership is dominated by white men of middle age or older. There were not many explanations offered for why this is the case, but commenters widely believe it is an issue that holds labor back and has a chilling effect on the deep community relationships needed to rebuild our movement.

Many comments also urged the labor movement to embrace the immigrant community, especially Latinos. This idea was supported with statements that immigrants are a fast-growing demographic group, are often exploited at work and will need a large-scale effort, which labor is in a position to provide, to ensure that the process of bringing workers out of the shadows as immigration reform moves forward is broad and speedy.

Labor must also stand up and lead the fight for equality for LGBT workers, supporting trans-inclusive health benefits and the end of discriminatory employment policies. Enhanced communication and training of union members and the public about LGBT issues are vital to strengthen labor’s ability to fight for LGBT workers.

The labor movement must recognize and overcome something of a structural problem in bringing young workers into union leadership. The lack of job creation in unionized sectors and workplaces, especially in the private sector, means that the natural route to union activism and leadership has been constricted for many years.

The view was expressed that this push for diversity was not just about inclusion, but also about the achievement of “real power” within the movement. But this was seen as a virtuous cycle because greater diversity at all levels of the movement would draw in people from groups that are marginalized in the economy and in society, the very folks that need more power to win more justice.

It was also observed that formally including the community and sectoral organizations helping workers in the labor movement would dramatically increase our diversity.

aflcio2013.org 7 A similar point was raised by participants stating that diversity can be thought of in class terms as well, and that the labor movement would do well by putting more effort into solving the problems of the most exploited and discouraged workers, minimum-wage workers and the unemployed. One person put it very starkly: “Labor needs to be seen as the champion of the poor and oppressed.”

The labor movement’s existing constituency groups were mentioned as important organizations that need more visibility, to have their activities honored and elevated and for their ability to raise the concerns of their communities within the labor movement.

Finally, while participants understand that increasing diversity is a process with no real endpoint, they were also clear about who bears the responsibility for making this happen: “experienced trade unionists.” d Continue Building Labor’s Political Independence and Invest in Our Own Infrastructure and Issues

“Concentrate 100% on organizing workers, the more workers organized, the more leverage the labor movement will have.

“Buying into the idea that the ballot is the only place to realize change is playing into the hands of the business interests that have bought both major parties.”

A repeated theme among participants is advocating that the labor movement invest more in our own infrastructure and in organizing and less in the Democratic Party—and to hold elected Democrats accountable for their votes on working family issues.

Although there were a few calls for breaking with the party, many feel that we should increase the focus on our issues, such as trade, support for public-sector unions, lagging pay and benefits, labor rights, etc. Issue-based campaigns that engage deeply on a limited number of themes are seen as a long-term investment in political and electoral success. This implies an increase in resources for public issue advocacy, and some suggested a move away from electoral politics.

Electoral activities also received a lot of attention from the participants who, while recognizing the tremendous effort labor puts forward, don’t believe that effort is fully reflected in results, especially at the state and local levels.

There are clear tensions about how to make the hard choices required by limited resources. Many called for a 50-state strategy, with significant investment in the South, while others believe in “whittling down the number of competitive races we can affect.” Both groups believe we should increase our efforts and get more members involved.

The capacity of state federations and central labor councils to take full advantage of increased programming was also raised. While it is clear that some bodies are well resourced and staffed for increased activity, many are not. There was also a suggestion that we use political activities to build labor-community coalitions by jointly cultivating and screening local candidates. aflcio2013.org 8 Participants were very alarmed at the increasing efforts of the right wing to suppress the vote and attack voting rights, keeping in mind that many of these sessions were held before the recent Supreme Court ruling. Labor must develop proactive strategies and initiatives to expand and guarantee access to the ballot. d Define and Pursue an Agenda for Shared Prosperity and Hold Corporations Accountable

“People need to work with a living wage. A wage they can then afford to pay their expenses with. This rush to the bottom for America’s workers can only result in a lopsided affair, where CEOs make 350 times the worker wage, and the worker wage continues to decline.”

“Today, the unfair distribution of wealth and the 40-year squeeze on working families is something that ordinary people feel. What they need to see is a collective effort to address this basic ill.”

“We need a union culture shift that will turn labor back into a movement that fights for the interest of all working people, starting with those most exploited and in need. In other words, labor must become the champion of the poor and the oppressed. It must become the champion of fair, progressive taxation—solve the crises of debt and entitlement spending on the backs of the 1%, not the 90%.”

Growing income inequality in the United States, declining wages and a lack of economic opportunity are the central challenges facing the country. Just as it has done historically, the labor movement must lead the fight for economic justice. But these efforts must be broadly focused to address inequality for all, and not be focused narrowly on “labor’s self-interest.”

A number of participants recommended establishing a broad agenda for shared prosperity that was clearly articulated and promoted widely. As one commenter stated, “There should be an agenda of prioritized issues that we all know and can recite to anyone who asks.” Recommendations for this agenda included the restoration of progressive tax rates, a financial transaction tax and a massive jobs program.

There was universal and wide agreement that raising wages should be a top priority or the top priority. Inadequate and declining wages are a problem for many workers across all sectors and generations. Inequality can’t be addressed, and prosperity can’t be shared, unless workers’ wages increase. aflcio2013.org 9 Many commented that the issue of wages has broad-based appeal, and is an issue that can gain public support. The campaign of fast-food workers for a $15 minimum wage was pointed to as an effective and important initiative. There are a number of ways to pursue increased wages—at the local, state and national levels—through public campaigns against employers, organizing, collective bargaining, local ordinances and national legislation. Raising wages could be a unifying campaign and include efforts to raise the minimum wage and address wage theft/misclassification.

It was recommended that any campaign should highlight and include focused efforts on groups where there is particular wage inequality, including African Americans and women, as well as young people. Any and all efforts and campaigns to raise wages and address inequality should be done in coalition with community partners and allies.

The tremendous burden of student loan debt was repeatedly raised as a critical economic issue for young people that should be taken up by unions. Increasing employment opportunities and raising wages were also identified as key issues.

Many spoke of the need to develop and support economic models that enhanced worker and consumer power and supported the development of co-ops, “stakeholder corporations” with 50% of the board of directors representing workers and more directed investment of union pension funds to these types of businesses.

There was wide agreement that labor and allies should step up efforts to hold corporations publicly accountable for their failure to provide decent wages and working conditions. Many advocated more public actions to address wage inequality and to call out and take action against low-road employers. As one commenter stated, “We have to make a ruckus. I mean it. Working people have to be heard.” There were also recommendations to highlight and join with good employers who pay decent wages and provide good benefits. d Enhance Global Union Cooperation Alliances and Build International Solidarity

Workers, communities and nations have suffered for too long under a global economic structure that has been designed by, built for and benefits corporations and the wealthy.

To confront and deal with the global economy, there was wide agreement that there must be increased efforts by the AFL-CIO, individual unions and sectoral groups of unions to enhance global cooperation with trade unions and workers in other countries.

Participants want a direct response to outsourcing and trade deficits that focuses on leveraging consumer attitudes and bargaining relationships to “organize global supply chains.” They also believe that the U.S. union movement should partner with sister unions in other countries to organize and figure out how to coordinate bargaining with common employers.

Responding to international incidents and catastrophes such as the Bangladesh garment factory disaster with a coordinated global response was mentioned in several forums. Participants want aflcio2013.org 10 the labor movement to be a strong voice for labor rights, conduct international campaigns and “expose the evildoers.”

There were many suggestions that labor should have direct international worker-to-worker and leadership exchanges and delegations to share information, develop joint strategies and build solidarity. They did not seem to be aware of the existing programs in these areas, and there were no mentions of the international sectoral organizations or the ITUC—concepts respondents clearly support but want more of.

Finally, the work of affiliates with international programs and of the AFL-CIO and was acknowledged for helping build unions in other nations. It was suggested that labor create a Global , perhaps within the Solidarity Center, to focus on multi-national organizing campaigns.

d Labor Must Shape New Types of Community Engagement

“Focus on issues that are relevant to the local communities as well. Conduct local labor/ community listening sessions to learn about each other’s issues and to identify common issues. Hold forums or town hall meetings on issues important to [the] community…. Create a shared economic narrative that resonates with the broader community.”

“The recent experiences of the CTU strike, the fight against the school closings and the Walmart campaign give the labor movement a wealth of experiences in building labor- community solidarity to mull over. The CTU was able to build community and student solidarity by showing the relationship between good working conditions for teachers and good learning conditions in the schools. They made the connection between closing schools, jobs and destabilizing communities. The Walmart workers have been able to show the connection between a living wage and stable communities, and defending small businesses from global corporate greed.”

A memo from Convention Committee III—Community Partnerships and Grassroots Power captures the importance and spirit that participants gave to building community partnerships: “The relationship of the union movement to communities and community-based allies is key to achieving social and economic justice as well as an enduring democracy; the labor movement’s relationship with community must go beyond the transactional and move to enduring alliances based on shared values and trust.”

Participants emphasized the importance of emerging practices in dozens of locations, especially the need for some structure that brings groups together regularly. Central labor councils and affiliates have started formal community partnership organizations, held labor community summits and formed organizational coalitions around specific issues like public transportation and voter registration.

aflcio2013.org 11 There were many suggestions that labor bodies should initiate meetings of as many community partners as possible, that local organizations should share their goals and share their understanding of the power relationships in their community.

Participants inside and outside the labor movement shared the view that it is important for labor to recognize the leadership provided by community organizations on certain issues, and to dedicate itself to working on issues that impact less fortunate working-class communities, including mass incarceration, housing and foreclosures and precarious work (e.g., fast-food strikes). Helping immigrant populations come out of the economic shadows and ending the employment abuse of workers lacking full citizenship as immigration policy changes were mentioned as a natural role for labor in the community.

Many unions already organize and encourage labor-community interactions by their locals, and the AFL-CIO’s efforts to forge innovative partnerships through the LIFT program and affiliating 3 million workers directly through Working America were both mentioned as models worth emulating and expanding.

The priorities and capacities of state federations and central labor councils were also raised by participants in the context of community relationships. Building this work should be a core element of their efforts, but this requires both staff time and the participation of the local unions of affiliates, neither of which is assured.

Finally, participants emphasized the value of the AFL-CIO’s existing constituency groups—the A. Philip Randolph Institute, AFL-CIO Union Veterans Council, Asian Pacific American Labor Alliance, Coalition of Black Trade Unionists, Coalition of Labor Union Women, Labor Council for Latin American Advancement and —in expanding labor’s work in these communities. These organizations are natural links to the partnerships that labor must expand and enhance. d Educate Members and the Public

“The face of union labor in the media is this big greedy bully who pushes a button for $40/hour at the expense of minimum wage workers and business owners everywhere. How does unionizing benefit workers and business owners? The public needs some serious re-education. Especially on the connection between workers’ rights, income inequality and social ills that affect everyone.”

“Work to build a labor curriculum in high schools, universities and trade schools. If we don’t educate young people about what the labor movement is beyond its history, then they will never know that everyday parts of being a worker have to do with labor struggles.”

Another very common theme is the call for more education—among members, in the schools and to the public—about the basics of what unions are and how they help union and nonunion working families. Many see internal education and labor education in the schools as must-do tasks.

aflcio2013.org 12 Motivating and mobilizing union members around unionism and organizing are important for many participants, and internal communication at the local union level is the most important tool for success in increasing member commitment and participation. Connected to the desire to do more internal education was the recognition that activists and leaders needed to be trained on one-on- one organizing skills, communications and messaging strategies.

Repeatedly, participants underscored the need for broader and more substantive union member education on issues. Such ongoing education and increased and continuous internal organizing around worker issues is critical to legislative, political and organizing efforts.

There were also numerous calls for a simple economic analysis that can be used for education and in the media. The clear implication is that many of the participants were unaware of Common Sense Economics, but they like the idea. Others suggested the development of Mass Open Online Courses (MOOCs) on the global economy, labor history and the role of unions as a way to provide free education to large numbers of union members, workers, students and the public at large. d Communicate—with Members and Others Outside the Union Movement

“All this talk about organize, organize. I’ve heard it from everyone—that was the solution…. We’re not organizing—why? Our members aren’t listening to the communications—why?”

Closely tied to education is communication, and among the most frequent comments we’ve seen is a call for expanded communication—including a national advertising campaign. Many participants emphatically urged unions to do things unions in fact are doing—such as using social media like Facebook and Twitter—but apparently we’re not succeeding at letting enough people know we are doing these things.

Suggestions for improving in this area include a wider diffusion of online tools for local use, pulling in young workers who have a facility for social media to work on communications and advertising on the Internet rather than traditional media.

Many emphasized that workers and union members are the best messengers and spokespeople for communicating about worker issues. Having workers be the public faces and microphones for the union movement is key to our repositioning efforts.

The need to counter the right wing’s capture of the media and the conservative economic messages coming from most media outlets was underscored. Proposals were made for the AFL-CIO to help produce and sponsor a nightly one-hour news program on PBS on economic issues for working people and to publish a national online labor newspaper.

This quote from a listening session participant, who succinctly states the depth of the problem and a path out of the morass, makes clear the view that labor’s problems don’t all originate with our social and political opponents:

aflcio2013.org 13 “Unions have been their own worst enemies in the past. They have been negatively defined by their enemies and have done little to fight back. A strong and sustained public outreach effort needs to be organized where the benefits of unions to society are strongly promoted on a regular and ongoing basis…. We also have to put a kinder, gentler face on union activities and let people know the details from our perspective when union job actions are undertaken in support of workers’ rights and benefits.” d Build Capacity—and Expand Resources—for State and Local Action

“Full affiliation, participation and solidarity from affiliates are important to execute [the] program.”

“Campaigns should involve local hiring and organizing in underrepresented communities, thereby building deeper community partnerships through organizing. Hire campaign professionals from in-state. Identify resources that can be shared—e.g., money, infrastructure, training, research/info.”

A nearly universal belief that emerged from both the engagement process and the work of the committees is that the partnerships and relationships we need to build to be successful must be realized at the state and local levels.

Within the labor movement, it is clear that many of these activities will be carried out by central labor councils, and that in many cases they do not have the resources, capacity or staffing levels to carry out a larger workload and expanded programming.

Making community partnerships work will require a sustained effort over a period of years, which will in turn require an infusion of resources. The national AFL-CIO and the affiliates can help build and support this capacity, but encouraging all local unions to belong to a central labor council would also be helpful. This would focus resources on the activities we need to move forward, and help rationalize expenditures across the movement.

Finally, a common observance was that labor can learn how to work in new and sometimes more efficient modes from our community partners, who in many cases do not have the financial base that comes from monthly dues. Partnership and learning must flow freely between labor and our allies, and jointly deciding how to increase capacity and stretch resources to achieve common goals is an important step on the path to building the power that working families need to make better jobs, better communities and an uplifted nation.

aflcio2013.org 14 APPENDIX: THE LISTENING SESSIONS AS OF JULY 10

• Midwest Regional State Federation and Central Labor Council • Western Colorado Trades and Labor Assembly, June 6 Conference, March 23 • North Carolina State AFL-CIO executive board, June 7 • Western Regional State Federation and Central Labor Council • South Central (Wis.) Federation of Labor solidarity roundtable, Conference, March 23–24 June 8 • New York City Academics Outreach, April 3 • Idaho State AFL-CIO, June 9 • Northeast Regional State Federation and Central Labor Council • The Left Forum, June 9 Conference, April 9–10 • Connecticut Federation of Young Workers, June 10 • Southern Regional State Federation and Central Labor Council • Kanawha Valley (W.Va.) Labor Council, June 10 Conference, April 19–21 • Southeastern Connecticut Central Labor Council, June 10 • New Hampshire AFL-CIO Convention, May 3 • St. Paul (Minn.) Assembly, June 10 • Political Directors Outreach, May 3 • Rapid City (S.D.) Central Labor Council, June 10 • Arkansas AFL-CIO Convention, May 6 • Greater Charleston (S.C.) Labor Council, June 10 • Montana AFL-CIO Convention, May 9 • Des Moines-Henry County (Iowa) Labor Council, June 10 • Boston Academics Outreach, May 13 • New York State AFL-CIO, June 10 • Western North Carolina Central Labor Council, May 13 • Greater Kansas City (Mo.) Labor Council Executive Board, June 11 • Community Partners, Falmouth, Mass., May 14 • Sandhills (N.C.) Central Labor Council, June 11 • APALA Executive Board, New York City, May 15 • North Shore (Ohio) Federation of Labor delegates meeting, June 11 • University of Iowa Labor Center, May 16 • Mason-Jackson-Roane (W.Va.) Labor Council, June 11 • North Dakota AFL-CIO Executive Council Meeting, May 17 • South Central (W.Va.) AFL-CIO, June 11 • AFGE Texas Leadership Conference, May 18 • Pima (Ariz.) Area Labor Federation, June 12 • AFGE Southern Regional Leadership Conference, May 20 • Southeastern (W.Va.) Central Labor Council, June 12 • Quad City, Illinois and Iowa Federation of Labor, May 20 • Minneapolis (Minn.) Regional Labor Federation Executive Board, • Beaver-Lawrence (Pa.) Central Labor Council, May 20 June 12 • Iowa Federation of Labor, May 20 • Southeast Minnesota Area Labor Council, June 12 • West Virginia AFL-CIO Executive Board, May 21 • West Minnesota Area Labor Council, June 12 • Global Economy Conference, May 21 • South Central Iowa Federation of Labor, June 12 • Greater St. Louis Labor Council Delegates Meeting, May 21 • Southeastern Central (W.Va.) Labor Council, June 12 • Massachusetts AFL-CIO Education Conference, May 22 • North Florida Central Labor Council, June 12 • Coalition of Black Trade Unionists (CBTU) Executive Council • Atlanta-North Georgia Labor Council, June 12 Meeting, May 22 • Southern Nevada Central Labor Council, June 12 • Voting Rights Coalition meeting, May 22 • Greater Charleston (S.C.) Labor Council, June 13 • Saint Croix Valley (Minn.) Labor Assembly, May 22 • Northeast Penn. Area Labor Federation, June 13 • North Bay (Calif.) Labor Council, May 22 • Greater Southeastern Mass Central Labor Council, June 13 • Five Counties (Calif.) Central Labor Council, May 23 • St. Paul Regional Labor Federation, June 13 • Advisory Committee (TUAC), Paris, May 27 • Dakota County (Minn.) Labor Assembly, June 13 • Funders committee, May 28 • Marion County (WV) AFL-CIO, June 13 • Building Workforce Partnership, May 28 • Interfaith Worker Justice Board Meeting, June 17 • Hawkeye (Iowa) Labor Council, May 28 • Northeast Area Labor Federation (Carbon County), • Northeast Wisconsin Area Labor Federation, May 29 June 17 • North Shore (Mass.) Labor Council, May 29 • Southwestern District (W.Va.) Labor Council, June 17 • Sioux Falls (S.D.) Trades and Labor Assembly, May 30 • East Central Minnesota Area Labor Council, June 17 • Laborers Mid-West Conference, June 2 • Northeast Minnesota Area Labor Council, June 17 • Lawyers Coordinating Committee, June 2 • Progressive Youth Organizations, June 17 • America Wants to Work meeting, June 3 • South Florida AFL-CIO, June 17 • OPEIU convention, June 3 • Union Summer Listening Session, June 17 • New Mexico Community Partners, June 3 • Columbus (Ohio) Listening Session with Jobs with Justice, June 18 • Clinton (Iowa) Labor Congress, June 4 • Eastern Panhandle (W.Va.) Central Labor Council, June 18 • Tennessee AFL-CIO Labor Council Leadership Conference, June 4 • Vermont AFL-CIO and CLCs, June 18 • State Legislative Issues Committee, June 4 • St. Louis Listening Session, June 18 • Chicago Federation of Labor delegates meeting, June 4 • Labor Research Action Network Conference, June 19 • Northern New Mexico Central Labor Council, June 5 • UC Berkeley Labor Center, June 19 • Superior (Wis.) Federation of Labor, June 5 • Vermont AFL-CIO and CLCs, June 19 • Cincinnati AFL-CIO Labor Council delegates meeting, June 5 • Northeast Minnesota Area Labor Council, June 19 • Greater Southeastern Massachusetts Labor Council, June 5 • Southeast Ohio Area Labor Federation Delegates Meeting, June 20 • Mankato (Minn.) Labor Assembly, June 5 • Dubuque (Minn.) WIN Committee Meeting, June 20 • Marshall, Wetzel, Tyler (W.Va.) Central Labor Council, June 5 • Iowa City Federation of Labor, June 20 • LGBT listening session, June 5 • Young Workers Meeting, June 20 • Labor and Employment Relations Association, June 6 • North Central West Virginia Labor Council, June 20 • Chisago County (Minn.) Labor Assembly, June 6 • New Hampshire AFL-CIO, June 20 • Central New Mexico Central Labor Council, June 6 • Sacramento Central Labor Council, June 20 aflcio2013.org 15 • Space Coast Florida Central Labor Council, June 20 • Civil and Human Rights Directors, July 10 • Northern Colorado Central Labor Council, June 20 • SAG-AFTRA Videoconference, July 10 • Oregon AFL-CIO Organizing Summit, June 20 • International Forum for Social Progress, Sao Paolo, Brazil, July 11 • Netroots Nation, San Jose, Calif., June 20–23 • Shared Prosperity listening session with economist Stephanie • Central Florida Central Labor Council, June 22 Seguino, July 12 • Northwest Florida Central Labor Council, June 22 • AFSCME International Executive Board • Palm Beach-Treasure Coast (Fla.) Central Labor Council, June 22 • NAACP Labor Committee, July 14 • Illinois AFL-CIO, June 24 • Orange County (Calif.) Labor Federation, July 15 • Parkersburg (W.Va.) Area Labor Council, June 24 • St. Louis Central Labor Council (Mo.), July 16 • Triangle Labor Council (N.C.), AFL-CIO, June 24 • Greater Boston (Mass.) Labor Council, July 16 • Workers’ Rights Listening Session (D.C.), June 24 • North Carolina State AFL-CIO Labor School, July 17 • New York State AFL-CIO, June 25 • Texas AFL-CIO Constitutional Convention, July 18 • Columbus (Ohio) Area Volunteer Leadership Committee Listening • Southern Piedmont Central Labor Council (N.C.), AFL-CIO, July 18 Session, June 25 • United States Student Association National Student Congress, • Tri-Ad Central Labor Body Union (N.C.), AFL-CIO, June 25 July 19–25 • Maricopa (Ariz.) Area Labor Federation, June 26 • Interfaith Worker Justice Listening Session, July 19 • DREAMers Listening Session, June 27 • AFL-CIO State Federation-Central Labor Council Advisory • Ohio AFL-CIO, June 27 Committee, July 21 • North Carolina AFL-CIO Community Partners Meeting, June 27 • AFT National Local Presidents Conference, Washington DC, July 22 • SAG-AFTRA, International Federation of Actors, New York City, • AFT National TEACH Conference, Washington DC, July 22–24 June 27 • Colorado Springs Area Labor Council, July 24 • Southern Piedmont Central Labor Council, June 27 • IFPTE Videoconference, July 31 • New Mexico Federation of Labor Convention, June 28 • Chicago Workers’ Centers, August 1 • Utah State AFL-CIO Convention, June 28 • Working America, Minn., August 1 • Northeast Pennsylvania Area Labor Federation (Wilkes-Barre), • Working America, Cleveland, Ohio, August 7 June 27 • Working America, Albuquerque, N.M., August 7 • Broward County (Fla.) AFL-CIO, June 29 • Washington State Labor Council Convention, August 8 • Pennsylvania Alliance for Retired Americans, Philadelphia Regional • IFPTE Videoconference, August 14 Legislative Conference, July 2 • Iowa Federation of Labor Constitutional Convention, August 21 • Work-Family/Work-Life Balance listening session, Center for • Oregon AFL-CIO 53rd Convention, September 26 American Progress, July 2 • Arizona AFL-CIO Convention, September 30 • AFL-CIO Lawyers Coordinating Committee, July 9

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