Chapter 27 Video Guide for Connecting with the Past
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Truman, Congress and the Struggle for War and Peace In
TRUMAN, CONGRESS AND THE STRUGGLE FOR WAR AND PEACE IN KOREA A Dissertation by LARRY WAYNE BLOMSTEDT Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2008 Major Subject: History TRUMAN, CONGRESS AND THE STRUGGLE FOR WAR AND PEACE IN KOREA A Dissertation by LARRY WAYNE BLOMSTEDT Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Approved by: Chair of Committee, Terry H. Anderson Committee Members, Jon R. Bond H. W. Brands John H. Lenihan David Vaught Head of Department, Walter L. Buenger May 2008 Major Subject: History iii ABSTRACT Truman, Congress and the Struggle for War and Peace in Korea. (May 2008) Larry Wayne Blomstedt, B.S., Texas State University; M.S., Texas A&M University-Kingsville Chair of Advisory Committee: Dr. Terry H. Anderson This dissertation analyzes the roles of the Harry Truman administration and Congress in directing American policy regarding the Korean conflict. Using evidence from primary sources such as Truman’s presidential papers, communications of White House staffers, and correspondence from State Department operatives and key congressional figures, this study suggests that the legislative branch had an important role in Korean policy. Congress sometimes affected the war by what it did and, at other times, by what it did not do. Several themes are addressed in this project. One is how Truman and the congressional Democrats failed each other during the war. The president did not dedicate adequate attention to congressional relations early in his term, and was slow to react to charges of corruption within his administration, weakening his party politically. -
A Legacy of Advocacy Is Born As AAI Confronts Mccarthyism
AAI LOOKS BACK A Legacy of Advocacy Is Born as AAI Confronts McCarthyism by Bryan Peery and John Emrich Today, across-the-board cuts in federal funding for scientific research threaten to drive leading scientists overseas and deter the next generation from entering scientific professions. Sixty years ago, scientists had similar concerns for their own funding, albeit for very different reasons. lthough federal spending forf the business meeting late Awas on the rise in the ini the afternoon on Tuesday, decades immediately following AprilA 13. Rumors that the U.S. the Second World War, it was also PublicP Health Service (USPHS), the height of the Second Red whichw administered National Scare associated with Senator InstitutesI of Health (NIH) grants, Joseph McCarthy (R-WI), and wasw blacklisting scientists on scientists faced the possibility of politicalp grounds had circulated having their individual funding amonga attendees during the withheld on the basis of mere firstfi two days of the Federation rumor or innuendo about their ofo American Societies for past political associations. ExperimentalE Biology (FASEB) In this political climate, meeting.m Disturbed by these scientists increasingly turned rumors,r Michael Heidelberger Members off the HouseHouse Un-AmericanUn American ActivitiesActivities to their professional societies (AAI( ’35, president 1946–47, Committee outside of Chaiman J. Parnell Thomas’s 1948–49) brought the matter to defend their interests before home (l-r): Rep. Richard B. Vail, Rep. Thomas, Rep. John policy makers. The leadership McDowell, Robert Stripling (chief counsel), and Rep. to the floor of the business of the American Association of Richard M. Nixon meeting. -
J. Edgar Hoover, "Speech Before the House Committee on Un‐American Activities" (26 March 1947)
Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 139‐161 Underhill 139 J. EDGAR HOOVER, "SPEECH BEFORE THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON UN‐AMERICAN ACTIVITIES" (26 MARCH 1947) Stephen Underhill University of Maryland Abstract: J. Edgar Hoover fought domestic communism in the 1940s with illegal investigative methods and by recommending a procedure of guilt by association to HUAC. The debate over illegal surveillance in the 1940s to protect national security reflects the on‐going tensions between national security and civil liberties. This essay explores how in times of national security crises, concerns often exist about civil liberties violations in the United States. Key Words: J. Edgar Hoover, Communism, Liberalism, National Security, Civil Liberties, Partisanship From Woodrow Wilson's use of the Bureau of Investigation (BI) to spy on radicals after World War I to Richard Nixon's use of the renamed Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to spy on U.S. "subversives" during Vietnam, the balance between civil liberties and national security has often been a contentious issue during times of national crisis.1 George W. Bush's use of the National Security Agency (NSA) to monitor the communications of suspected terrorists in the United States is but the latest manifestation of a tension that spans the existence of official intelligence agencies.2 The tumult between national security and civil liberties was also visible during the early years of the Cold War as Republicans and Democrats battled over the U.S. government's appropriate response to the surge of communism internationally. Entering the presidency in 1945, Harry S Truman became privy to the unstable dynamic between Western leaders and Josef Stalin over the post‐war division of Eastern Europe.3 Although only high level officials within the executive branch intimately understood this breakdown, the U.S. -
Administrative National Security
ARTICLES Administrative National Security ELENA CHACHKO* In the past two decades, the United States has applied a growing num- ber of foreign and security measures directly targeting individualsÐ natural or legal persons. These individualized measures have been designed and carried out by administrative agencies. Widespread appli- cation of individual economic sanctions, security watchlists and no-¯y lists, detentions, targeted killings, and action against hackers responsible for cyberattacks have all become signi®cant currencies of U.S. foreign and security policy. Although the application of each of these measures in discrete contexts has been studied, they have yet to attract an inte- grated analysis. This Article examines this phenomenon with two main aims. First, it documents what I call ªadministrative national securityº: the growing individualization of U.S. foreign and security policy, the administrative mechanisms that have facilitated it, and the judicial response to these mechanisms. Administrative national security encompasses several types of individualized measures that agencies now apply on a routine, inde®- nite basis through the exercise of considerable discretion within a broad framework established by Congress or the President. It is therefore best understood as an emerging practice of administrative adjudication in the foreign and security space. Second, this Article considers how administrative national security integrates with the presidency and the courts. Accounting for administra- tive national security illuminates the President's constitutional role as chief executive and commander-in-chief and his control of key aspects of * Lecturer on Law, Harvard Law School (Fall 2019); Post-doctoral Fellow, Perry World House, University of Pennsylvania; S.J.D. Candidate, Harvard Law School; LL.B., Hebrew University of Jerusalem (2014). -
Legal Minds Debate Whether Obama Executive Order on Abortion Will Stick
Legal minds debate whether Obama executive order on abortion will stick WASHINGTON – One of the biggest questions remaining as implementation of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act begins is whether the executive order on abortion funding signed by President Barack Obama will be effective in stopping any expanded use of taxpayer funds for abortion. Legal experts and members of Congress disagree about the impact of the president’s March 24 Executive Order 13535, “Ensuring Enforcement and Implementation of Abortion Restrictions in the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act.” Anthony Picarello, general counsel for the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, and Michael Moses, associate general counsel, said in a nine-page legal analysis that the executive order is likely to face court challenges and does not resolve problems on abortion funding and conscience protection in the health reform law. “Where the order purports to fix a shortcoming of the act in these areas, it is highly likely to be legally invalid; and where the order is highly likely to be legally valid, it does nothing to fix those shortcomings,” they said. Rep. Bart Stupak, D-Mich., a key player in the health reform debate, said executive orders “have been important means of implementing public policy” throughout history, noting that President George W. Bush used Executive Order 13435 in 2007 to limit the use of federal funds for embryonic stem-cell research. “This executive order followed the principle of the sanctity of life, and was applauded and welcomed by the pro-life community,” said Stupak, a nine-term House member who recently announced that he would not run for re-election. -
Letter from Senator Joseph Mccarthy to the President of the United States
Letter from Senator Joseph McCarthy to the President of the United States This letter from Senator Joseph McCarthy, Republican representative of Wisconsin, to President Harry Truman was written three days after McCarthy’s famous Wheeling Speech. This speech signaled McCarthy’s rise to influence, as he gained national attention by producing a piece of paper on which he claimed he had listed the names of 205 members of the Communist Party working secretly in the U.S. State Department. McCarthy was, at the time of this letter, beginning to exploit national concerns about Communist infiltration during the Cold War. This fear of infiltration was intensified by the Soviet Union’s recent development of the atomic bomb and the coming Communist takeover of China. “McCarthyism” however was not yet at its peak. Senator McCarthy here at first encourages President Truman to commit more resources to the war of containment being fought in South Korea, and secondly questioned the legitimacy and effectiveness of Truman’s loyalty program, signed into effect by Executive Order 9835 in 1947. This program required the FBI to run checks on almost anyone involved in the U.S. government and subsequently to launch investigations into any government employee with what could be presumed as questionable political associations. The Loyalty Program was not enough to satisfy Senator McCarthy, who suspected that a number of subversives had slipped through the investigation and remained in the State Department. President Truman made it clear that he would not take McCarthy’s accusations seriously and that the Senator was “the best asset the Kremlin has.”109 July 12, 1950 The President The White House Washington, D. -
Loyalty Among Government Employees
THE YALE LAW JOURNAL VOLUME 58 DECE-MBER, 1948 Nu-.mnB 1 LOYALTY AMONG GOVERNMENT EMPLOYEES THOMAS I. EMERSON* DAVID M. HELFELD t I. BACKGROUNM MOUNTING tensions in our society have brought us to a critical point in the matter of political and civil rights. The stresses are in large measure internal. They grow out of the accelerating movement to effect far-reaching changes in our economic and social structure, a movement which evokes ever-increasing resistance. As the conflicts sharpen, there is rising pressure to discard or undermine the basic principles embodied in the democratic concept of freedom for political opposition. Maintenance of free institutions in a period of deepening crisis would be difficult enough if the struggle were confined to our shores. But the domestic problem is only an element of the world problem. Large areas of the world have abandoned the system of capitalism in favor of socialism. Other areas are far advanced in economic and social change. Everywhere there is struggle, uncertainty, fear and confusion. Pro- tagonists of the more militant economic and social philosophies are organized into political parties which have their offshoots and counter- parts in other countries, including our owm. As a result, the preserva- tion of political freedom, the right to hold and express opinions di- verging from the opinion of the majority, is often made to appear incompatible with the overriding requirements of "loyalty," "patri- otism," "national security" and the like. The danger of "foreign id- eologies," "infiltration," "subversion" and "espionage" are invoked to justify the suspension of traditional rights and freedoms. -
Fortress of Liberty: the Rise and Fall of the Draft and the Remaking of American Law
Fortress of Liberty: The Rise and Fall of the Draft and the Remaking of American Law Jeremy K. Kessler∗ Introduction: Civil Liberty in a Conscripted Age Between 1917 and 1973, the United States fought its wars with drafted soldiers. These conscript wars were also, however, civil libertarian wars. Waged against the “militaristic” or “totalitarian” enemies of civil liberty, each war embodied expanding notions of individual freedom in its execution. At the moment of their country’s rise to global dominance, American citizens accepted conscription as a fact of life. But they also embraced civil liberties law – the protections of freedom of speech, religion, press, assembly, and procedural due process – as the distinguishing feature of American society, and the ultimate justification for American military power. Fortress of Liberty tries to make sense of this puzzling synthesis of mass coercion and individual freedom that once defined American law and politics. It also argues that the collapse of that synthesis during the Cold War continues to haunt our contemporary legal order. Chapter 1: The World War I Draft Chapter One identifies the WWI draft as a civil libertarian institution – a legal and political apparatus that not only constrained but created new forms of expressive freedom. Several progressive War Department officials were also early civil libertarian innovators, and they built a system of conscientious objection that allowed for the expression of individual difference and dissent within the draft. These officials, including future Supreme Court Justices Felix Frankfurter and Harlan Fiske Stone, believed that a powerful, centralized government was essential to the creation of a civil libertarian nation – a nation shaped and strengthened by its diverse, engaged citizenry. -
Chapter Twenty-Six the Cold War, 1945–1952
CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX THE COLD WAR, 1945–1952 CHAPTER OVERVIEW This chapter covers the beginnings of the Cold War under the Truman presidency as it affected both foreign and domestic policies. Peace after World War II was marred by a return to the 1917 rivalry of the United States and the Soviet Union. Truman and his advisors introduced the basic Cold War policies of containment in the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. With the victory of the communists in China and the outbreak of the Korean War, America extended the Cold War to Asia as well. The Cold War prompted the U.S. to rebuild its World War II enemies, Germany and Japan, as counterweights to the Soviets. At home, Americans wanted to return to normal by bringing the troops back home, spending for consumer goods and re-establishing family life, but many changing social patterns brought anxieties. A second Red Scare was caused by the Cold War rhetoric of a bipartisan foreign policy and Truman’s loyalty program, but Senator Joseph McCarthy’s tactics symbolized the era. Defense spending increased and the American economy became depend- ent on it to maintain recovery. Truman tried to extend elements of the New Deal in his Fair Deal but with minimal success. CHAPTER OBJECTIVES After reading the chapter and following the study suggestions given, students should be able to: 1. Illustrate the effects of the Red Scare by discussing the college campus community after World War II. 2. Trace the development of the American policy of containment as applied to Europe and to Asia. -
Conservative Movement
Conservative Movement How did the conservative movement, routed in Barry Goldwater's catastrophic defeat to Lyndon Johnson in the 1964 presidential campaign, return to elect its champion Ronald Reagan just 16 years later? What at first looks like the political comeback of the century becomes, on closer examination, the product of a particular political moment that united an unstable coalition. In the liberal press, conservatives are often portrayed as a monolithic Right Wing. Close up, conservatives are as varied as their counterparts on the Left. Indeed, the circumstances of the late 1980s -- the demise of the Soviet Union, Reagan's legacy, the George H. W. Bush administration -- frayed the coalition of traditional conservatives, libertarian advocates of laissez-faire economics, and Cold War anti- communists first knitted together in the 1950s by William F. Buckley Jr. and the staff of the National Review. The Reagan coalition added to the conservative mix two rather incongruous groups: the religious right, primarily provincial white Protestant fundamentalists and evangelicals from the Sunbelt (defecting from the Democrats since the George Wallace's 1968 presidential campaign); and the neoconservatives, centered in New York and led predominantly by cosmopolitan, secular Jewish intellectuals. Goldwater's campaign in 1964 brought conservatives together for their first national electoral effort since Taft lost the Republican nomination to Eisenhower in 1952. Conservatives shared a distaste for Eisenhower's "modern Republicanism" that largely accepted the welfare state developed by Roosevelt's New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal. Undeterred by Goldwater's defeat, conservative activists regrouped and began developing institutions for the long haul. -
The University of Utah and James EP Toman
Utah State University DigitalCommons@USU All Graduate Plan B and other Reports Graduate Studies 5-2015 Hunting for a Witch to Burn: The University of Utah and James E. P. Toman Joseph Lanning Utah State University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/gradreports Recommended Citation Lanning, Joseph, "Hunting for a Witch to Burn: The University of Utah and James E. P. Toman" (2015). All Graduate Plan B and other Reports. 520. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/gradreports/520 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at DigitalCommons@USU. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Graduate Plan B and other Reports by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@USU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hunting for a Witch to Burn: The University of Utah and James E. P. Toman by Joseph Lanning A Plan-B paper proposal submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE in History Approved: _____________________________ _____________________________ Colleen O'Neill Victoria Grieve Major Professor Committee Member _____________________________ Matthew LaPlante Committee Member UTAH STATE UNIVERSITY Logan, Utah 2015 1 The University of California (UC) and its notorious 1949 loyalty oath scandal may be the most popular and widely discussed case study of post-WWII political repression within American universities, but it was not the first casualty. That "honor" goes to the University of Washington (UW) in 1946, a year before President Truman enacted Executive Order 9835 requiring federal employees to sign oaths of loyalty to the US Constitution. -
Harry S. Truman and the Fight Against Racial Discrimination
“Everything in My Power”: Harry S. Truman and the Fight Against Racial Discrimination by Joseph Pierro Thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History Peter Wallenstein, Chairman Crandall Shifflett Daniel B. Thorp 3 May 2004 Blacksburg, Virginia Keywords: civil rights, discrimination, equality, race, segregation, Truman “Everything in My Power”: Harry S. Truman and the Fight Against Racial Discrimination by Joseph Pierro Abstract Any attempt to tell the story of federal involvement in the dismantling of America’s formalized systems of racial discrimination that positions the judiciary as the first branch of government to engage in this effort, identifies the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision as the beginning of the civil rights movement, or fails to recognize the centrality of President Harry S. Truman in the narrative of racial equality is in error. Driven by an ever-increasing recognition of the injustices of racial discrimination, Truman offered a comprehensive civil rights program to Congress on 2 February 1948. When his legislative proposals were rejected, he employed a unilateral policy of action despite grave political risk, and freed subsequent presidential nominees of the Democratic party from its southern segregationist bloc by winning re-election despite the States’ Rights challenge of Strom Thurmond. The remainder of his administration witnessed a multi-faceted attack on prejudice involving vetoes, executive orders, public pronouncements, changes in enforcement policies, and amicus briefs submitted by his Department of Justice. The southern Democrat responsible for actualizing the promises of America’s ideals of freedom for its black citizens is Harry Truman, not Lyndon Johnson.