Dissertation Final for Submission
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Democracy and the Representation of Minority Interests
DEMOCRACY AND THE REPRESENTATION OF MINORITY INTERESTS Richard H. Pildes, Professor of Law New York University School of Law 1. Theory . 2. Institutional Design. 1. Targeted Versus Universal Approaches . 2. B. Malleable Versus Entrenched Representational Structures. The issue of appropriate political representation of Aminority interests@ in democratic institutions raises complex questions of both democratic theory and institutional design. I will concentrate here primarily on the intriguing issues of institutional design, but those issues must first be framed by some consideration of the theoretical problems posed by how to conceive of Aminority interests@ within a democratic political system. 1. Theory . The theoretical problems arise because, absent a rule of unanimous agreement, democratic choice necessarily entails that there be political winners and losers. Individual rights guarantees can protect political minorities against certain, narrowly defined intrusions on aspects of personal autonomy, dignity, and self-definition that liberal societies have come to consider beyond the appropriate bounds of majoritarian control. But individual rights protections can do only limited work; most constitutional rights actively enforced by courts still take the form of negative liberties that create spheres of individual immunity. But protected spheres of immunity do little to ensure the affirmative interests of individuals in the political minority, either to have those interests fairly considered in democratic decisionmaking or, more aggressively, to have the substantive interests of political minorities actually realized in the making of public policy. Nor, to the extent that minority groups as such have political interests, such as in the preservation and creation of various cultural goods constitutive of the group=s identity, do individual rights protections typically afford protection for these kind of constitutive common goods. -
Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1980
Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1980 Robert L. Richardson, Jr. A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2009 Approved by, Michael H. Hunt, Chair Richard Kohn Timothy McKeown Nancy Mitchell Roger Lotchin Abstract Robert L. Richardson, Jr. Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1985 (Under the direction of Michael H. Hunt) This dissertation examines the origins and evolution of neoconservatism as a philosophical and political movement in America from 1945 to 1980. I maintain that as the exigencies and anxieties of the Cold War fostered new intellectual and professional connections between academia, government and business, three disparate intellectual currents were brought into contact: the German philosophical tradition of anti-modernism, the strategic-analytical tradition associated with the RAND Corporation, and the early Cold War anti-Communist tradition identified with figures such as Reinhold Niebuhr. Driven by similar aims and concerns, these three intellectual currents eventually coalesced into neoconservatism. As a political movement, neoconservatism sought, from the 1950s on, to re-orient American policy away from containment and coexistence and toward confrontation and rollback through activism in academia, bureaucratic and electoral politics. Although the neoconservatives were only partially successful in promoting their transformative project, their accomplishments are historically significant. More specifically, they managed to interject their views and ideas into American political and strategic thought, discredit détente and arms control, and shift U.S. foreign policy toward a more confrontational stance vis-à-vis the Soviet Union. -
Religious Republicanism in John C. Calhoun's Speech on the Veto
Papers & Publications: Interdisciplinary Journal of Undergraduate Research Volume 3 Article 8 2014 It’s Not About the Bank: Religious Republicanism in John C. Calhoun’s Speech on the Veto Power, February 28, 1842 Luke D. Christie Furman University Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/papersandpubs Part of the Rhetoric Commons Recommended Citation Christie, Luke D. (2014) "It’s Not About the Bank: Religious Republicanism in John C. Calhoun’s Speech on the Veto Power, February 28, 1842," Papers & Publications: Interdisciplinary Journal of Undergraduate Research: Vol. 3 , Article 8. Available at: http://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/papersandpubs/vol3/iss1/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Center for Undergraduate Research and Creative Activities (CURCA) at Nighthawks Open Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Papers & Publications: Interdisciplinary Journal of Undergraduate Research by an authorized editor of Nighthawks Open Institutional Repository. It’s Not About the Bank: Religious Republicanism in John C. Calhoun’s Speech on the Veto Power, February 28, 1842 Acknowledgments Special thanks to Dr. Brandon Inabinet, Assistant Professor of Communication Studies at Furman University, for his guidance throughout the writing and revision processes. This article is available in Papers & Publications: Interdisciplinary Journal of Undergraduate Research: http://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/papersandpubs/vol3/iss1/8 In the second generation of the U.S. government’s leadership, at a time when the number of states in the union had more than doubled that of 1787, more territories were under consideration for statehood, and the founding fathers were no longer living to clarify the intentions of the Constitutional Convention’s attendees, there persisted a question of the extent to which the federal government should establish and maintain economic enterprises. -
Disquisition on Government 373
DISQUISITION ON GOVERNMENT 373 DISQUISITION ON GOVERNMENT JOHN C. CALHOUN (1782–1850) U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH CAROLINA (1832–1843, 1845–1850) The Calhouns arrived in America in 1733, part of the large migration from Scotland via Ulster. They eventually settled in the South Carolina highlands and were a large, influential clan by the time of Jefferson’s Presidency. John Caldwell Calhoun was born with brains, good looks, and a fierce will not uncommon among the men of the southern uplands. An old prayer in the region went, “Lord, grant that I may always be right, for You know I am hard to turn.” He transformed himself from a rough frontiersman into the model of a gentleman and aristocrat. Yale provided much of his formal education, classical and literary, but he became a political philosopher out of his determination to defend both South Carolina and the Union. Calhoun became one of America’s greatest public men. He served in the House, Senate, Cabinet, and Vice-Presidency over the course of thirty- nine years, during which time he saw the balance of power in the United States tip northward and toward the national government. He undertook to defend state sovereignty by defending the South, and to defend the South by defending slavery. To do this he knew he had to confront the dominant political faith of his age: Equality. Calhoun’s “disquisitions and discourses” were published the year after his death. In them he tried to solve the great problem of American political life: how to protect and preserve local (or regional) communities against centralized democratic power. -
Standing Athwart History: the Political Thought of William F. Buckley Jr
No. 29 Standing Athwart History: The Political Thought of William F. Buckley Jr. Lee Edwards, Ph.D. Abstract: In the mid-1950s, the danger of an ever-expanding state was clear, but conservatives could not agree on an appropriate response, including whether the greater danger lay at home or abroad. The three main branches of conservatism—traditional conservatives appalled by secular mass society, libertarians repelled by the Leviathan state, and ex-Leftists alarmed by international Communism led by the Soviet Union—remained divided. Noting that “The few spasmodic victories conservatives are winning are aim- less, uncoordinated, and inconclusive…because many years have gone by since the philosophy of freedom has been expounded systematically, brilliantly, and resourcefully,” William F. Buckley Jr. resolved to change that. His vision of ordered liberty shaped and guided American conservatism from its infancy to its maturity, from a cramped suite of offices on Manhattan’s East Side to the Oval Office of the White House, from a set of “irritable mental gestures” to a political force that transformed American politics. In the summer of 1954, American conservatism Right. There were only three opinion journals of seemed to be going nowhere. import: the weekly Washington newsletter Human Politically, it was bereft of national leadership. Sen- Events; the economic monthly The Freeman; and the ator Robert A. Taft of Ohio, the valiant champion of once-influential American Mercury, now brimming the Old Right, had died of cancer the previous year. with anti-Semitic diatribes. Aside from the Chicago Senator Joseph R. McCarthy of Wisconsin, the zeal- Tribune and the New York Daily News, the major daily ous apostle of anti-Communism, faced censure by the newspapers leaned left. -
National Review</Em>
Linfield University DigitalCommons@Linfield Faculty Publications 2007 Editing Conservatism: How National Review Magazine Framed and Mobilized a Political Movement Susan Currie Sivek Linfield College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.linfield.edu/mscmfac_pubs Part of the Journalism Studies Commons, and the Social Influence and oliticalP Communication Commons DigitalCommons@Linfield Citation Sivek, Susan Currie, "Editing Conservatism: How National Review Magazine Framed and Mobilized a Political Movement" (2007). Faculty Publications. Accepted Version. Submission 4. https://digitalcommons.linfield.edu/mscmfac_pubs/4 This Accepted Version is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It is brought to you for free via open access, courtesy of DigitalCommons@Linfield, with permission from the rights-holder(s). Your use of this Accepted Version must comply with the Terms of Use for material posted in DigitalCommons@Linfield, or with other stated terms (such as a Creative Commons license) indicated in the record and/or on the work itself. For more information, or if you have questions about permitted uses, please contact [email protected]. EDITING CONSERVATISM 1 Running head: EDITING CONSERVATISM Editing Conservatism: How National Review Magazine Framed and Mobilized a Political Movement Submitted to Mass Communication & Society Revised September 7, 2007 Abstract (100 words): This paper examines how National Review magazine helped to spark the 1960s American conservative movement through its particular framing of conservatism, and how the magazine has worked to sustain that influence even until today. Using research on frame alignment in social movements, the first issue of National Review is analyzed and placed in context with contemporaneous events and publications. The creation and editing of the magazine is found to parallel the creative and deliberate framing of the early conservative movement. -
The President's Conservatives: Richard Nixon and the American Conservative Movement
ALL THE PRESIDENT'S CONSERVATIVES: RICHARD NIXON AND THE AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT. David Sarias Rodriguez Department of History University of Sheffield Submitted for the degree of PhD October 2010 ABSTRACT This doctoral dissertation exammes the relationship between the American conservative movement and Richard Nixon between the late 1940s and the Watergate scandal, with a particular emphasis on the latter's presidency. It complements the sizeable bodies ofliterature about both Nixon himself and American conservatism, shedding new light on the former's role in the collapse of the post-1945 liberal consensus. This thesis emphasises the part played by Nixon in the slow march of American conservatism from the political margins in the immediate post-war years to the centre of national politics by the late 1960s. The American conservative movement is treated as a diverse epistemic community made up of six distinct sub-groupings - National Review conservatives, Southern conservatives, classical liberals, neoconservatives, American Enterprise Institute conservatives and the 'Young Turks' of the New Right - which, although philosophically and behaviourally autonomous, remained intimately associated under the overall leadership of the intellectuals who operated from the National Review. Although for nearly three decades Richard Nixon and American conservatives endured each other in a mutually frustrating and yet seemingly unbreakable relationship, Nixon never became a fully-fledged member of the movement. Yet, from the days of Alger Hiss to those of the' Silent Majority', he remained the political actor best able to articulate and manipulate the conservative canon into a populist, electorally successful message. During his presidency, the administration's behaviour played a crucial role - even if not always deliberately - in the momentous transformation of the conservative movement into a more diverse, better-organised, modernised and more efficient political force. -
Vita February 2004
GORDON LLOYD VITA FEBRUARY 2004 Gordon Lloyd School of Public Policy 23924-A De Ville Way Pepperdine University Malibu, CA 90265 Malibu, CA 90263 310-456-8359 310-506-7602 [email protected] [email protected] Citizenship: U.S.A. FAX: 310-506-7120 CURRENT POSITION Professor of Public Policy, School of Public Policy, Pepperdine University, 1998-present. John M. Olin Professor of Public Policy, 1999-2000. EDUCATION AND CERTIFICATION Ph.D., Claremont Graduate School, Department of Government, 1973 (Distinction). M.A., Claremont Graduate School, Department of Government, 1968. University of Chicago, Department of Economics 1963-65, Summer 1967 (Completed coursework for Ph.D. and M.A. Thesis in Economics). B.A., McGill University, Montreal, Economics and Political Science, 1963 (Honors Program). Pre-University: 1946-1960, Trinidad, West Indies (Cambridge Ordinary and Advanced Levels). California Community College Instructor Credential: Economics and Government (Valid for life). TEACHING EXPERIENCE Professor of Public Policy, Pepperdine University, 1997-present. Adjunct Professor of Political Science and Economics, San Bernardino Community College District, 1976- present. (Emphasis on Distance Education.) Professor, Associate Professor, Assistant Professor of Government, University of Redlands, 1969-1998. Visiting Professor of Political Science, University of California, Riverside, Spring 1998. Visiting Professor of Political Science, California State University, San Bernardino, 1990-1992. Instructor in American History, Damien High -
Bicameralism
Bicameralism International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 2 Bicameralism International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 2 Elliot Bulmer © 2017 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) Second edition First published in 2014 by International IDEA International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial- ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/> International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <http://www.idea.int> Cover design: International IDEA Cover illustration: © 123RF, <http://www.123rf.com> Produced using Booktype: <https://booktype.pro> ISBN: 978-91-7671-107-1 Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 3 Advantages of bicameralism..................................................................................... -
Evaluate the Influence of Jacksonian Democracy on Political and Social Sectionalism in American Society from 1824 – 1860
Historical Question: Evaluate the influence of Jacksonian Democracy on political and social sectionalism in American society from 1824 – 1860. Jacksonian Democracy DBQ DBQ Question: Evaluate the influence of Jacksonian Democracy on political and social sectionalism in American society from 1824 – 1860. Introduction to DBQ: The period in United States history commonly referred to as the period of “Jacksonian Democracy” proved to be a period of change in part through increased voter participation. It also proved to be a time when the federal government found itself at the forefront of implementing change regardless of how it affected various regions of our country. Many believe that this helped move us down the road of sectionalism and eventually into the Civil War. Historical Thinking Skills: To implement this DBQ activity, students will have to utilize several historical thinking skills. However, use your judgement as to how in-depth you want your student’s historical writing skills to be developed. The main difference between the College Prep and AP US History courses is in the way students approach the subject matter. In College Prep, students are expected to become proficient in their of knowledge of US History and how different events are interconnected, whereas AP US requires students to not only learn about the same events, but also encourages students to become “apprentice historians”. The primary means of attaining that goal is to get students to write like historians. 1. Causation: Thinking about causation involves the ability to identify, analyze, and evaluate relationships among many historical events as both causes and effects. Historians often try to distinguish between immediate, proximate, and long term-causes and effects. -
A Discourse on the Constitution and Government of the United States
A DISCOURSE ON THE CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES John C. Calhoun (introduction by Jon Roland) source: http://www.constitution.org/jcc/jcc.htm Calhoun served as U.S. senator from South Carolina, secretary of war, secretary of state, and twice as vice-president, and was a dominant figure, alongside such men as Henry Clay and Daniel Webster. Calhoun’s Disquisition on Government has been called a “deep look at the nature of man and government.” Calhoun saw himself as the heir of Thomas Jefferson and the Republican tradition, but he rejected both the Lockean view of natural rights and the optimistic Enlightenment view of human nature and human societies. According to Calhoun, man is by nature selfish, arrogant, jealous, and vengeful, and these tendencies must be controlled by the state. There are no natural rights. Liberty is a reward and, inevitably, based upon the subjection or slavery of others. Calhoun went further, arguing that the United States was not a nation, but a confederation of nations, and attacked the key founding doctrines expounded by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay in the Federalist Papers. In the Disquisition, he challenges Federalist #1’s assumption that institutions can be a product of reflection and reason; #10’s theory of the compound republic; #22’s doctrine of the numerical majority; and #51’s separation of powers. According to Calhoun, numerical majorities were as selfish and rapacious as individual men when it came to trampling on minority interests. His proposed solution was the concurrent majority, essentially a constitutional method of enabling minorities to block the actions of majorities that might threaten the rights of the minority, making them, in essence, veto groups. -
"Our Liberty Most Dear": the Political Reforms of John C. Calhoun
Constructing the Past Volume 7 Issue 1 Article 6 2006 "Our Liberty Most Dear": The Political Reforms of John C. Calhoun Matthew P. Cassady Illinois Wesleyan University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing Recommended Citation Cassady, Matthew P. (2006) ""Our Liberty Most Dear": The Political Reforms of John C. Calhoun," Constructing the Past: Vol. 7 : Iss. 1 , Article 6. Available at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing/vol7/iss1/6 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by editorial board of the Undergraduate Economic Review and the Economics Department at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. "Our Liberty Most Dear": The Political Reforms of John C. Calhoun Abstract This article discusses the beliefs of John Calhoun, who was a strong supporter of states' rights. He also believed that political minorities needed to be protected against the tyranny of the majority. This article is available in Constructing the Past: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing/vol7/iss1/6 Constructing the Past "Our Liberty Most Dear": The Political Reforms ofJohn C.