DOCSLIB.ORG

Willmoore Kendall: Conservative Iconoclast (I1

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Willmoore Kendall: Conservative Iconoclast (I1 Willmoore Kendall: Conservative Iconoclast (I1 GEORGE H. NASH FEW WHO MET Willmoore Kendall ever tion far into the night. Kendall’s sister forgot him. He was born in Konawa, Okla- provides a glimpse of his arguments with homa in 1909, the son of a blind Southern his father-which suggest the pattern at Methodist minister. Kendall’s early years Oxford and wherever he went: were spent in little prairie towns where his . it was not unusual for him and Dad father preached-towns like Konawa, to engage in heated debate of a political Idabel, Mangum. He was a child prodigy issue, ending with one or the other who learned to read at the age of two by storming out of the room in anger- playing with a typewriter. He graduated and then hear them, a few hours later, from high school at thirteen, entered North- pick up the same subject, each taking western University the same year, and the opposite side of the question under graduated from the ,University of Oklaho- discussion. It was for them, I think, ma at eighteen. By the time he was twenty a very stimulating kind of mental gym- he had published a book on baseball and nastics-and it made artists of argu- was teaching in a “prep” school. He was, mentative technique out of both of in the words of a friend, “the boy wonder them.2 of Oklahoma.”1 After completing all non-thesis gradu- While Kendall’s pugnacious probing at Ox- ate work in Romance Languages at the ford was generally good-humored, his tem- University of Illinois, Kendall became a perament helps to explain the later troubled Rhodes Scholar in 1932; his next four personal and academic life of this strangely years abroad in many respects changed his driven man. entire life. It was at Oxford that he en- While abroad in the 1930’s, Kendall be- rolled in the philosophy, politics, and eco- came known as a man of the Left-even nomics (P.P.E.) program and discovered (some believed) the Trotskyist Left. While his future intellectual passion : political the precise evolution of his beliefs in this philosophy. One of his tutors was the dis- period is in some disp~te,~the testimony of tinguished philosopher R. G. Collingwood, those who knew him at Oxford is solid on who, Kendall later remarked, was a major one point: he was an enthusiastic admirer influence. The years in England were ones of the Spanish Republic. In 1935 he left of excitement, challenge, and intellectual Oxford for a sojourn as a United Press exploration, and in this atmosphere Kendall correspondent in Madrid. There is little thrived. He was argumentative, even quar- doubt that this experience, which ended relsome, and soon earned a reputation as a shortly before the civil war broke out on brilliant, eccentric, and sometimes impos- July 18, 1936, was in political terms one of sible fellow. He loved to shock people in- the decisive moments of his career. Pas- to debate, taking on all comers in disputa- sionately in favor of the leftist Spanish Re- Modern Age 127 LICENSED TO UNZ.ORG ELECTRONIC REPRODUCTION PROHIBITED public, Kendall became associated with a he advocated the Ludlow Amendment, un- number of prominent Spanish Trotskyists der which the United States could not of- in Madrid.4 According to Kendall’s first ficially go to war (except in case of inva- wife, whom he married in 1935, Kendall’s sion) until a national referendum was held. affinity for the Trotskyists was in large part “There are those of us,” he declared, “who a reaction against Stalinism. In the turbu- believe that the best judges of a nation’s lent cockpit of Spanish political warfare, welfare are the people who live in it; and Kendall’s detestation of Stalin and the Mos- once that belief has been set aside, the door cow-oriented Communists grew.5 The dicta- is thrown wide open to the most violent torial, totalitarian, anti-democratic aspects excesses of minority of Communism appalled him. He later told Meanwhile Kendall continued his study a friend that as Spain slid toward civil war of political philosophy. Changing his field he could tolerate the ‘Communists’ blowing from Romance Languages, he obtained his up the plants of opposition newspapers. But Ph.D. from the University of Illinois in when they deliberately killed opposition Political Science in 1940. His dissertation newsboys-this was too much! Exposure adviser was Francis Wilson, one of the to the Spanish Republic “really shook Will- pioneers of the postwar conservative moore up,” one friend recalled, and with- renascence. Kendall’s dissertation, pub- in a few months “his thought crystallized lished a year later, was true to his tempera- into fervent anti-Communism.”‘ This theme ment: daring, relentlessly argued, and un- -militant, uncompromising hostility to orthodox.12 ‘Challenging the conventional Communism-became one of the dominant notion that John Locke was the champion features of his thought. The disintegration of inalienable natural rights, Kendall of Spain, the awful specter of civil war, meticulously contended that Locke was ac- started a disillusioned man on the road to tually a “majority rule” democrat. To be the Right. Like so many other postwar con- sure, Locke talked of natural rights, but in servatives (Whittaker Chambers, Frank the last analysis he “would entrust to the Rleyer, and more), in Kendall’s past was majority the power of defining individual a god-or, more likely in his case, only rights.”’3 “. Locke’s natural rights are a demigod-that failed.* merely the natural rights vouchsafed by a But if Kendall’s anti-Stalinism was the legislature responsible to the majori- genesis of a later, broader anti-Commu- ty. .”I4 The society is sovereign, not the nism, it did not make an instant conserva- individual, whose rights are “a function of, tive out of him. Returning to the University not a limitation on” the society.15 How of Illinois in the fall of 1936, Kendall con- could Locke have both “rights” and majori- tinued to be a man of the Left. He sup- ty dominance? Because, said Kendall, of ported the cause of Republican Spain and his “latent premise” that his kind of ma- was even accused of recruiting students for jority “would never withdraw a right which the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. His first the individual ought to have.”16 scholarly articles in the late 1930’s were of Kendall’s work, which was recognized a decidedly left-wing cast-articles in which as a major piece of scholarship on the he advocated, for example, government Locke “problem,” inaugurated one of the ownership of the presss and contended that most unusual academic careers of his time. an “economic oligarchy” had always held After government service during and after political power in America.lo Ever distrust- World War I1 (including a high position ful of elites, Kendall enunciated a radical at the Central Intelligence Agency) ,I7 Ken- democratic viewpoint-a position some- dall joined the Yale University faculty in what in vogue in the late 1930’s during the 1947 and stayed for fourteen tumultuous debate over majority rule versus the “nine and bitter years. His letters from this peri- old men” on the Supreme Court. In 1938 od are full of stories of departmental’war- 128 Spring 1975 LICENSED TO UNZ.ORG ELECTRONIC REPRODUCTION PROHIBITED fare; never, although he had tenure, did of the late 1940,s and early 1950’s: the Yale grant him a promotion from associate status and influence of Communism in professor. Finally, in 1961, when Kendall American life. Into this fray he moved with believed it clear that he would never go characteristic vigor and flamboyance, soon higher at Yale, he offered to leave-if emerging as one of the most capable of the Yale “bought up” his tenure rights. Yale academic defenders of Senator Joseph Mc- agreed and paid him a sum in the tens of Carthy, whom he knew personally. Tire- thousands of dollars. Kendall told a friend lessly he defended McCarthy’s crusade, that he was “the only man that Yale ever Whittaker ‘Chambers, and the determina- paid to resign from its faculty.yy18 tion of many Americans to declare Commu- In his early years at Yale,1° Kendall’s nists beyond the bounds of public protec- principal scholarly enthusiasms were “ma- tion. He criticized Alger Hiss and J. Robert jority-rule democracy” and the related Oppenheimer23-activities not likely to critique of the “open society.” He called smooth the ruffled feathers of some of his himself “an old-fashioned majority-rule enemies on the Left. Discussing the Nixon- democrat,” by which he meant that the peo- Mundt bill to control Communism in 1950, ple in a democracy had “not only the right Kendall even suggested deportation as a but the duty. to use public policy as an possible sanction against Communists (and, instrument for creating the kind of society back in the 1930’~~Nazis, too). Kendall their values call for. .” He was there- acknowledged that “liquidation of a fore flatly against attempts to limit majori- minority” must be a very careful undertak- ties by bills of rights;20 such attempts were, ing. But he insisted on two principles: ipso facto, undemocratic. Why was he so unremittingly hostile to the natural rights . a) that a democratic society that philosophy? A passage from a critique of has a meaning to preserve, as I think one of his favorite target-John Stuart ours still does, must stand prepared to Mill-provides a clue: make such decisions, and b) that the surest way for it to lose its meaning is Start out with Mill’s principles, and you for it to tell itself, and its potential dis- end, as Mill himself did, with the sidents, that where dissidence is con- anarchistic view that there are no limits cerned, the sky’s the limit.24 whatever upon the degree of “diversity” a society can stomach and still survive In another letter several years later Kendall (wherefore we must today tolerate, for amplified his point.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1980
    Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1980 Robert L. Richardson, Jr. A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2009 Approved by, Michael H. Hunt, Chair Richard Kohn Timothy McKeown Nancy Mitchell Roger Lotchin Abstract Robert L. Richardson, Jr. Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1985 (Under the direction of Michael H. Hunt) This dissertation examines the origins and evolution of neoconservatism as a philosophical and political movement in America from 1945 to 1980. I maintain that as the exigencies and anxieties of the Cold War fostered new intellectual and professional connections between academia, government and business, three disparate intellectual currents were brought into contact: the German philosophical tradition of anti-modernism, the strategic-analytical tradition associated with the RAND Corporation, and the early Cold War anti-Communist tradition identified with figures such as Reinhold Niebuhr. Driven by similar aims and concerns, these three intellectual currents eventually coalesced into neoconservatism. As a political movement, neoconservatism sought, from the 1950s on, to re-orient American policy away from containment and coexistence and toward confrontation and rollback through activism in academia, bureaucratic and electoral politics. Although the neoconservatives were only partially successful in promoting their transformative project, their accomplishments are historically significant. More specifically, they managed to interject their views and ideas into American political and strategic thought, discredit détente and arms control, and shift U.S. foreign policy toward a more confrontational stance vis-à-vis the Soviet Union.
    [Show full text]
  • Standing Athwart History: the Political Thought of William F. Buckley Jr
    No. 29 Standing Athwart History: The Political Thought of William F. Buckley Jr. Lee Edwards, Ph.D. Abstract: In the mid-1950s, the danger of an ever-expanding state was clear, but conservatives could not agree on an appropriate response, including whether the greater danger lay at home or abroad. The three main branches of conservatism—traditional conservatives appalled by secular mass society, libertarians repelled by the Leviathan state, and ex-Leftists alarmed by international Communism led by the Soviet Union—remained divided. Noting that “The few spasmodic victories conservatives are winning are aim- less, uncoordinated, and inconclusive…because many years have gone by since the philosophy of freedom has been expounded systematically, brilliantly, and resourcefully,” William F. Buckley Jr. resolved to change that. His vision of ordered liberty shaped and guided American conservatism from its infancy to its maturity, from a cramped suite of offices on Manhattan’s East Side to the Oval Office of the White House, from a set of “irritable mental gestures” to a political force that transformed American politics. In the summer of 1954, American conservatism Right. There were only three opinion journals of seemed to be going nowhere. import: the weekly Washington newsletter Human Politically, it was bereft of national leadership. Sen- Events; the economic monthly The Freeman; and the ator Robert A. Taft of Ohio, the valiant champion of once-influential American Mercury, now brimming the Old Right, had died of cancer the previous year. with anti-Semitic diatribes. Aside from the Chicago Senator Joseph R. McCarthy of Wisconsin, the zeal- Tribune and the New York Daily News, the major daily ous apostle of anti-Communism, faced censure by the newspapers leaned left.
    [Show full text]
  • National Review</Em>
    Linfield University DigitalCommons@Linfield Faculty Publications 2007 Editing Conservatism: How National Review Magazine Framed and Mobilized a Political Movement Susan Currie Sivek Linfield College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.linfield.edu/mscmfac_pubs Part of the Journalism Studies Commons, and the Social Influence and oliticalP Communication Commons DigitalCommons@Linfield Citation Sivek, Susan Currie, "Editing Conservatism: How National Review Magazine Framed and Mobilized a Political Movement" (2007). Faculty Publications. Accepted Version. Submission 4. https://digitalcommons.linfield.edu/mscmfac_pubs/4 This Accepted Version is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It is brought to you for free via open access, courtesy of DigitalCommons@Linfield, with permission from the rights-holder(s). Your use of this Accepted Version must comply with the Terms of Use for material posted in DigitalCommons@Linfield, or with other stated terms (such as a Creative Commons license) indicated in the record and/or on the work itself. For more information, or if you have questions about permitted uses, please contact [email protected]. EDITING CONSERVATISM 1 Running head: EDITING CONSERVATISM Editing Conservatism: How National Review Magazine Framed and Mobilized a Political Movement Submitted to Mass Communication & Society Revised September 7, 2007 Abstract (100 words): This paper examines how National Review magazine helped to spark the 1960s American conservative movement through its particular framing of conservatism, and how the magazine has worked to sustain that influence even until today. Using research on frame alignment in social movements, the first issue of National Review is analyzed and placed in context with contemporaneous events and publications. The creation and editing of the magazine is found to parallel the creative and deliberate framing of the early conservative movement.
    [Show full text]
  • The President's Conservatives: Richard Nixon and the American Conservative Movement
    ALL THE PRESIDENT'S CONSERVATIVES: RICHARD NIXON AND THE AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT. David Sarias Rodriguez Department of History University of Sheffield Submitted for the degree of PhD October 2010 ABSTRACT This doctoral dissertation exammes the relationship between the American conservative movement and Richard Nixon between the late 1940s and the Watergate scandal, with a particular emphasis on the latter's presidency. It complements the sizeable bodies ofliterature about both Nixon himself and American conservatism, shedding new light on the former's role in the collapse of the post-1945 liberal consensus. This thesis emphasises the part played by Nixon in the slow march of American conservatism from the political margins in the immediate post-war years to the centre of national politics by the late 1960s. The American conservative movement is treated as a diverse epistemic community made up of six distinct sub-groupings - National Review conservatives, Southern conservatives, classical liberals, neoconservatives, American Enterprise Institute conservatives and the 'Young Turks' of the New Right - which, although philosophically and behaviourally autonomous, remained intimately associated under the overall leadership of the intellectuals who operated from the National Review. Although for nearly three decades Richard Nixon and American conservatives endured each other in a mutually frustrating and yet seemingly unbreakable relationship, Nixon never became a fully-fledged member of the movement. Yet, from the days of Alger Hiss to those of the' Silent Majority', he remained the political actor best able to articulate and manipulate the conservative canon into a populist, electorally successful message. During his presidency, the administration's behaviour played a crucial role - even if not always deliberately - in the momentous transformation of the conservative movement into a more diverse, better-organised, modernised and more efficient political force.
    [Show full text]
  • Vita February 2004
    GORDON LLOYD VITA FEBRUARY 2004 Gordon Lloyd School of Public Policy 23924-A De Ville Way Pepperdine University Malibu, CA 90265 Malibu, CA 90263 310-456-8359 310-506-7602 [email protected] [email protected] Citizenship: U.S.A. FAX: 310-506-7120 CURRENT POSITION Professor of Public Policy, School of Public Policy, Pepperdine University, 1998-present. John M. Olin Professor of Public Policy, 1999-2000. EDUCATION AND CERTIFICATION Ph.D., Claremont Graduate School, Department of Government, 1973 (Distinction). M.A., Claremont Graduate School, Department of Government, 1968. University of Chicago, Department of Economics 1963-65, Summer 1967 (Completed coursework for Ph.D. and M.A. Thesis in Economics). B.A., McGill University, Montreal, Economics and Political Science, 1963 (Honors Program). Pre-University: 1946-1960, Trinidad, West Indies (Cambridge Ordinary and Advanced Levels). California Community College Instructor Credential: Economics and Government (Valid for life). TEACHING EXPERIENCE Professor of Public Policy, Pepperdine University, 1997-present. Adjunct Professor of Political Science and Economics, San Bernardino Community College District, 1976- present. (Emphasis on Distance Education.) Professor, Associate Professor, Assistant Professor of Government, University of Redlands, 1969-1998. Visiting Professor of Political Science, University of California, Riverside, Spring 1998. Visiting Professor of Political Science, California State University, San Bernardino, 1990-1992. Instructor in American History, Damien High
    [Show full text]
  • Harry Jaffa Part 1 December 18, 20121 Stephen Gregory: the Strauss Center Is Devoted to Publishing the Surviving Audiotapes
    Harry Jaffa Part 1 December 18, 20121 Stephen Gregory: The Strauss Center is devoted to publishing the surviving audiotapes and original transcripts, or the transcripts from the digitally re-mastered audiotapes of Strauss’ courses. And on our website, we have published the digitally re-mastered audiotapes. Anyone can listen—if a tape survived of Strauss, anyone can listen to it on our website. And we’re in the process—2 Harry Jaffa: Over a period of seven years, I attended every single one of Strauss’s classes. Nineteen courses. So. SG: Right. HJ: Do you know Nathan Tarcov? SG: Yes, I’ve known Nathan since I came to the University of Chicago. Right. And he’s the Director of the Leo Strauss Center. Yeah, so as I—our main project is publishing the tapes and we are editing the transcripts of Strauss’s courses and publishing those either in print or online. And a secondary project is we’re interviewing those who have studied with Strauss about their memories of him as a teacher. I, we have so far interviewed Victor Gourevitch, Hilail Gildin, Laurence Berns, Stanley Rosen, and Werner Dannhauser. I expect next month to interview probably Ralph Lerner and George Anastaplo. And I expect to interview Bob Faulkner. HJ: Who, Bob Faulkner? Is he in Boston? SG: Yeah. And that is probably the surviving students that I’m aware, from his first generation of students. HJ: Not his first generation. All of that you mentioned are second generation. SG: Okay. HJ: Because his career was equally divided between the New School and the University of Chicago.
    [Show full text]
  • Dissertation Final for Submission
    MADISON’S METRONOME: THE CONSTITUTION AND THE TEMPO OF AMERICAN POLITICS A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government By Gregory S. Weiner, M.A.L.S. Washington, D.C. April 19, 2010 Copyright 2010 by Gregory S. Weiner All Rights Reserved ii MADISON’S METRONOME: THE CONSTITUTION AND THE TEMPO OF AMERICAN POLITICS Gregory S. Weiner, M.A.L.S. Thesis Advisor: George W. Carey, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Scholarship on the political thought of James Madison has long been preoccupied with whether he believed in majority rule, but Madison himself would scarcely recognize the terms of that discussion. For Madison, there was no empirically plausible alternative to majority rule: One of the most consistent themes in his work is the assumption that persistent majorities are bound, sooner or later, to get their way. For a study of Madison’s democratic theory, as for Madison himself, the relevant question is not whether majorities will prevail but rather what kind of majorities will prevail—and what Madison regarded as the decisive question: when they should prevail. This study thus hypothesizes that Madison’s political thought maintains a consistent commitment to “temporal majoritarianism,” an implicit doctrine according to which the majority is always entitled to rule, but the primary criteria for whether it should prevail at any given point of decision is the length of time it has cohered. This duration is generally proportional to the gravity of the decision in question, with more serious issues requiring more persistent majorities.
    [Show full text]
  • Kendall & Carey: the Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition
    Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review Volume 8 Number 2 Article 7 6-1-1975 Kendall & Carey: The Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition Harry V. Jaffa Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/llr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Harry V. Jaffa, Kendall & Carey: The Basic Symbols of the American Political Tradition, 8 Loy. L.A. L. Rev. 471 (1975). Available at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/llr/vol8/iss2/7 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BOOK REVIEW EQUALITY AS A CONSERVATIVE PRINCIPLE by Harry V. Jaffa* T-I BASIC SYMBOLS 01 THE AMERICAN POLITICAL TRADITION. By Willmoore Kendall and George W. Carey. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. 1970. Pp. xi, 163. $6.00. So whatever you wish that men would do to you, do so to them; for this is the law and the prophets. -Jesus As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my idea of democracy. Whatever differs from this, to -the extent of the difference, is no democracy. -Abraham Lincoln 1. That Conservatism should search for its meaning implies of course that Conservatism does not have the meaning for which it is searching. This might appear paradoxical, since a Conservative is supposed to have something definite to conserve.
    [Show full text]
  • IN MEMORIAM Winter 1968
    RICHARD S. WELLS, University of Oklahoma: JAMES D. LAINO has resigned from Stanford associate professor. University. CHARLES WESTON, Western Illinois Univer- STUART A. MACCORKLE, University of Texas, sity: assistant professor. has resigned as professor of government and director of the Institute of Public Affairs. He ORION F. WHITE, University of Texas: asso- spent 37 years at. the University. ciate professor. GUNNAR WIKSTROM, JR., Northern State Col- E. W. PETERSON, Iowa State University, has lege, Aberdeen S.D.: assistant professor retired. JAMBS Q. WILSON, Harvard University: pro- RAM M. ROY has resigned from Memphis fessor. State University. JOHN W. WOODS, University of Oklahoma: pro- fessor. WALTER F. SCHEPFER, University of Oklahoma, has resigned as chairman and will devote full WILLIAM W. YOUNG, Sonoma State College: time to teaching and research at the University. professor. WARREN A. ROBERTS retired from Wabash Col- RETIREMENTS AND RESIGNATIONS lege in June, 1967. CHRISTINA P. HARRIS has retired from Stan- ford University. ALBERT STCRM, Florida State University, has resigned as director of the Institute of Govern- E. ALLEN HELMS, Ohio State University, re- mental Research and will devote full time to tired at the end of June with the rank of professor teaching and research at the University. emeritus. He joined the University in 1928 and became a professor in 1937. HARVEY WALKER, Ohio State University, re- OLE R. HOLSTI has resigned from Stanford tired at the end of June with the rank of profes- University. sor emeritus. He joined the University in 1925 and became a professor in 1935. He will continue to ERICH HULA, New School for Social Research, teach part-time at the University on a visiting has retired after 29 years of service at the School.
    [Show full text]
  • Is the Constitution?
    How Dell10cratic Is the Constitution? Robert A. Goldwin and ~Villiam A. Schambra editors American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research Washington, D.C. This book is the first in a series in AEI's project IIA Decade of Study of the Constitution," funded in part by a Bicentennial Challenge Grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Main entry under title: How Democratic is the Constitution? (AEI studies; 294) 1. Representative government and representation-United States­ Addresses, essays, lectures. 2. United States-Constitutional history-Addresses, essays, lectures. 3. Democracy-Addresses, essays, lectures. 1. Goldwin, Robert A., 1922- II. Schambra, William A. III. Series: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. AEI studies; 294. JK21.H78 321.8'042'0973 80-24291 ISBN 0-8447-3400-4 ISBN 0-8447-3399-7 (pbk.) 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 © 1980 by the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington and london. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. Printed in the United States of America The American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, established in 1943, is a nonpartisan, nonprofit research and educational organization supported by foundations, corporations, and the public at large.
    [Show full text]
  • RESEARCH INTO RIGHT-WING ARCHIVES I Am Copying Below the Newest Revision to My Right-Wing Archives Webpage. Unfortunately, I Wi
    ARCHIVES AND PRIVATE PAPERS PERTAINING TO CONSERVATIVE AND EXTREME RIGHT MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES rev. 06/01/18 RESEARCH INTO RIGHT-WING ARCHIVES I am copying below the newest revision to my Right-Wing Archives webpage. https://sites.google.com/site/ernie124102/archives Unfortunately, I will not be able to annotate all of these links as I originally planned to do---because the volume of text required exceeds the space limitations which Google Sites allows for webpages. However, here is what I have attempted to accomplish. 1. When I first created my Archives webpage six years ago, it was intended to be a quick-reference to some of the (potentially) most productive locations for research into right-wing history -- and, particularly, with respect to extreme right individuals and organizations. 2. I have now expanded my original listings to include a lot more material -- and (as you will notice) I have added some entirely new categories (such as links to YouTube videos). 3. You will notice duplicate links for some records archived at the same location. I did this because there are sometimes archive listings created by two different sources that provide different information. For example: one listing might be just a basic generic description without any details whereas the second listing might include a link to a pdf file which is a detailed finding aid OR the second link might just provide additional descriptive information. 4. My listings now include all of the following categories: 4.1 = Personal Papers of conservative or extreme right individuals who acquired a significant amount of right-wing publications and/or who corresponded with many prominent conservative or extreme right persons and organizations 4.2 = Conservative Organizations or Publications or TV/radio programs that donated their records to some institution 4.3 = Research Files by scholars and organizations and authors who studied and wrote about the conservative and extreme right movements in our country.
    [Show full text]
  • Read the Full PDF
    Job Name:2105245 Date:14-12-31 PDF Page:2105245cbc.p1.pdf Color: Cyan Magenta Yellow Black Democracy atthe Polls AEI'S AT THE POLLS STUDIES The American Enterprise Institute has initiated this series in order to promote an understanding of the electoral process as it functions in democracies around the world. The series will include studies of at least two national elections in each of nineteen countries on five continents, by scholars from the United States and abroad who are recognized as experts in their field. More information on the titles in this series can be found at the back of this book. Democracy atthe Polls A Comparative Study of Competitive National Elections Edited by David Butler, Howard R. Penniman, and Austin Ranney American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research Washington and London Distributed to the Trade by National Book Network, 15200 NBN Way, Blue Ridge Summit, PA 17214. To order call toll free 1-800-462-6420 or 1-717-794-3800. For all other inquiries please contact the AEI Press, 1150 Seventeenth Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 or call 1-800-862-5801. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Main entry under title: Democracy at the polls. (AEI studies; 297) Includes index. 1. Elections. 2. Comparative government. I. Butler, David E. II. Penniman, Howard Rae, 1916- III. Ranney, Austin. IV. Series: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. AEI studies; 297. JF1001.D45 324.6 80-22652 ISBN 0-8447-3405-5 ISBN 0-8447-3403-9 (pbk.) AEI Studies 297 ©1981 by the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington, D.C., and London.
    [Show full text]