IN MEMORIAM Winter 1968
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Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1980
Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1980 Robert L. Richardson, Jr. A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2009 Approved by, Michael H. Hunt, Chair Richard Kohn Timothy McKeown Nancy Mitchell Roger Lotchin Abstract Robert L. Richardson, Jr. Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1985 (Under the direction of Michael H. Hunt) This dissertation examines the origins and evolution of neoconservatism as a philosophical and political movement in America from 1945 to 1980. I maintain that as the exigencies and anxieties of the Cold War fostered new intellectual and professional connections between academia, government and business, three disparate intellectual currents were brought into contact: the German philosophical tradition of anti-modernism, the strategic-analytical tradition associated with the RAND Corporation, and the early Cold War anti-Communist tradition identified with figures such as Reinhold Niebuhr. Driven by similar aims and concerns, these three intellectual currents eventually coalesced into neoconservatism. As a political movement, neoconservatism sought, from the 1950s on, to re-orient American policy away from containment and coexistence and toward confrontation and rollback through activism in academia, bureaucratic and electoral politics. Although the neoconservatives were only partially successful in promoting their transformative project, their accomplishments are historically significant. More specifically, they managed to interject their views and ideas into American political and strategic thought, discredit détente and arms control, and shift U.S. foreign policy toward a more confrontational stance vis-à-vis the Soviet Union. -
Standing Athwart History: the Political Thought of William F. Buckley Jr
No. 29 Standing Athwart History: The Political Thought of William F. Buckley Jr. Lee Edwards, Ph.D. Abstract: In the mid-1950s, the danger of an ever-expanding state was clear, but conservatives could not agree on an appropriate response, including whether the greater danger lay at home or abroad. The three main branches of conservatism—traditional conservatives appalled by secular mass society, libertarians repelled by the Leviathan state, and ex-Leftists alarmed by international Communism led by the Soviet Union—remained divided. Noting that “The few spasmodic victories conservatives are winning are aim- less, uncoordinated, and inconclusive…because many years have gone by since the philosophy of freedom has been expounded systematically, brilliantly, and resourcefully,” William F. Buckley Jr. resolved to change that. His vision of ordered liberty shaped and guided American conservatism from its infancy to its maturity, from a cramped suite of offices on Manhattan’s East Side to the Oval Office of the White House, from a set of “irritable mental gestures” to a political force that transformed American politics. In the summer of 1954, American conservatism Right. There were only three opinion journals of seemed to be going nowhere. import: the weekly Washington newsletter Human Politically, it was bereft of national leadership. Sen- Events; the economic monthly The Freeman; and the ator Robert A. Taft of Ohio, the valiant champion of once-influential American Mercury, now brimming the Old Right, had died of cancer the previous year. with anti-Semitic diatribes. Aside from the Chicago Senator Joseph R. McCarthy of Wisconsin, the zeal- Tribune and the New York Daily News, the major daily ous apostle of anti-Communism, faced censure by the newspapers leaned left. -
National Review</Em>
Linfield University DigitalCommons@Linfield Faculty Publications 2007 Editing Conservatism: How National Review Magazine Framed and Mobilized a Political Movement Susan Currie Sivek Linfield College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.linfield.edu/mscmfac_pubs Part of the Journalism Studies Commons, and the Social Influence and oliticalP Communication Commons DigitalCommons@Linfield Citation Sivek, Susan Currie, "Editing Conservatism: How National Review Magazine Framed and Mobilized a Political Movement" (2007). Faculty Publications. Accepted Version. Submission 4. https://digitalcommons.linfield.edu/mscmfac_pubs/4 This Accepted Version is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It is brought to you for free via open access, courtesy of DigitalCommons@Linfield, with permission from the rights-holder(s). Your use of this Accepted Version must comply with the Terms of Use for material posted in DigitalCommons@Linfield, or with other stated terms (such as a Creative Commons license) indicated in the record and/or on the work itself. For more information, or if you have questions about permitted uses, please contact [email protected]. EDITING CONSERVATISM 1 Running head: EDITING CONSERVATISM Editing Conservatism: How National Review Magazine Framed and Mobilized a Political Movement Submitted to Mass Communication & Society Revised September 7, 2007 Abstract (100 words): This paper examines how National Review magazine helped to spark the 1960s American conservative movement through its particular framing of conservatism, and how the magazine has worked to sustain that influence even until today. Using research on frame alignment in social movements, the first issue of National Review is analyzed and placed in context with contemporaneous events and publications. The creation and editing of the magazine is found to parallel the creative and deliberate framing of the early conservative movement. -
The President's Conservatives: Richard Nixon and the American Conservative Movement
ALL THE PRESIDENT'S CONSERVATIVES: RICHARD NIXON AND THE AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT. David Sarias Rodriguez Department of History University of Sheffield Submitted for the degree of PhD October 2010 ABSTRACT This doctoral dissertation exammes the relationship between the American conservative movement and Richard Nixon between the late 1940s and the Watergate scandal, with a particular emphasis on the latter's presidency. It complements the sizeable bodies ofliterature about both Nixon himself and American conservatism, shedding new light on the former's role in the collapse of the post-1945 liberal consensus. This thesis emphasises the part played by Nixon in the slow march of American conservatism from the political margins in the immediate post-war years to the centre of national politics by the late 1960s. The American conservative movement is treated as a diverse epistemic community made up of six distinct sub-groupings - National Review conservatives, Southern conservatives, classical liberals, neoconservatives, American Enterprise Institute conservatives and the 'Young Turks' of the New Right - which, although philosophically and behaviourally autonomous, remained intimately associated under the overall leadership of the intellectuals who operated from the National Review. Although for nearly three decades Richard Nixon and American conservatives endured each other in a mutually frustrating and yet seemingly unbreakable relationship, Nixon never became a fully-fledged member of the movement. Yet, from the days of Alger Hiss to those of the' Silent Majority', he remained the political actor best able to articulate and manipulate the conservative canon into a populist, electorally successful message. During his presidency, the administration's behaviour played a crucial role - even if not always deliberately - in the momentous transformation of the conservative movement into a more diverse, better-organised, modernised and more efficient political force. -
Vita February 2004
GORDON LLOYD VITA FEBRUARY 2004 Gordon Lloyd School of Public Policy 23924-A De Ville Way Pepperdine University Malibu, CA 90265 Malibu, CA 90263 310-456-8359 310-506-7602 [email protected] [email protected] Citizenship: U.S.A. FAX: 310-506-7120 CURRENT POSITION Professor of Public Policy, School of Public Policy, Pepperdine University, 1998-present. John M. Olin Professor of Public Policy, 1999-2000. EDUCATION AND CERTIFICATION Ph.D., Claremont Graduate School, Department of Government, 1973 (Distinction). M.A., Claremont Graduate School, Department of Government, 1968. University of Chicago, Department of Economics 1963-65, Summer 1967 (Completed coursework for Ph.D. and M.A. Thesis in Economics). B.A., McGill University, Montreal, Economics and Political Science, 1963 (Honors Program). Pre-University: 1946-1960, Trinidad, West Indies (Cambridge Ordinary and Advanced Levels). California Community College Instructor Credential: Economics and Government (Valid for life). TEACHING EXPERIENCE Professor of Public Policy, Pepperdine University, 1997-present. Adjunct Professor of Political Science and Economics, San Bernardino Community College District, 1976- present. (Emphasis on Distance Education.) Professor, Associate Professor, Assistant Professor of Government, University of Redlands, 1969-1998. Visiting Professor of Political Science, University of California, Riverside, Spring 1998. Visiting Professor of Political Science, California State University, San Bernardino, 1990-1992. Instructor in American History, Damien High -
Harry Jaffa Part 1 December 18, 20121 Stephen Gregory: the Strauss Center Is Devoted to Publishing the Surviving Audiotapes
Harry Jaffa Part 1 December 18, 20121 Stephen Gregory: The Strauss Center is devoted to publishing the surviving audiotapes and original transcripts, or the transcripts from the digitally re-mastered audiotapes of Strauss’ courses. And on our website, we have published the digitally re-mastered audiotapes. Anyone can listen—if a tape survived of Strauss, anyone can listen to it on our website. And we’re in the process—2 Harry Jaffa: Over a period of seven years, I attended every single one of Strauss’s classes. Nineteen courses. So. SG: Right. HJ: Do you know Nathan Tarcov? SG: Yes, I’ve known Nathan since I came to the University of Chicago. Right. And he’s the Director of the Leo Strauss Center. Yeah, so as I—our main project is publishing the tapes and we are editing the transcripts of Strauss’s courses and publishing those either in print or online. And a secondary project is we’re interviewing those who have studied with Strauss about their memories of him as a teacher. I, we have so far interviewed Victor Gourevitch, Hilail Gildin, Laurence Berns, Stanley Rosen, and Werner Dannhauser. I expect next month to interview probably Ralph Lerner and George Anastaplo. And I expect to interview Bob Faulkner. HJ: Who, Bob Faulkner? Is he in Boston? SG: Yeah. And that is probably the surviving students that I’m aware, from his first generation of students. HJ: Not his first generation. All of that you mentioned are second generation. SG: Okay. HJ: Because his career was equally divided between the New School and the University of Chicago. -
Dissertation Final for Submission
MADISON’S METRONOME: THE CONSTITUTION AND THE TEMPO OF AMERICAN POLITICS A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government By Gregory S. Weiner, M.A.L.S. Washington, D.C. April 19, 2010 Copyright 2010 by Gregory S. Weiner All Rights Reserved ii MADISON’S METRONOME: THE CONSTITUTION AND THE TEMPO OF AMERICAN POLITICS Gregory S. Weiner, M.A.L.S. Thesis Advisor: George W. Carey, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Scholarship on the political thought of James Madison has long been preoccupied with whether he believed in majority rule, but Madison himself would scarcely recognize the terms of that discussion. For Madison, there was no empirically plausible alternative to majority rule: One of the most consistent themes in his work is the assumption that persistent majorities are bound, sooner or later, to get their way. For a study of Madison’s democratic theory, as for Madison himself, the relevant question is not whether majorities will prevail but rather what kind of majorities will prevail—and what Madison regarded as the decisive question: when they should prevail. This study thus hypothesizes that Madison’s political thought maintains a consistent commitment to “temporal majoritarianism,” an implicit doctrine according to which the majority is always entitled to rule, but the primary criteria for whether it should prevail at any given point of decision is the length of time it has cohered. This duration is generally proportional to the gravity of the decision in question, with more serious issues requiring more persistent majorities. -
Kendall & Carey: the Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition
Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review Volume 8 Number 2 Article 7 6-1-1975 Kendall & Carey: The Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition Harry V. Jaffa Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/llr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Harry V. Jaffa, Kendall & Carey: The Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition, 8 Loy. L.A. L. Rev. 471 (1975). Available at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/llr/vol8/iss2/7 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BOOK REVIEW EQUALITY AS A CONSERVATIVE PRINCIPLE by Harry V. Jaffa* T-I BASIC SYMBOLS 01 THE AMERICAN POLITICAL TRADITION. By Willmoore Kendall and George W. Carey. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. 1970. Pp. xi, 163. $6.00. So whatever you wish that men would do to you, do so to them; for this is the law and the prophets. -Jesus As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my idea of democracy. Whatever differs from this, to -the extent of the difference, is no democracy. -Abraham Lincoln 1. That Conservatism should search for its meaning implies of course that Conservatism does not have the meaning for which it is searching. This might appear paradoxical, since a Conservative is supposed to have something definite to conserve. -
Willmoore Kendall: Conservative Iconoclast (I1
Willmoore Kendall: Conservative Iconoclast (I1 GEORGE H. NASH FEW WHO MET Willmoore Kendall ever tion far into the night. Kendall’s sister forgot him. He was born in Konawa, Okla- provides a glimpse of his arguments with homa in 1909, the son of a blind Southern his father-which suggest the pattern at Methodist minister. Kendall’s early years Oxford and wherever he went: were spent in little prairie towns where his . it was not unusual for him and Dad father preached-towns like Konawa, to engage in heated debate of a political Idabel, Mangum. He was a child prodigy issue, ending with one or the other who learned to read at the age of two by storming out of the room in anger- playing with a typewriter. He graduated and then hear them, a few hours later, from high school at thirteen, entered North- pick up the same subject, each taking western University the same year, and the opposite side of the question under graduated from the ,University of Oklaho- discussion. It was for them, I think, ma at eighteen. By the time he was twenty a very stimulating kind of mental gym- he had published a book on baseball and nastics-and it made artists of argu- was teaching in a “prep” school. He was, mentative technique out of both of in the words of a friend, “the boy wonder them.2 of Oklahoma.”1 After completing all non-thesis gradu- While Kendall’s pugnacious probing at Ox- ate work in Romance Languages at the ford was generally good-humored, his tem- University of Illinois, Kendall became a perament helps to explain the later troubled Rhodes Scholar in 1932; his next four personal and academic life of this strangely years abroad in many respects changed his driven man. -
Is the Constitution?
How Dell10cratic Is the Constitution? Robert A. Goldwin and ~Villiam A. Schambra editors American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research Washington, D.C. This book is the first in a series in AEI's project IIA Decade of Study of the Constitution," funded in part by a Bicentennial Challenge Grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Main entry under title: How Democratic is the Constitution? (AEI studies; 294) 1. Representative government and representation-United States Addresses, essays, lectures. 2. United States-Constitutional history-Addresses, essays, lectures. 3. Democracy-Addresses, essays, lectures. 1. Goldwin, Robert A., 1922- II. Schambra, William A. III. Series: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. AEI studies; 294. JK21.H78 321.8'042'0973 80-24291 ISBN 0-8447-3400-4 ISBN 0-8447-3399-7 (pbk.) 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 © 1980 by the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington and london. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. Printed in the United States of America The American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, established in 1943, is a nonpartisan, nonprofit research and educational organization supported by foundations, corporations, and the public at large. -
RESEARCH INTO RIGHT-WING ARCHIVES I Am Copying Below the Newest Revision to My Right-Wing Archives Webpage. Unfortunately, I Wi
ARCHIVES AND PRIVATE PAPERS PERTAINING TO CONSERVATIVE AND EXTREME RIGHT MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES rev. 06/01/18 RESEARCH INTO RIGHT-WING ARCHIVES I am copying below the newest revision to my Right-Wing Archives webpage. https://sites.google.com/site/ernie124102/archives Unfortunately, I will not be able to annotate all of these links as I originally planned to do---because the volume of text required exceeds the space limitations which Google Sites allows for webpages. However, here is what I have attempted to accomplish. 1. When I first created my Archives webpage six years ago, it was intended to be a quick-reference to some of the (potentially) most productive locations for research into right-wing history -- and, particularly, with respect to extreme right individuals and organizations. 2. I have now expanded my original listings to include a lot more material -- and (as you will notice) I have added some entirely new categories (such as links to YouTube videos). 3. You will notice duplicate links for some records archived at the same location. I did this because there are sometimes archive listings created by two different sources that provide different information. For example: one listing might be just a basic generic description without any details whereas the second listing might include a link to a pdf file which is a detailed finding aid OR the second link might just provide additional descriptive information. 4. My listings now include all of the following categories: 4.1 = Personal Papers of conservative or extreme right individuals who acquired a significant amount of right-wing publications and/or who corresponded with many prominent conservative or extreme right persons and organizations 4.2 = Conservative Organizations or Publications or TV/radio programs that donated their records to some institution 4.3 = Research Files by scholars and organizations and authors who studied and wrote about the conservative and extreme right movements in our country. -
Read the Full PDF
Job Name:2105245 Date:14-12-31 PDF Page:2105245cbc.p1.pdf Color: Cyan Magenta Yellow Black Democracy atthe Polls AEI'S AT THE POLLS STUDIES The American Enterprise Institute has initiated this series in order to promote an understanding of the electoral process as it functions in democracies around the world. The series will include studies of at least two national elections in each of nineteen countries on five continents, by scholars from the United States and abroad who are recognized as experts in their field. More information on the titles in this series can be found at the back of this book. Democracy atthe Polls A Comparative Study of Competitive National Elections Edited by David Butler, Howard R. Penniman, and Austin Ranney American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research Washington and London Distributed to the Trade by National Book Network, 15200 NBN Way, Blue Ridge Summit, PA 17214. To order call toll free 1-800-462-6420 or 1-717-794-3800. For all other inquiries please contact the AEI Press, 1150 Seventeenth Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 or call 1-800-862-5801. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Main entry under title: Democracy at the polls. (AEI studies; 297) Includes index. 1. Elections. 2. Comparative government. I. Butler, David E. II. Penniman, Howard Rae, 1916- III. Ranney, Austin. IV. Series: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. AEI studies; 297. JF1001.D45 324.6 80-22652 ISBN 0-8447-3405-5 ISBN 0-8447-3403-9 (pbk.) AEI Studies 297 ©1981 by the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington, D.C., and London.