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Religious Republicanism in John C. Calhoun's Speech on the Veto

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Religious Republicanism in John C. Calhoun's Speech on the Veto Papers & Publications: Interdisciplinary Journal of Undergraduate Research Volume 3 Article 8 2014 It’s Not About the Bank: Religious Republicanism in John C. Calhoun’s Speech on the Veto Power, February 28, 1842 Luke D. Christie Furman University Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/papersandpubs Part of the Rhetoric Commons Recommended Citation Christie, Luke D. (2014) "It’s Not About the Bank: Religious Republicanism in John C. Calhoun’s Speech on the Veto Power, February 28, 1842," Papers & Publications: Interdisciplinary Journal of Undergraduate Research: Vol. 3 , Article 8. Available at: http://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/papersandpubs/vol3/iss1/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Center for Undergraduate Research and Creative Activities (CURCA) at Nighthawks Open Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Papers & Publications: Interdisciplinary Journal of Undergraduate Research by an authorized editor of Nighthawks Open Institutional Repository. It’s Not About the Bank: Religious Republicanism in John C. Calhoun’s Speech on the Veto Power, February 28, 1842 Acknowledgments Special thanks to Dr. Brandon Inabinet, Assistant Professor of Communication Studies at Furman University, for his guidance throughout the writing and revision processes. This article is available in Papers & Publications: Interdisciplinary Journal of Undergraduate Research: http://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/papersandpubs/vol3/iss1/8 In the second generation of the U.S. government’s leadership, at a time when the number of states in the union had more than doubled that of 1787, more territories were under consideration for statehood, and the founding fathers were no longer living to clarify the intentions of the Constitutional Convention’s attendees, there persisted a question of the extent to which the federal government should establish and maintain economic enterprises. Efforts of Democrats (the political party that touted itself as speaking for the Common Man) to “limit federal intervention in the economy”1 contravened the work of Whigs (the party of business and of economic stability)2 to reestablish a national bank for the third time in the young nation’s history. Amidst this upheaval, an attempt by Henry Clay to limit the presidential veto power threatened to fundamentally alter the law enactment process. The Constitutional amendments Clay proposed were not viewed lightly by members of the Senate, particularly not by John C. Calhoun of South Carolina, who challenged Clay’s resolution with a masterful oration before the Senate on February 28, 1842. Calhoun’s speech, comprehensive in its analysis of the functions of each of the three government branches, served to turn the focus of the Senate away from the special interests of each of its factions to a broader consideration of the overall role fulfilled by the veto power. By championing an interpretation of the Constitution that claimed the representative system of government to be an ongoing negotiation between democracy and mixed government, Calhoun evoked what I term “religious republicanism,” a political philosophy that borrows ideas from traditions of both Christian and classical republican thought. In the following analysis, I will first provide a brief history of the events that spurred Calhoun’s speech in order to interrogate the rhetorical situation. I will then define religious republicanism and explore its construction throughout the speech, paying particular attention to Calhoun’s inductive reasoning strategy. Finally, I will conclude with a discussion of the speech’s impact. By analyzing Calhoun’s particular rhetorical turn to religious republicanism, we get a sense for the general ways in which political ideals can be used to both expand and limit democracy and democratic discourse. The abstractness of an ideal like religious republicanism offers opportunities for the development of a more robust democracy; however, as Calhoun demonstrates, the same ideal can also be used to limit progress—indeed, to effect a return to a former era. 1David P. Currie, The Constitution in Congress: Democrats and Whigs, 1829-1861 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2005), xiv, xii. 2 Charles M. Wiltse, John C. Calhoun: Sectionalist, 1840-1850 , (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1951), 14. The Election of 1840 and the Tyler Bank Debates – Self-Destruction of the Whig Party The issue of whether a Bank of the United States was a constitutional means for executing the Congressional powers to levy taxes, regulate commerce, or coin and borrow money dates back to the U.S. government’s earliest administration. Differing views about the Bank and other economic policy debates, which directly influenced Clay’s amendments to restrict the presidential veto power, resurfaced in the election of 1840, the first of only two presidential campaigns from which the Whigs emerged victorious. 3 This victory quickly began to look like self-destruction, however, when the victor, elderly war hero William Henry Harrison, died after only one month in office and his presidential duties devolved upon Vice-President John Tyler. Tyler was a marginal Whig at best, proclaimed by David Currie to actually be a “Democrat in Whig clothing.” 4 Nevertheless, most Whigs were convinced that Tyler, when called to the presidency, would ultimately support the platform of the party that elected him. Democrats, however, clung to the hope that Tyler would hold to his long-held beliefs.5 The Democrats were not disappointed. For although Clay, the uncontested leader of the Whig party, thought of Tyler as weak-willed, Tyler was proud, principled, and stubborn.6 Tyler certainly maintained his principles in the economic reform discussions that followed his ascension to the highest office in the land, twice vetoing bills to incorporate national fiscal entities that appeared to him to function like banks. He acknowledged the need for a “suitable fiscal agent” to collect, safeguard, and distribute public funds, but did not believe a national bank met the criteria of such a “suitable” agent, a conviction his fellow Whigs knew he had sustained for twenty five years. 7 Thus, Tyler vetoed not one but two bills calling for the establishment of national fiscal institutions. 8 He attempted a compromise 3 Currie, The Constitution in Congress , xiv. 4 (a): Currie, The Constitution in Congress , 163. (b): Tyler’s adamant disfavor towards the Bank of the United States, abolitionism, and centralized power clashed with traditional Whig views, but, despite his dissent, the party selected him to be Harrison’s running mate so as to curb Southern fears. Wiltse, John C. Calhoun , 18. 5 Wiltse, John C. Calhoun , 35-36. 6 David S. Heidler and Jeanne T. Heidler, Henry Clay: The Essential American (New York: Random House, 2010), 342. 7 Currie, The Constitution in Congress , 84. Also Wiltse, John C. Calhoun , 38, 44. 8 Tyler vetoed the first bill based on his stance that the “purely private business” of loan-making fell outside of Congressional authority. The second bill, devoid of the word “bank,” instead called for a “fiscal corporation” and limited the power to issue private loans; however, Tyler vetoed it as well, claiming unconstitutional the investment of a local Washington D.C. institution (how the corporation was set up in the proposal) with unchecked national powers. Currie, The Constitution in Congress , 85-86. by proposing his own alternative to a national bank: a Board of Exchequer that would retain independent powers beneath the Secretary of the Treasury “to manage the currency and to employ banks and other institutions as agents.” 9 The Exchequer received very little popular support, leaving the business of public revenues hostage to the intraparty dispute between the Whig-controlled legislative and executive branches of the Federal government. Calhoun remained uncharacteristically inconspicuous throughout much of the ongoing consideration of the bank question, though not entirely absent. Having long since recanted his support of a national bank, Calhoun fought unsuccessfully to prevent Clay from securing a repeal of the Independent Treasury that he (Calhoun) had helped establish beneath Martin Van Buren’s presidency, and he fixedly opposed Clay’s attempts to reestablish a bank in its place. Beyond the bank, Calhoun continued to oppose Clay’s every effort to push parts of his American System through the Senate, as he believed that winning the bank battle was but half a victory over the Whigs.10 Frustrated over Tyler’s two bank vetoes and wishing to suppress Tyler’s potential influence on the protective system, Clay drafted two constitutional amendments to limit the presidential veto power. 11 In the first, he proposed to the Senate that the constitutional stipulation which requires a two-thirds majority vote in both houses of congress in order to override a presidential veto be changed to require only a simple majority among both houses; in the second, he proposed an abolition of the “pocket veto” by suggesting that the President be given an additional three days for deliberation should Congress adjourn during the President’s ten day consideration period.12 9 Wiltse, John C. Calhoun , 75. 10 (a): Irving H. Bartlett, John C. Calhoun: A Biography (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1993), 291-292, 295. (b): One key to achieving the second half of the victory against the Whigs was to ensure that the terms of the tariff compromise of 1833 were either extended or renegotiated before the compromise expired in June of 1842. Though views differed as to what would happen to the rates established by the compromise if it was allowed to elapse, Clay believed that the duties would simply cease, leaving the manufactures they were applied to completely unprotected. In the event that this occurred, Clay supposed a crisis would ensue that would force President Tyler to approve the reinstatement of protective tariffs. Wiltse, John C. Calhoun , 76. 11 Clay proposed two fundamental changes to the presidential veto power, although sources differ as to whether they were submitted as two separate amendments or as one amendment with two parts.
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