Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism and Visual Erudition: and the Maps in the

ZUR SHALEV

ABSTRACT: The final volume of the Polyglot Bible, edited by Benito Arias Montano and printed in Antwerp by , was published in 1571–1572. Forming part of the Bible’s Apparatus, the volume contains a number of essays, illustrations and maps by Montano relating to questions raised by the biblical text. Montano’s maps were a product of his philological training in Oriental languages and exegesis, his profound interest in antiquarianism and geography and his practice of visualizing and tabulating knowl- edge. He designed his maps both as study aids and as devotional-meditative devices. Moreover, the maps reflect his wider philosophical outlook, according to which Holy Scripture contains the foundations of all natural philosophy. Montano’s case encourages us to re-examine early modern Geographia sacra in the light of the broader scholarly trends of the period.

KEYWORDS: Sixteenth century, sacred geography, antiquarianism, visual culture, early modern Catholi- cism, Counter-Reformation, maps and religion, maps of the Holy Land, Bible maps, Bible publishing, biblical scholarship, Benito Arias Montano, Christophe Plantin, Antwerp.

The (1545–1564), that pillar of he was able to examine ancient coins, buy and the Counter-Reformation, marked the beginning translate Hebrew books from Istanbul, and obtain of the spectacular ecclesiastical career of Benito a map of Canaan. Later, Montano used this map Arias Montano (1527–1598) (Fig. 1).1 Poet laure- to illustrate the Apparatus sacer of the famous ate, member of the Orden Militar de Santiago, Antwerp Polyglot Bible, printed under Philip II’s Doctor of Theology, Orientalist, and a leading auspices by Christophe Plantin, of which Montano biblical scholar, Montano was chosen by Bishop was the chief editor. While in itself trivial, Mon- Martín Peréz de Ayala to join the Spanish delega- tano’s encounter with a map while at a gathering tion to the third session of the Council (1562– representing the summit of the Catholic world 1564), where he won praise for his interventions opens a window on to the broader question of on communion and marriage. For Montano, how- maps and religion in early modern Europe. ever, the Council was not only about re-enforcing ’s ‘Catalogus auctorum’ in Catholic doctrine and fighting heretics, but also his celebrated (1570), that about scholarly exchange. During his stay in Trent invaluable ‘Who’s Who’ of late sixteenth-century i Zur Shalev, Department of History, Princeton University, New Jersey. E-mail: .

Imago Mundi Vol. 55: 56–80 © 2003 Imago Mundi Ltd ISSN 0308-5694 print/1479-7801 online DOI: 10.1080/0308569032000097495 Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism, and Visual Erudition 57

Ingram made it clear that it is by no means obvious how maps function in such religious con- texts as theology and biblical exegesis, and that the question requires further historical investi- gation, which would take into account the wider currents that mapmakers and their readers were navigating. Delano-Smith and Ingram’s biblio- graphical survey was based on some thousand printed sixteenth-century , of which only 176 include maps. It revealed that maps never appear in Bibles printed in Catholic countries such as , Portugal and Italy, and rarely in or French Bibles printed in .5 They were thus able to conclude that ‘the history of maps in Bibles is part of the history of the Reformation’. Accord- ing to the authors, the humanistic aspect in Protestantism, emphasizing the literal over the allegorical, ‘is perhaps the key factor that explains why maps were felt by so many Protestant pub- lishers to be useful adjuncts to printed Bibles’.6 Francesca Fiorani, writing about the Galleria delle carte in the Vatican, extended the argument by claiming that the Galleria project, which was com- pleted in 1581, was in fact a Catholic cartographic 7 Fig. 1. Engraved portrait of Benito Arias Montano, in response to the Protestant use of maps in Bibles. Philippe Galle and B. A. Montano, Virorum doctorum de The striking quantitative finding that the inclu- disciplinis benemerentium effigies XLIIII (Antwerp, Plantin, sion of maps in Bibles was a predominantly 1572). (Reproduced with permissison from the Depart- ment of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton Protestant practice puts Montano’s maps in a University Library, Ex CT 206 .G35x 1572q.) particularly interesting light. Thus Montano’s approach and the reasons for the inclusion of cartography, demonstrates that early modern maps in the Apparatus of the Polyglot Bible deserve mapmakers were deeply involved in religious closer attention. Fortunately for us, Montano activities and scholarship.2 Like others in Plantin’s recorded many of his thoughts on the creation and circle, Ortelius was strongly committed to the understanding of maps and images in the text of mystical and pietistic ideals of the Family of Love. the Apparatus. As Giorgio Mangani has shown, Ortelius’s affilia- The aim in the following pages is to explore tion was reflected in his use of the heart-shaped further, by focusing on Montano’s contribution to projection, which encompassed Christian charity biblical mapping, the still largely uncharted terrain with Neo-stoic ideals.3 Others in the ‘Catalogus of religion and cartography and to try to extend auctorum’, such as Jacob Ziegler and Sebastian and nuance Delano-Smith and Ingram’s thesis. Münster as well as Montano himself, were theolo- Rather than attributing the spirit of mapping to a gians, philologists and historians. Modern scholar- general Protestant ethic, I am attempting to recon- ship, however, has still not comprehensively struct the ways in which maps, visual erudition addressed the complex ways in which cartography and biblical scholarship interacted in Montano’s operated within religious and scholarly contexts.4 world and to open up the notion of geographia Catherine Delano-Smith and Elizabeth Ingram sacra to take account of additional elements in in their survey of maps in Bibles in the sixteenth early modern intellectual life. I also emphasize the century paved the way for new kinds of questions role of the contemporary culture of antiquarian- on cartography and religion in the early modern ism, and particularly interest in Jewish antiquities, period. Although their focus was on a specific which cuts across the religious divide, and which I genre in a single century, Delano-Smith and see as essential to the integrated interpretation of 58 Z. Shalev

Montano’s maps and illustrations. Finally, I show to embark on such a massive project by the rarity that Montano’s thoughts on biblical geography lay of the previous great polyglot edition, Cardinal within a broader movement of pious philosophy Pedro Ximenes’s Complutensian (completed 1517, that attempted to harmonize knowledge of the published 1520–1522).10 Plantin recruited a group natural world with Scripture. All these elements in of scholars and managed to obtain German Protes- Montano’s work, I am arguing, may be as signifi- tant patronage. In the event, though having been cant as his Catholic belief for the understanding of forced to print anti-Catholic material during the his cartographical work.8 outbreak of Calvinist iconoclasm in 1566, Plantin eventually decided to apply for Catholic patronage Montano in Plantin’s Press for the Polyglot in order to save both his own The story of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible has been reputation and that of his printing house in the told many times, and the process of its creation eyes of Philip II. Once the king, and his secretary is well documented (Fig. 2).9 The idea had origi- Gabriel de Zayas, had granted permission for the nated with Plantin, perhaps under the influence of project, Plantin was informed that Benito Arias the Orientalist and mystic Guillaume Postel, and Montano, the King’s chaplain, would supervise was first mentioned in Plantin’s letter to Andreas the project. Masius of February 1565. Plantin was persuaded After a tortuous sea journey, Montano reached Antwerp on 17 May 1568 to take charge of one of the most ambitious printing projects of the time. In Antwerp he spent seven incredibly pro- ductive years on the Polyglot, making some of his most intimate friends during this time.11 Plantin, the leading printer of the second half of the six- teenth century, greatly admired his industrious new editor who, he noted, ‘beside his nobility and rank, [was] not only so accomplished in the knowledge of Hebrew, Aramaic, Syriac, Greek, Latin and various other languages, but also en- dowed with supreme modesty, prudence, [and] love of God’.12 Montano aimed to produce an authoritative Bible edition in five languages, which would be supported by a weighty Apparatus sacer, complete with various reading aids. The project involved the concerted and prolonged work of experts in Oriental languages and biblical scholarship, including Masius, Postel’s students (the brothers Guy and Nicolas Lefèvre de la Boderie), and Franciscus Raphelenghius (Plantin’s son-in-law). After two years, Montano’s team of scholars and Plantin’s proofreaders, with the collaboration of the Doctors of the Faculty of Theology in Louvain, had the biblical texts ready for typesetting.13 The Old Testament—in Hebrew, the Latin of Fig. 2. Title page of the first volume of the Antwerp Poly- the , the Greek of the Septuagint, and glot Bible. The Polyglot was prepared in Antwerp under Montano’s supervision and printed in eight volumes by Aramaic—filled four large folio volumes. The fifth Christophe Plantin between 1569 and 1572. Note in the volume contained the New Testament in Greek, bottom left corner the ‘eureka’ scene, which also appears Latin and Syriac.14 Montano then moved on to in Montano’s entry in Ortelius’s Album amicorum. (Repro- prepare the Apparatus, which would take up duced with permission from the Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University another three volumes. The idea of a scholarly Library, Ex 5145.1569f.) apparatus was not new. The old Complutensian had Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism, and Visual Erudition 59 already offered its readers a volume of reading probably affiliated with of the Family of Love, aids, including Greek, Hebrew and Chaldean dic- a pietistic sect that promoted outward conformity tionaries and a Hebrew grammar. As the practice to established religion with intense spiritual devo- of studying the Holy Scriptures in their original tion and an indifference to dogma. As Ben Rekers languages became more usual during the sixteenth notes, perhaps over enthusiastically, ‘it was an century, other sophisticated tools for precise read- irony of fate that [Philip’s] monument of the ing were published, such as biblical name indexes.15 Counter-Reformation should be so entirely oppos- Montano, however, furnished his Polyglot with a ed, in nature and in spirit, to the principles of selection of study aids unprecedented in quantity Trent’ since ‘[a]lmost all its collaborators were on and comprehensiveness.16 In the Apparatus vol- the borderline between orthodoxy and heresy’.19 umes one finds, besides dictionaries and grammars Alastair Hamilton is more cautious about labelling for Hebrew, Syriac and Greek, also a literal Latin the Polyglot a Familist project, although he does translation of the Old Testament, copious indices concede that it was influenced by the ideals of and various methodological essays on translation. concord and irenicism.20 For Volume Eight, the final volume both of the Apparatus and the entire edition, Montano Montano as an Antiquary composed a number of learned treatises that add The treatises, maps and illustrations in Volume up to a complete ethnography of the ancient Eight of the Apparatus are a clear testimony to Hebrews. Montano summarized and elucidated Montano’s antiquarian interests. The maps, in what was then at the forefront of biblical scholar- particular, served him as a means of conveying ship and, in his view, of scholarship at large. antiquarian knowledge. They are a product of He also included the four maps with which we the encounter between Montano’s training in are concerned here—a map of the world (Orbis scholastic theology and Oriental philology and his tabula), Canaan at the time of Abraham (Terra deep humanist interest in visualizing knowledge, Canaan Abrahae tempore), the land of Israel divided among the twelve tribes (Terra Israel in tribus tabulation and measurement. While modern undecim distributa), and Jerusalem at the time of students of Montano have recognized his use of Solomon (Antiqua Ierusalem)—and about ten precise philological methods, they have generally antiquarian illustrations of architectural details, neglected his antiquarian sensibilities and inter- biblical monuments, and liturgical vestments and ests. In fact, Montano brought not only philolo- artefacts. gical tools to his new Bible edition, but also an The Polyglot did not prove to be the powerful engagement with material evidence and a deep implement of Counter-Reformation propaganda interest in architectural detail and theory and in that Philip II had envisioned. Imbued with chorographical and geographical description. It is Erasmianism—minimizing doctrinal differences by significant that when, in 1593, Franciscus Raphe- presenting conflicting scriptural texts alongside lenghius, a former member of the Polyglot’s team one another, and emphasizing philological accu- who had by that time converted to Calvinism, racy as a necessary condition for deciphering the published in nine of Montano’s treatises, Holy Writ—the new edition was profoundly ecu- including the original maps and illustrations, he menical.17 Indeed, from its early stages onwards, gave them the title Antiquitates Iudaicae.21 Strictly the Polyglot was attacked by theologians who speaking, Montano’s maps are not maps in a Bible; thought it damaged the authority of the Vulgate, they were an integral part of a learned antiquarian and who were enraged by Montano’s reliance treatise. In the Apparatus of the Polyglot Bible, on rabbinical and a few Reformed sources. The they are separate from the biblical text; in the fiercest of the critics was the Spanish León de 1593 edition, the biblical text is absent altogether. Castro, who was highly influential in Rome and In his seminal essay of 1950, Arnaldo Momig- almost succeeded in having the work banned, liano laid the basis of our understanding of early despite its having been approved in 1572 by Pope modern antiquarianism.22 He argued that the Gregory XIII.18 study of classical antiquity from the fifteenth to With hindsight, Castro may have had a point. late seventeenth centuries took two forms. On the It is now known that Plantin and his circle, many one hand, historians proper, following Livy and of whom were acquaintances of Montano, were Polybius, commented on political events and the 60 Z. Shalev moral lessons to be drawn from them. On the other hand, antiquaries, following Herodotus and Varro, surveyed the material remains of past cul- tures, compared those relics with texts, and gave synchronic descriptions of ancient societies. It is the antiquaries who laid the foundation to much of what we think of as modern historical method- ology. Momigliano also noted that the study of Scripture was different from the study of anti- quarianism in the way it relied on internal criteria for establishing the bona fides of the text. Com- pared with the availability of Greek and Roman antiquities, there was in the sixteenth century little epigraphic and archaeological material relat- ing to the Bible. Yet in Montano’s case we can clearly discern a real effort to incorporate anti- quarian methods and topics into the study of bib- lical and Jewish antiquities.23 In selecting the title Antiquitates Iudaicae for his 1593 edition, Montano was not only imitating Josephus, but also partici- pating in the general culture of description that had emerged in fifteenth-century Venice and Rome.24 Fig. 3. Engraving of an ancient Hebrew Shekel (face and obverse). Montano was able to examine such a coin For early modern antiquaries, no remnant of while he was attending the Council of Trent and thought the past seemed unimportant, and no subject this lucky opportunity was divinely inspired. See the unworthy of consideration. Seeking to establish treatise ‘Thubalcain’, in his Antiquitatum Iudicarum libri IX ...(Lugduni Batavorum [Leiden], ex officina Plantiniana, the social, legal and cultural structure of past soci- apud Franciscum Raphelengium, 1593), 126. (Repro- eties, they used various ways to organize their duced with permission from the Department of Rare material. The more systematic-minded followed Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library, Ex 29555.129.) Flavio Biondo and his classical model Varro and structured their descriptions according to the four different kinds of antiquitates: publicae, priva- in 1590, Montano complimented his friend 25 tae, sacrae and militares. Montano did not use Ortelius: Biondo’s fourfold division but retained the the- That image after Lucretius which you sent me matic principle. In the Apparatus he devoted commends the most elegant artist, both the designer, individual treatises to geography, architecture, as well as the engraver in copper. Like other evidence, liturgy, weights and measures, body gesture and it reveals how discerning your mind is. For you, with your erudite eyes, select the best in every art.29 chronology. Like Antonio Agustín, a leading anti- quarian and Spanish churchman (whom he must Montano’s notion of ‘erudite eyes’, helps us redis- have met in Trent), Montano was deeply inter- cover some of the qualities of early modern learn- ested in ancient coins and historical metrology ing of which sight has been lost today. Despite (Fig. 3).26 Like the long succession of Roman an- their different backgrounds and careers, Montano tiquarians who used ancient regional catalogues to and Ortelius were both immersed in classical reconstruct Rome’s historical divisions, Montano and biblical texts on the one hand, and in images faithfully reconstructed the division of the Holy and artefacts on the other. The republic of letters, Land into tribal lands as described in Joshua.27 of which both were dedicated citizens, was a Early modern antiquarianism is also defined by network in which coins, prints, miraculous stones, visuality. Antiquaries were not only using visual gems and maps were avidly collected and often sources for historical inquiry, but also presented exchanged. Visual and material objects were their finds, whether topographical, numismatic as important as learned discourses and textual or epigraphic, in visual form.28 Writing from scholarship. Thus, Montano’s world was not just Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism, and Visual Erudition 61 that of the Catholic exegete, and his maps, there- Spain. The map was published by Plantin in the fore, need to be addressed from this broadened fourth supplement to Ortelius’s Theatrum (1590). perspective. The dedicatory inscription in the cartouche in the bottom left corner, conventionally modelled as Visual Erudition and Geography a classical monument, reads: ‘1586. To the great From an early stage of his education Montano had theologian Sir Doctor Benito Arias Montano, a been deeply interested and well versed in archi- man distinguished for his mastery of languages, tecture, art and images, and he retained these his experience of affairs, and his integrity of char- interests throughout his life.30 His penchant for acter, from A. Ortelius in friendship and loyalty’.34 maps, globes, and mathematical instruments is The map gave Montano great pleasure and pride, well documented. Indeed, in their first exchange and he wrote to Ortelius: ‘I told you earlier that of letters, Plantin offered to buy for Montano this map of ancient Spain, elaborated by you, is globes by Gerard Mercator, maps and mathemati- always before my eyes with your most pleasant 31 cal instruments. Montano’s correspondence with image, which I carry with me wherever I go’. As Ortelius reveals much about his preoccupation a token of his gratitude Montano promised to with maps and geographical material. In 1575 ‘reserve a beautiful bezoar stone chosen by you, Montano was obliged to go Rome to defend his with a few other gems, or stones of extraordinary Polyglot. Despite his business in the Vatican, he effectiveness’.35 In 1587, at Plantin’s request, found the time for other diversions, about which Montano wrote a preface to the Spanish transla- he wrote to Ortelius: tion of Ortelius’ Theatrum, which was dedicated to There is here a distinguished friend of mine, J. B. the crown prince, the future Philip III.36 He later Raimundi, a lecturer in the mathematical arts in this offered Ortelius his advice and help with updating academy, who besides the study of letters also paints 37 and writes remarkably, and he makes the most the map of Spain. elegant mathematical globes I have ever seen. He has All these examples show the extent to which a very beautiful copy of a map of China from the Montano, a biblical scholar, was attracted to, and Portuguese legate. I have asked him to make me a light and easy, yet reliable copy. I will send it to you immersed in, geography and cartography. More once I obtain it from the man, for your use and that of importantly, they demonstrate the socio-intellec- the public—as you know, this region is most worthy tual environment of this kind of geographical of knowing.32 fascination. We should bear these points in mind Raimundi was one of the leading Orientalists as we move to examine Montano’s own maps. of the day, and from 1583 was the director of the Typographia Medicea in Rome, a major centre ‘Nehemias’ and the Map of Jerusalem for printing in Oriental languages. He too had The map of Jerusalem, which accompanies ‘Nehe- devised an ambitious plan for his own edition mias’, the treatise dealing with ancient Jerusalem of a polyglot bible, in which he intended to in Volume Eight, is not of Montano’s own design include, besides the original Greek and Hebrew but was based on a map by Peter Laickstein, a texts, and the standard Greek, Latin and Aramaic Dutchman who had made a pilgrimage to the Holy translations, the Arabic, Persian, Ethiopic, Arme- 38 nian, Coptic and Slavonic versions. Raimundi’s Land in 1556 (Fig. 4). Although the original plan eventually materialized some three decades has been lost, Laickstein’s map is known from a after his death, albeit in a less comprehensive number of celebrated editions issued later on in 39 form, as the Polyglot (1645).33 Whereas it the century. Of particular interest is the passage would be uncommon today to find biblical schol- in Montano’s text which introduces Montano’s ars and expert Orientalists discussing maps and version of Laickstein’s map, for it offers the globes as a matter of course, from the point of modern reader a remarkable glimpse into religious view of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century schol- education and practice in the first half of the ars it would have been normal and obvious to sixteenth century, when Montano would have move between profane maps and sacred texts. been a schoolboy. An example of the way friendship and geo- In his preface to ‘Nehemias’, Montano nostal- graphical scholarship went hand in hand is found gically recalls his beloved teacher of letters and in Ortelius’s dedication of his map of ancient religion, Iago Vasquez Matamoro: 62 Z. Shalev

Fig. 4. A plan of Antiqua Ierusalem, based on Peter Laickstein’s map but with a corrected represen- tation of the Temple, accompanies Montano’s ‘Nehemias’ in volume 8 of the Antwerp Polyglot. (Reproduced with permission from the Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library, Ex 5145.1569f.)

After he already busied his youth with various wan- the later fables of those living there, whatever he saw derings, he was driven by great desire, and attacked he noted down exactly, and described either in words, by sorrow that he had let slip that best and most pow- the autograph of which he gave me as a gift in pledge erful of all, the journey to Palestine in Syria, which, of friendship, or in maps [tabulis] that he depicted.41 on account of piety, is often taken by many Christians ...40 This is cutting-edge antiquarianism in action, not in Rome but in the Holy Land. Vasquez was brib- Montano then points out that, once in Palestine, ing Ottoman officials, questioning local informants Vasquez began an extensive project of description and weighing the relative value of their stories and observation: and, above all, describing and tabulating ‘ancient 42 With such an elegant spirit, and endowed and learned things’ in words and images. Upon his return to in so many arts, and having travelled diligently and Extremadura, Vasquez produced multiple copies carefully the whole region which stretches between of what Montano described as highly esteemed Jaffa and the Jordan, and from Damascus to Beer- Sheva, and blessed with an acute intellect, skilled in tabulae relating to the sacred monuments in the identifying true antiquities and discerning them from Church of the Holy Sepulchre and Bethlehem. Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism, and Visual Erudition 63

Vasquez had taught Montano the rudiments of again shows his insistence on visual accuracy and drawing and, more important for our purposes faithful reconstruction of ancient monuments. in the present context, often told the eagerly listening young boy about the landscape and ‘Chanaan’, ‘Chaleb’ and the Maps of the Holy sites of the Holy Land, so that as an adolescent, Land Montano could quickly evoke each of the sacred Montano’s strict historicism is also manifest in his sites. He also received from Vasquez an elegant chorographical description of the Holy Land. image of Jerusalem, printed on cloth and carefully While most contemporary descriptions were not coloured, which greatly helped him in the study of particularly careful as regards chronology and Scripture. correct historical stratification, Montano insisted Recommending his method to the serious on separating his account of the Holy Land into student of the Polyglot, Montano explained how two treatises: in ‘Chanaan’, the land before its Vasquez encouraged him to combine biblical and conquest and redistribution by Joshua is discussed, antiquarian studies and in ‘Chaleb’, the structure of the subsequent Israelite settlement is explained. Each treatise is first taught by this excellent man’s demonstrations, then having observed many things in the reading of accompanied by a richly detailed map which the Holy Scripture, and then noted in other authors follows the principle of historical specificity.44 what may be useful for understanding the principles The two maps arguably form the most important of topography, I saw to the gathering of a demonstr- representation of biblical geography produced in ation of the state of ancient Jerusalem, the knowledge of which, I think, will be no less useful than pleasant the later sixteenth century before the publication to the students of the sacred disciplines . . .43 of Christiaan van Adrichem’s Theatrum Terrae Sanctae in 1590 (which in itself is indebted in Montano made one significant change to the many respects to Montano).45 In terms of coverage, design of Laickstein’s map. He replaced Laick- Montano’s map of Canaan reaches as far as stein’s depiction of Solomon’s Temple as a ziggurat Mesopotamia (to illustrate the Patriarchs’ wander- by his own detailed architectural plan, itself based ings), while the map of Israel zooms in on Canaan on another of his treatises in Volume Eight, the itself, carefully divided into the tribal territories ‘Exemplar’, a study of sacred architecture (Figs 5 and marked with the route of the Exodus (Fig. 7).46 and 6). Montano’s correction of the original design The Canaan map is exceptional in the sincere yet incomplete effort to provide place names in Hebrew script, such as Moab (bafm) and Egypt (zjtpm). Montano’s Hebraistic sensibilities appear in other details as well, such as the grove drawn by kiryat yearim (zjtpj hjts), that is, the City of Woods. Montano even tells us how he obtained a map of Canaan in Trent from a learned Mantuan, very knowledgeable in Hebrew, who had commis- sioned it at a great cost.47 Montano’s own map of Canaan is based on this Tridentine map, which he annotated and augmented with a descriptive text in order to facilitate the understanding of biblical toponymy.48 In ‘Chaleb’, the treatise describing the re- partition of the land, Montano uses in fact three descriptive aids: an ‘Elenchus’, or alphabetical index of biblical toponymy with scriptural refer- ences;49 a textual description; and a map (Fig. 8).50 Fig. 5. Detail from Montano’s plan of Jerusalem (see Fig. Montano explains that the motive for such a 4), showing the Temple. The plan is based on Montano’s detailed approach is to help Bible readers to over- own reconstruction of the Temple (see Fig. 6). (Repro- come the difficulty of reaching the ‘simple’ sense duced with permission from the Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University of the text, and thereby to let them access the Library, Ex 5145.1569f.) arcane, ‘blissful’ teachings which it contains.51 Fig. 6. Montano, in his Templi icnographia, made an effort to reconstruct the historic building as it stood in Solomon’s day, while using the technical language of contemporary architectural theory. From Montano’s treatise ‘Exemplar’ in volume 8 of the Antwerp Polyglot. (Reproduced with permission from the Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library, Ex 5145.1569f.) Fig. 7. Tabula terrae Canaan Abrahae tempore. Montano’s map of pre-conquest Canaan, exceptional in the use of Hebrew lettering, is in his ‘Chanaan’, volume 8 of the Antwerp Polyglot. (Reproduced with permission from the Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library, Ex 5145.1569f.) Fig. 8. Terrae Israel . . . in tribus undecim distributae accuratissima. Montano’s map of Israel, divided into eleven tribal territories and including the route of the Exodus, from his treatise ‘Chaleb’ in volume 8 of the Antwerp Polyglot. (Reproduced with permission from the Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library, Ex 5145.1569f.) Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism, and Visual Erudition 67

Once a basic picture of the land has been formed, Yet Montano’s method of exegesis systematically the door to higher reflections opens. Montano’s incorporates the maps. Initially, they are required own musings on the higher meaning of biblical for assisting the reader to establish the literal geography emerge from his prefaces to the trea- historical sense of the text. Ultimately, however, tises. The prefaces set the mode for contemplating they call for reflection on the providential mean- each map’s subject and place the Holy Land in a ing of the landscape. As Delano-Smith and Ingram providential framework. themselves explain, the maps in Geneva editions In the preface to ‘Chanaan’, Montano insisted of the Bible, especially the Exodus map, had doc- on the extraordinary power of nature in pre- trinal messages to carry. Thus, while Protestants conquest Canaan, a fact all the more remarkable did not have a monopoly, as it were, on the literal given the land’s small size: ‘it has (to make its sense of Scripture, they were quite seriously measure comply with the standard of geography) engaged in some kind of allegorical exegesis. As no more than sixty miles in length, and forty Richard Muller notes, ‘None of the exegetes— 52 in width’. Benito Arias, whose self-appointed Luther, Oecolampadius, Melanchthon, and Calvin sobriquet ‘Montano’ acknowledged the landscape —wanted to lose the flexibility of reference avail- of his birthplace, Fregenal de la Sierra, attributed able to the allegorical method: the text must be Canaan’s unique fecundity to its mountainous allowed to speak to the Church’.56 Maps, it would nature. The land’s mountains, he speculated, seem, had a literal and an allegorical function in made its surface fourfold the area below, and this both Protestant and Catholic biblical scholarship.57 explained how it supported thirty-one kingdoms. Biblical maps were conceived as, and intended The uneven landscape was also effective for the to be used as, devotional images. As Walter procreation of all species because the heat, by Melion shows in a perceptive study of the maps of which all are begotten and supported, is caught sacred geography in the Parergon (a section of his- between the caves and the entrails of the moun- torical maps that appeared with the Theatrum from tains and increases variety and fertility. Bubbling 1579 onward), Ortelius’s maps were tied together springs, minerals, trees, plants, all abound in by the notion of pilgrimage. In functioning as an Montano’s Canaan, which is always under God’s eyes (he is here referring to Deuteronomy 11:12). invitation to the reader to embark on an imagina- The land was designed for sweet and pleasant life, tive pilgrimage in the footsteps of holy men, from which should be spent in perpetual worship and Abraham to St. Paul, the maps in the Parergon love of God. Yet, Montano continued, the fortu- were devotional and meditative devices modelled 58 nate inhabitants of this best of all lands, first the on the rhetorical form of ductus. Melion also Canaanites, then the Israelites, abused their privi- points to Montano’s Humanae salutis monumenta lege and, as it were, drowned in the river of their (1571) as a direct source of Ortelius’s use of maps wealth. Here Montano is indirectly arguing against in this way. The Monumenta contains seventy-one Michael Servetus and Sebastian Münster, who had figurative images, all devised by Montano, each denied, in different ways, the fertility of the Holy of which is accompanied by a short caption and Land.53 Montano is also inviting reflection on the a poem, and each of which conveys a moralistic corrupting power of wealth—a not insignificant message.59 Thus, for example, Montano’s image comment in the context of the Spain of Philip II, for Joshua chapter 18, verses 2–10, Terrae distri- flooded as it was by riches from America. In butae, which shows the leaders of the tribes of ‘Chaleb’, Montano asked the reader to consider Israel poring over a large map, is an emblem of the miraculous nature of the Israelites’ conquest of the benefits accruing to those who bear their the land of Canaan, which, he noted, took place pilgrimage with patience (Fig. 9).60 in too short a time for anybody to have been able Melion’s argument is reinforced by Montano’s to walk across the country, let alone conquer its own words in the Polyglot. As we have seen in the fortified towns and fearsome inhabitants.54 discussion of ‘Nehemias’, the map of Jerusalem Montano’s maps of Canaan and Israel let that Vasquez gave to Montano was used to invoke us consider the ways in which description and the notion of pilgrimage in a manner not unlike interpretation, image and text work in a com- that of Ignatius of Loyola’s Spiritual Exercises, or in plementary fashion. It is clear that the maps do a secular context the vicarious travel promoted by not carry providential messages in themselves.55 works such as Braun and Hogenberg’s Civitates Fig. 9. Joshua and his generals poring over a map of the Promised Land. The image is taken from a collection of odes by Montano and matching engravings by various artists on biblical themes. The division of the promised land— note the dotted boundary lines outlining the tribal territories—appears under the heading ‘Perseverantiae exitus,’ the fruit of perseverance. Montano, Humanae salutis monumenta (Antwerp, Plantin, 1571), sig. F2. (Reproduced with permission from the Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library, Ex 2949.129.) Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism, and Visual Erudition 69 orbis terrarum (1572). In ‘Chaleb’ Montano explic- The methodological statements contained in itly wrote that his own map of Israel was intended the preface to ‘Phaleg’ are important for placing to serve as a replacement for pilgrimage for those Montano’s world map and concept of sacred who could not travel and enjoy the memory of geography in a wider theological framework. actual places.61 Hence, the emblematic engravings Like other scholars and churchmen at the time, in the Monumenta and the scholarly map were Montano was attempting to walk a fine line thought of and used in similar ways as a means between natural philosophy and theology without of reflection, particularly on the theme of actual completely renouncing either one or the other. In and metaphorical pilgrimage. The conjunction of other words, Montano was struggling to assure the the two kinds of images was made explicit by status of Scripture as a complete encyclopedia of Plantin in his lavish folio Bible of 1583, where human knowledge without denying the truths he printed many images in the manner of the found in pagan and modern philosophies. Like 1571 Monumenta together with Montano’s maps Francisco Vallès (1524–1592), one of Philip II’s of the Antwerp Polyglot. Some of the plates of physicians and author of De sacra philosophia this edition were then used for the 1583 quarto (1587), Lambert Daneau (1530–1595), the Gene- Monumenta.62 While the erratic flux of plates and van Calvinist author of Physica christiana (1576– images from one edition to another (and across 1580), and many others from different religious confessional frontiers) should often be attributed backgrounds, Montano used his literal hermeneu- to commercial considerations, it seems that for tics and his philological tools in an attempt to Montano and Plantin (a major producer of schol- prove the unity of human knowledge.67 Hence his arly as well as emblem books), the two kinds of wide programme of ‘pious’, or ‘Mosaic’ geography. images, the emblem and the map, were two points As in the case of architecture, where he main- on the same spectrum of graphic illustration.63 tained that classical architectural ideals were Pious Science: Montano’s World Map derived from those revealed in Scripture, in ‘Phaleg’ also Montano argued that sacred geogra- Another treatise in the Apparatus, entitled ‘Phaleg’, phy held the essential truths for understanding the deals briefly with the repopulation of the post- contemporary world. diluvial world. The treatise describes the Earth In the same treatise, Montano recorded a con- hierarchically—from the continents to countries versation he had with Augustinus Hunaeus, one and then to their geographical details—and thus of the Louvain theologians with whom he collabo- echoes influential contemporary cosmographies rated for the Polyglot. According to Montano, such as those by Peter Apian, Johannes Honter and Guillaume Postel, who were themselves fol- Hunaeus said that ‘He who enters a house twice lowing the classical model.64 However, as much and thrice, or even lives in it continuously, cannot as Montano borrows from classical sources for his grasp its full form as the Architect does, who geographical description of the globe, he makes a knows the principles of its construction in a thor- conscious effort only to use information taken ough way, and each of its parts, from the floor to 68 from the Holy Scriptures, and his ornate map the roof’. So, for Montano and Hunaeus, only for the treatise ‘Phaleg’ shows a similar tension God, architect of the world we inhabit, is capable between the classical and scriptural (Fig. 10).65 of properly describing the world, and geographical Inasmuch as the double-hemispheric map depicted information, shared with humanity through the modern discoveries, it was a conventional geo- Scriptures, is thus of the utmost importance. graphical map. Its toponymy, however, is based Sacred geography is needed by everyone: doctors, exclusively on the Bible (Genesis 10).66 Unlike the merchants and soldiers can learn from it about map of Canaan, Montano’s world map is lettered customs, rites, religion, matters private and public, throughout in Hebrew, including the cardinal ways of war and peace, trade and even vest- directions in the frame, as if to underline the ments.69 The Scriptures enable one to account for primacy of biblical information. Montano’s world traditional enmity or harmony between peoples, map, in short, is a visual demonstration of the according to their biblical genealogy, or to realize, breadth of his conception of geographia sacra: a for example, why the Greeks and Romans, geography that is global in scope and founded on the sons of Japheth, excel in philosophy and the Holy Scriptures. eloquence.70 Fig. 10. Montano’s Sacra geographia, the double-hemisphere map of the world, showing the distribution of the descendants of the three sons of Noah—Shem, Ham and Japheth—(Genesis 10), in his treatise ‘Phaleg’, in volume 8 of the Antwerp Polyglot. (Reproduced with permission from the Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library, Ex 5145.1569f.) Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism, and Visual Erudition 71

The centrepiece of Montano’s pious world contained the essential truths for understanding geography is the identification of the biblical gold- the natural world, it was this understanding that bearing region of Ophir with Peru in the New in turn facilitated our penetration of the arcane World: ‘None of the Greek and Latin authors meanings of the Scriptures.77 In Montano’s preface whose writings came through to our time wrote to the Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela (1575)—a anything, . . . which, if carefully examined, could work he had obtained from a Venetian friend be compared with those that Moses expressly in Trent and translated from the Hebrew— wrote on the land of Ophir’.71 Montano provided he clearly stated these priorities: ‘What fruits philological proof for his claim, alluding to the mortals normally gain from the opening up of biblical verses which relate to the building of lands, beyond what is obvious from experience, Solomon’s Temple ‘and the gold was the gold of I have amply demonstrated in my Geographia Parvaim’ (2 Chronicles 3:6), which, in his view, sacra’.78 The fruits referred to are the deeper must refer to Ophir, the source of Solomon’s gold theological knowledge and the insight into Scrip- (1 Kings 9:28). With the aid of some Hebraic acro- ture that overshadow more obvious benefits such batics, Montano interpreted Parvaim as ‘double as political and scientific progress. Peru’, which on his world map he clearly placed Montano’s Geographia sacra carries the same on the western littorals of the two continents of message as is found on the walls and ceilings of the New World.72 The identification of the New the Escorial Library, of which he was the first li- World in general with the biblical Ophir went brarian. The magnificent fresco cycle was finished back to Columbus, and the more specific theory in 1595. It was painted by, among others, Pellegr- that Peru was Ophir had already been suggested ino Tibladi, who worked according to a progra- 79 by Postel, but it was Montano who provided the mme attributed to Montano. The cycle presents philological proof, bringing into action his talents the seven Liberal Arts on the vaults, flanked by as a Hebraist.73 The Ophir-Peru theory not only Theology and Philosophy on each end of the hall. asserted that the Hebrews knew the world in its Similarly, Montano’s sacred geography insists on entirety, it also proved Philip II and his Escorial to the compatibility of pagan wisdom with revealed have been prefigured by Solomon and the Temple. wisdom, and on the unity of knowledge. However, Montano’s Ophir, as Gliozzi explains, was a shared resource—it was the traditional Sacred Architecture: Noah’s Ark source of wealth for many peoples, as if by So far, I have attempted to demonstrate that providential design—and Montano’s version of the Montano’s maps played an active role in his theory was at best ambiguous if intended as a scholarship. In his skilfully layered exegesis, the defence of Spanish monopolistic claims on the literal and the arcane meanings of Holy Scripture resources of the New World.74 are revealed through a complex interplay of text The reception of Montano’s theory was on the and image. In the final section of this paper, I turn whole negative. Ortelius, his close friend, was to Montano’s architectural designs to expose the polite enough to bestow lavish praise in his Sy- same principles in operation. The exercise encour- nonymica Geographica on Montano’s erudition, only ages us to study early modern maps within a to declare himself unconvinced by Montano’s spectrum of contemporary illustrated material argument.75 Other authorities, such as Joseph and to expand our interpretation of maps beyond Scaliger and José de Acosta, who was particularly the narrowly geographical. To this end, I shall interested in the origins of the natives of the concentrate on Montano’s understanding of sacred New World, were also critical of the Peru-Ophir architecture and his reconstruction of Noah’s identification.76 In the final analysis, though, it Ark.80 would seem that Montano was more interested in In a series of perceptive essays, the historian strengthening the status of Scripture than in either René Taylor treated the Neoplatonic and Hermetic justifying Spanish exploitation or solving the prob- inclinations of the builders of the Escorial royal lem of the origins of the American Indians. What monastery, paying particular attention to the excited him was the realization that Scripture is beliefs of the Jesuit Juan-Bautista Villalpando. Vil- pregnant with clues, the meaning of which may lalpando was the author of an influential recon- be discovered in the future, not the discoveries struction of Solomon’s Temple as described in the themselves. In his view, while Holy Scripture prophet Ezekiel’s vision, for which he also compiled 72 Z. Shalev a map of Jerusalem.81 For Taylor, Montano, a critic derived from designs described in detail in the of Villalpando’s visionary architecture, was the Bible. Employing the modesty topos, Montano Jesuit’s negative image: pointed out that he himself embodied the two Ostensibly [Montano’s] main objection to the Jesuit’s necessary skills for the study of sacred structures, a reconstruction was on the grounds that the building knowledge of both Hebrew and the principles of described by Ezechiel had nothing to do with the architecture.84 His systematic use of relevant terms, Temple built by Solomon, as described in the Book of Kings and in other sources. The truth, however, was such as icnographia (plan), sciographia (section), that they were men of utterly divergent outlook. Arias and orthographia (elevation) for his architectural Montano was a rationalist in the humanistic tradition. His interests lay in the fields of textual criticism and biblical designs shows that his self-esteem was not exegesis . . . In this sense he stands close to Erasmus, without some foundation (see Fig. 6). whose approach to biblical and patristic studies was Montano then moved on to analyse in pains- largely his own. He therefore can have felt scant sympathy for the mystical proclivities of the Jesuit.82 taking detail the construction and appearance of Noah’s Ark, Solomon’s Temple and the Taber- Montano was not just the cold-blooded philolo- nacle. His account of the Ark starts on strict Aris- gist suggested by Taylor, however, as his treatise totelian and philological lines. Montano explains on sacred architecture, entitled ‘Exemplar’, makes that the Hebrew word teva (ebv, ark) is reserved abundantly clear. Montano’s ‘Exemplar’ is imbued for a particular cause—the rescue of humans from with ideals of order, proportion and anthropomor- water. The Ark’s form is therefore derived from phism, in which, moreover, images play a signifi- cant role. In the preface, which in general reads this special function, and it carries a deeper mean- like an apology for antiquarian studies, Montano ing, which Noah must have understood clearly argued for the importance of studying sacred upon hearing God’s instructions. The structure architecture: was to be oblong, with four angles, so as to carry a person lying down.85 The measurements (300 If the entire principle of the measures, shapes and all structures and buildings that are included in Scrip- cubits in length, 50 cubits in width, 10 cubits in ture is carefully and attentively considered, it will height) ‘follow the observed ratio of measures of a undoubtedly be admitted that this whole principle of man lying dead on the ground in length, width buildings of the Greeks and Romans either came from 86 there to them, or, at least, that it is laudable and and height’. Montano’s insistence on the specific famous chiefly for the reason that it is not unlike the function of Noah’s Ark and his interpretation of biblical.83 its measurements become clear when we examine As Villalpando would do after him, Montano was the accompanying illustration, in which the figure arguing that the classical architectural orders are of Christ is shown lying in Noah’s Ark (Fig. 11).

Fig. 11. The image of Christ within Noah’s Ark demonstrates Montano’s theological antiquarianism, which combines careful technical analysis with reflection on hidden meanings in Scipture. Forma . . . Arcae Noë, in ‘Exemplar’, volume 8 of the Antwerp Polyglot (see note 9). (Reproduced with permission from the Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library, Ex 5145.1569f.) Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism, and Visual Erudition 73

The striking image is even more remarkable given While the numbers cannot be refuted—maps in that Christ is not mentioned a single time in the Bibles are mainly a Protestant phenomenon—my text. Montano, it seems, chose to analyse all examination of the maps compiled by a prominent technical details in the text—discussing building Catholic scholar sheds new light on the relations materials, structure and internal organization—in between maps and religion in the sixteenth preparation for the image, which alone conveys century. In widening the scope of analysis to the deeper significance of the Ark. include the broader cultural and intellectual con- The association of the Ark with the Church, text of the period, I have mitigated to some extent and with Christ’s body, was not new; it went back the confessional differences and pointed to to Patristic and medieval traditions. St Augustine significant commonalities. Geographia sacra consti- had drawn attention to the human proportions of tuted a mode of scholarship and thought which the Ark in De civitate dei (15:26) and had referred came from, and was deeply embedded in, the indirectly to Christ by likening the Ark’s entrance contemporary practices and concerns of the to a wound. In the twelfth century, Hugh of St sixteenth-century republic of letters. Both Protes- Victor devoted two treatises to the Ark, placing it tant and Catholic biblical scholars shared the same in a cosmographical-spiritual context.87 Montano, world of antiquarian learning, with its emphasis however, merges traditional exegesis with the on systematic description and obsession with language and methods of the antiquarian study of measurement and visualization. Their common monuments. We know that he owned, among concern for visual accuracy and historical pre- other architectural works, an edition of Vitruvius’s cision did not contradict, and perhaps even De architectura, in which he would have found enhanced, the use of biblical maps for pious many relevant passages on symmetry, on the pro- purposes. At a time in which science and piety portion of the human body, and on the signifi- were not seen as conflicting, a literal, rationalistic cance of certain numbers.88 In Vitruvius he would map, based on textual analysis and first-hand also have read about the plan, suggested to Ale- travel accounts could readily serve as the basis for xander the Great by the architect Dinocrates, to a wider philosophical-devotional programme and carve Mount Athos into the image of a man in as a wonderful tool in the struggle to accommo- whose left hand a city would be planted.89 Further date theology and philosophy within a unified anthropomorphic ideals were discussed in Leon body of knowledge. Battista Alberti’s De re aedificatoria (mid fifteenth My final conjecture, looking beyond sacred century) including a direct reference to the Ark.90 geography to maps and antiquarianism, is that, in Alberti’s contemporary (and Pope Nicholas V’s early modern Europe, the scholarly map enabled a biographer), the humanist Gianozzo Manetti, primary mode of antiquarian expression. The map likened the cathedral in Florence and St Peter’s was both an apt means of displaying detailed basilica in Rome to Noah’s Ark. Although he had synchronic knowledge and an antiquarian object to admit that St Peter’s structure could not have in itself, an object that was collected, displayed been modelled exactly after the actual proportions and exchanged. We learn from illustrated texts of the Ark, Manetti insisted on the similarity of the such as Buondelmonti’s early fifteenth-century design.91 treatise on the Aegean, that from the start interest Montano, we see, was not averse to hidden in antiquities in the early modern period was meanings with numerological overtones. Nor was closely tied to cartography. Individuals such as he locked in philological rationalism, as Taylor Leon Battista Alberti, Angelo Colocci and, later, argues. Certainly, he demanded philological accu- Pirro Ligorio pursued both channels thoroughly; racy, but as a means of reaching the arcane mean- the list of antiquarian-cartographers may be ings of Holy Scripture. He was part of the same extended further to include Conrad Peutinger, culture to which the more extravagant Villalpando Robert Cotton, William Camden, Abraham Orte- belonged, a culture in which textual humanism, lius and many others besides Montano. Geography antiquarianism and mathematical Neoplatonism in early modern Europe was far more than just had much in common.92 The case is easier to ‘the eye of history’, as Ortelius phrased it. It served sustain when we recall Montano’s belief in as a model for arranging historical and antiquarian miraculous gems and powerful bezoar stones. knowledge. 74 Z. Shalev

Acknowledgements: This paper was written while I was a Journal of Theological Studies 42 (1991): 143–52; idem, Dissertation Fellow at the Center for the Study of ‘Maps as art “and” science: maps in 16th century Bibles’, Religion, Princeton University. I would like to thank the Imago Mundi 42 (1990): 65–83; idem, ‘Maps in Bibles in Center for its financial support, and the other Fellows for the 16th century’, The Map Collector 39 (1987), 2–14; C. their suggestions. A shorter version was presented at the Delano-Smith and Mayer I. Gruber, ‘Rashi’s legacy: maps 19th International Conference on the History of Carto- of the Holy Land’, The Map Collector 59 (1992): 30–35, graphy, Madrid. Further thanks are due to Amanda Elizabeth M. Ingram, ‘A map of the Holy Land in the Wunder, Karen Bowen, , D. Graham Burnett, Coverdale Bible: a map by Holbein?’ The Map Collector 64 Franz Reitinger, Tine Meganck, Guy Stroumsa, Catherine (1993): 26–33; idem, ‘Maps as readers’ aids: maps and Delano-Smith, David Woodward, and above all Anthony plans in Geneva Bibles’, Imago Mundi 45 (1993): 29–44. Grafton. 6. Delano-Smith and Ingram, Maps in Bibles (see note 5), xvii, xxiv. 7. Francesca Fiorani, ‘Post-Tridentine geographia sacra: Manuscript submitted in March 2002. Revised paper received the Galleria delle carte geografiche in the Vatican Palace’, July 2002. Imago Mundi 48 (1996): 124–48. 8. We still lack a full intellectual biography and a full correspondence edition of Montano, a fascinating and NOTES AND REFERENCES central figure of early modern scholarship, though par- 1. For a recent re-evaluation of the historiographical ticular studies and modern editions of his works shed tradition of the Council of Trent and the Counter- light on his work and thought. The standard biography Reformation see John W. O’Malley, Trent and All That: by Ben Rekers, Benito Arias Montano (1527–1598) Renaming Catholicism in the Early Modern Era (Cambridge, (London, The Warburg Institute, 1972), is useful mainly Mass., Harvard University Press, 2000). On Montano’s for Montano’s activities, less so regarding his works. See activities in Trent see C. Gutiérrez, Españoles en Trento also, among others, Vicente Becares Botas, Arias Montano (Valladolid, 1951), 180–81, n.66; Benito Arias Montano, y Plantino: el libro flamenco en la España de Felipe II (León, Elucidationes in quatuor Evangeliae (Antwerp, Plantin, Universidad Secretariado de Publicaciones, 1999), Luis 1575), 62; T. Gonzáles Carvajal, ‘Elogio histórico del Dr Gómez Canseco, ed., Anatomía del humanismo: Benito Arias B. Arias Montano’, Memorias de la Real Academia de la Montano, 1598–1998 (Huelva, Servicio de Publicaciones Historia 7 (1823): 1–199, esp. 32–36. Universidad de Huelva, 1998); Sylvaine Hänsel, Der 2. Robert W. Karrow, Jr, Mapmakers of the Sixteenth Cen- spanische Humanist Benito Arias Montano (1527–1598) und tury and Their Maps: Bio-bibliographies of the Cartographers of die Kunst (Münster, Aschendorff, 1991); Paul Saenger, Abraham Ortelius, 1570 (Winnetka, Illinois, Speculum ‘Benito Arias Montano and the evolving notion of locus Orbis Press for The Newberry Library, 1993); Peter H. in sixteenth-century printed books’, Word & Image 17 Meurer, Fontes cartographici Orteliani: Das ‘Theatrum orbis (2001): 119–37. Benito Arias was educated in Seville, terrarum’ von Abraham Ortelius und seine Kartenquellen and then in the University of Alcalá de Henares, a centre (Weinheim, VCH, Acta Humaniora, 1991). for Hebraic and biblical studies. In 1560 he became a 3. Giorgio Mangani, ‘Abraham Ortelius and the her- member of the military order of St. James. After his recall metic meaning of the cordiform projection’, Imago Mundi from the Low Countries he was the librarian of the 50 (1998): 59–83; Il ‘mondo’ di Abramo Ortelio: misticismo, Escorial (see Mark P. McDonald, ‘The print collection geografia e collezionismo nel Rinascimento dei Paesi Bassi of Philip II at the Escorial’, Print Quarterly 15 (1998): (Modena, Franco Cosimo Panini, 1998); R. Boumans, 15–35), and then, in 1586, retreated to his estate near ‘The religious views of Abraham Ortelius’, Journal of Seville, where he died in 1598. the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 17 (1954): 374–77; 9. The Antwerp Polyglot Bible, also known as the Biblia Regia, was published as Biblia sacra, Hebraice, Chaldaice, and the essays in Robert W. Karrow, Jr, et al., Abraham Graece et Latine, Philippi II. Reg. pietate et studio ad Sacros- Ortelius (1527–1598): cartographe et humaniste (Tournhout, anctae Ecclesiae usum, 8 vols., Antwerp, [1569–1572]. See Brepols, 1998). Basil Hall, ‘Biblical scholarship: editions and commentar- 4. In the case of maps of the Holy Land, however, we ies’, in Cambridge History of the Bible, vol. 3: The West from do have fine albums and carto-bibliographies. For an the Reformation to the Present Day, ed. S. L. Greenslade album with valuable notes see Kenneth Nebenzahl, Maps (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1963), 38–93; of the Holy Land (New York, Abbeville Press, 1986); Eva Rekers, Benito Arias Montano (see note 8), ch. 3; L. Voet, Wajntraub and Gimpel Wajntraub, Hebrew Maps of the ‘La Bible Polyglotte d’Anvers et Benedictus Arias Mon- Holy Land (Wien, Brüder Hollinek, 1992); Eran Laor and tanus: l’histoire de la plus grande entreprise scriptuaire et Shoshanna Klein, Maps of the Holy Land: Cartobibliography typographique du XVIe siècle’, in La Biblia Polyglota de of Printed Maps, 1475–1900 (New York: A. R. Liss, 1986). Amberes, ed. Federico Perez Castro and L. Voet (Madrid, Rehav Rubin’s scholarly study of Jerusalem (Image Fundación Universitaria Española, 1973), 35–53. The and Reality: Jerusalem in Maps and Views (Jerusalem, The communications of Montano and Plantin concerning the Hebrew University Magnes Press, 1999)) pays attention Polyglot are published in ‘Correspondencia del doctor mostly to formal visual analysis and to map provenance. Arias Montano con Felipe II, el secretario Zayas y otros 5. Catherine Delano-Smith and Elizabeth M. Ingram, sugetos, desde 1568 hasta 1580’, in Colección de Docu- Maps in Bibles, 1500–1600: An Illustrated Catalogue (Geneva, mentos inéditos para la Historia de España (Madrid, Viuda de Droz, 1991). The first printed Bible map appeared with Calero, 1862); M. Rooses and J. Denucé, eds, Corre- Christoph Froschauer’s Old Testament (Zurich, 1525), spondance de Christophe Plantin, 9 vols. (Antwerp, J. E. based on Luther’s translation. Later, the many editions of Buschmann, 1883–1918); Baldomero Macías Rosendo, the Geneva Bible had five maps (Exodus, Eden, Division ed., La Biblia Políglota de Amberes en la correspondencia de of Canaan, The Holy Land at the Time of Christ, Eastern Benito Arias Montano (Ms. Estoc. A 902) (Huelva, Univer- Mediterranean). See also C. Delano-Smith, ‘Geography sidad de Huelva, 1998). For an insightful account of or Christianity? Maps of the Holy Land before AD 1000’, the intellectual background of the 17th-century Paris Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism, and Visual Erudition 75

Polyglot see Peter N. Miller, ‘Les origines de la Polyglotte Graeca et Latina nomina virorum, mulierum, popu- de Paris: philologia sacra, contre-réforme et raison d’état’, lorum, idolorum, urbium, fluuiorum, montium, caete- Dix-Septième Siècle 49:1 (1997): 57–66. rorumque locorum quae in Bibliis utriusque Testamenti 10. On the Complutensian see Jerry H. Bentley, Humanists leguntur in veteri interprete, cum aliquot appelativis and Holy Writ: New Testament Scholarship in the Renaissance Hebraicis, Chaldaicis, Graecis vocibus: adiecta eorum (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1983), 72ff. expositione & explicatione. Locoru[m] praeterea descrip- 11. Montano’s longing for his Antwerp period fre- tio ex Cosmographis’, in Biblia Sacra, Vol. VIII (see note quently recurs in his letters to Ortelius. See, for example 9). the letter from Rome, 28 February 1576, in Epistulae 17. Marcel Bataillon, Erasme et l’Espagne, ed. D. Devoto Ortelianae, ed. J. H. Hessels (Cambridge, 1887), no. and C. Amiel (Geneva, Droz, 1991), 781–812. 62:1–3, 138–40. In September 1592 Montano even went 18. In 1577 Juan de Mariana, entrusted with the final so far as to suggest Justus Lipsius, one of his Antwerp judgment of the Polyglot, pronounced it non-heretical, acquaintances, be the inheritor of his estate (Ronald yet criticized Montano on various deficiencies. W. Truman, ‘Justus Lipsius, Arias Montano and Pedro 19. Rekers, Benito Arias Montano (see note 8), 54. Ximenes’, Bulletin de l’Institut Historique Belge de Rome 68 20. Alastair Hamilton, The Family of Love (Cambridge, (1998): 367–86). J. Clarke, 1981), 74–77; for other sceptical evaluations of 12. ‘Estant donc de retour en ceste ville, je trouvay Montano’s recruitment to the Familist cause see Truman, Monsigneur le docteur en théologie Bénédict Arias ‘Justus Lipsius, Arias Montano and Pedro Ximenes’ Montanus, officier de la Sainte Inquisition en Espagne, (note 11); Ángel Alcalá, ‘Arias Montano y el familismo Chevalier de l’ordre de Saint Jaques, personnage, outre flamenco: una nueva revision’, in Gómez Canseco, l’estat de noblesse et degré qu’il tient, non seulment Anatomía del humanismo (see note 8), 85–109. I agree autant accompli en la science des langues hébraïcque, with Rekers’s critics that he uses Erasmianism and chaldaïcque, syrienne, grecque, latine et diverses autres, Familism almost interchangeably. For an earlier sound mais aussi doué d’une autant souveraine modestie, pru- judgement see M. Sabbe, ‘Les rapports entre Montano et dence, amour divin, et toutes autres vertues divines Hiël’, Gulden Passer (1926): 19–43. qu’oncques j’en ay sceu congnoistre’ (Plantin to Maxi- 21. Benito Arias Montano, Antiquitatum Iudicarum libri milian de Berghes, Archbishop of Cambrai, 28 June, IX, in quis, praeter Iudaeae, Hierosolymorum, & Templi 1568, in Rooses and Denucé, Correspondance de Christophe Salomonis accuratam delineationem, praecipui sacri ac profani Plantin (see note 9), 1: no. 137). gentis ritus describuntur . . . Adiectis formis aeneis (Leiden, 13. In an often quoted passage Plantin describes how ex officina Plantiniana, apud Franciscum Raphelengium, his thirteen-year-old daughter Magdelaine used to read 1593) [hereafter AI]. the biblical texts to Montano: she was in charge of bring- 22. Arnaldo Momigliano, ‘Ancient history and the anti- ing ‘toutes les espreuves des grandes Bibles Royal au quarian’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 13 logis de Monsgr le Docteur B. Arias Montanus et de (1950): 285–315. lire, des originaux Hebraïcques, Chaldéens, Syriacques, 23. Compare for the 17th century, Peter N. Miller, ‘The Grecs et , le contenu desdictes espreuves, tandis “antiquarianization” of biblical scholarship and the que mondict Sr le docteur observe diligemment si nos London Polyglot Bible (1653–57)’, Journal of the History of feilles sont telles qu’il convient pour les imprimer’ Ideas 62 (2001): 463–82. (Plantin to Zayas, 4 Nov. 1570, in Rooses and Denucé, 24. The literature on antiquarianism is vast. See Patricia Correspondance de Christophe Plantin (see note 9), 1: no. Fortini Brown, Venice & Antiquity: The Venetian Sense of the 137. Past (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1996); Anthony 14. For a complete bibliographic description of the Grafton, The Footnote: A Curious History, rev. ed. (Cam- Polyglot see Léon Voet and Jenny Voet-Grisolle, The bridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1997); Francis (1555–1589): A Bibliography of the Works Haskell, History and Its Images: Art and the Interpretation Printed and Published by Christopher Plantin at Antwerp of the Past (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1993); and Leiden, 6 vols. (, Van Hoeve, 1980), entry Peter N. Miller, Peiresc’s Europe: Learning and Virtue in the 644; Rosendo, La Biblia Políglota de Amberes (note 9), Seventeenth Century (New Haven, Yale University Press, Introducción. 2000); ‘Taking paganism seriously: anthropology and 15. For example, Robert Estienne’s Hebraea & Chaldaea antiquarianism in early seventeenth-century histories of nomina virorum, mulierum, populorum, idoloru[m], urbium, religion’, Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 3 (2001): 183–209; fluuiorum, montium, caeteruromque locoru[m], quae in Bibliis Alain Schnapp, The Discovery of the Past, trans. I. Kinnes leguntur, ordine alphabeti Hebraici (Paris, Rob. Stephani, and G. Varndell (New York, Abrams, 1997); Roberto 1549). An excellent overview, with a Protestant empha- Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity, 2nd sis, of biblical scholarship in the sixteenth century ed. (Oxford, Blackwell, 1988); Ingo Herklotz, Cassiano dal is Debora K. Shuger, The Renaissance Bible: Scholarship, Pozzo und die Archäologie des 17. Jahrhunderts (Munich, Sacrifice, and Subjectivity (Berkeley, University of California Hirmer, 1999). Press, 1994), ch. 1. See also François Laplanche, Bible, 25. E. Mandowski and C. Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio’s Roman sciences et pouvoirs au XVIIe siècle (Napoli, Istituto Italiano Antiquities (London, Warburg Institute,1963), 24; Mo- per gli Studi Filosofici, 1997). migliano, ‘Ancient history and the antiquarian’ (see note 16. For example, while Estienne’s Hebraea & Chaldaea 22), 288–89. nomina (see note 15) gave only Hebrew names and 26. Michael H. Crawford, ed., Antonio Agustín their Latin translation, Montano amplified this format between Renaissance and Counter-Reform (London, Warburg to include, as Plantin duly emphasized in his ‘Preface Institute, 1993). to the Christian Reader’, summaries of the lives of 27. There were two early sources for the geography of biblical figures and geographical descriptions based Rome: Notitia urbis Romae regionum XIIII cum breviaris suis on classical authors: Montano, ‘Hebraica, Chaldaea, (dated 334–357), and another version, the Curiosum; see 76 Z. Shalev

Philip Jacks, The Antiquarian and the Myth of Antiquity: 36. Dirk Imhof, ‘The production of Ortelius by The Origins of Rome in Renaissance Thought (Cambridge, Christopher Plantin’, in Abraham Ortelius and the First Cambridge University Press, 1994), 93. : Essays Commemorating the Quadricentennial of His 28. Peter Parshall, ‘Imago contrafacta: images and facts in Death: 1598–1998, ed. M. P. R. van den Broecke et al. the northern Renaissance’, Art History 16 (1993): 554–79; (Utrecht: HES, 1998), 79–92. Christopher S. Wood, ‘Notation of visual information in 37 ‘Now in the box in which you sent the wax cast of the earliest archaeological scholarship’, Word & Image 17 Julius Caesar, I send you a short treatise received from a (2001): 94–118. friend two years ago, which perhaps could add to the 29. ‘Pictura ista, quam ad me misisti, ex Lucretio map of Spain. He is a certain canon of Badajos, a learned disumpta [so in ms. for desumpta] elegantissimum and diligent man, Rodericus Delgadus Paciecus by name artificem commendat, tum eum qui invenit, tum vero and surname. And I will consult him and others about eum qui incidit in aes, et animi tui iudicium ut caetera the names of locations in Celtiberia that you ask for’ probat, qui cum oculos etiam habeas eruditos, ea seligis, [Nunc in eadem capsula qua Iulii Caesaris Ceram misisti quae in singulis optima censentur artibus’ (30 March, meditationem tibi mitto brevem ab amico ante biennium 1590, in Hessels, Epistulae Ortelianae (see note 11), no. acceptam quae aliquid fortassis contulerit ad Hispaniae descriptionem. Is Pacensis quidam canonicus est vir 177:6). doctus ac diligens Rodericus Delgadus Paciecus nomine 30. Hänsel, Der spanische Humanist (see note 8). et cognomine. quem etiam cum aliis consulam de iis 31. Plantin to Montano, 14 February 1568, in Rooses locorum in Celtiberica nominibus quae requiris] (Campo and Denucé, Correspondance de Christophe Plantin (see note Florido, near Seville, 10 April, 1591, in Hessels, Epistulae 9), 1: no. 105. A month after his arrival in Antwerp Ortelianae (see note 11)), See also Agustín Hernando, Montano affirmed this purchase in a letter to Juan de ‘The contribution of Ortelius’ Theatrum to the geographi- Ovando, in which he praised Mercator (Montano to J. de cal knowledge of Spain’, in Broecke, Abraham Ortelius and Ovando, 14 June 1568, Antwerp, in E. M. van Durme, the First Atlas (see note 36), 239–62. ed., Correspondance Mercatorienne (Antwerp, De Neder- 38. ‘Antiquae Ierusalem vera icnographia ad sacrae landsche Boekhandel, 1959), no. 72). For Montano’s lectionis praecipue et aliarum de illa urbe historiae account at Plantin’s house see Jean Denucé, Oud- explicationem. Ex collatione auctorum cum ruinarum Nederlandsche Kaartmakers in Betrekking met Plantijn, 2 vols. vestigiis ac situ ipso’. It is one of the three Jerusalem (Antwerp, De Nederlandsche Boekhandel, 1912), 1: maps found in Bibles in the 16th century (Delano-Smith 1–16. It would be reasonable to assume that he had also and Ingram, Maps in Bibles (see note 5), 121). been in direct contact with the great geographer. 39. Rubin, Image and Reality (see note 4), Figs. 85–87. 32. ‘Est hic amicus mihi insignis vir Johannes Baptista 40. ‘Is cum iuuentutem suam variis peregrinationibus Raimundus Mathematicarum artium in hac academia diu exercuisset, magno animi studio impulsus, ac dolore praelector, qui praeter literarum studia insigniter pingit etiam affectus, quod omnium optimam et potissimam et scribit globosque mathematicos omnium quos ego illam unam praetermisisset, quae in Syriam Palaestinam viderim elegantissimos conficit. Is habet pulcherrimum pietatis ergo suscipi a compluribus Christianis solet . . .’ exemplar descriptionis Synarum regionis a portogallensi (AI (see note 21), 65a). legato; hunc autem rogavi ut exemplum mihi describeret 41. ‘Itaque cum eleganti adeo ingenio, totque artibus levi et facili certa tamen descriptione; id cum a viro praeditus et instructus esset, omnemque illam regionem impetravero tibi mittam ad tuum et publicum usum, quae a Ioppe in Iordanem, et a Damasco usque in Beer- est uti scis regio illa cognitu dignissima’ (28 February, sebagh iacet, diligenter attenteque peragrasset, atque ad 1576, in Hessels, Epistulae Ortelianae (see note 11), antiquas cognoscendas res, a fabulisque recentiorum, qui no. 62:11–12). In a previous section (7–10), Montano in illis locis degunt, dignoscendas acro praeditus esset requested a coloured copy (by Ortelius’s sister, he iudicio, quaecunque vidit, omnia exacte notavit, et tum emphasized) of the Theatrum orbis terrarum for a friend. literis, quarum autographum mihi amicitiae pignus gra- tissimum dono dedit; tum etiam tabulis a se depictis, 33. Alastair Hamilton, ‘Eastern churches and Western b scholarship’, in Rome Reborn: The Vatican Library and expressit’ (AI (see note 21), 65 ). The term tabula could Renaissance Culture, ed. Anthony Grafton (Washington, mean paintings, drawings, or textual lists, as well as Library of Congress, 1993), 225–50; Miller, ‘Les origines maps. 42. Suspicious reception of local lore is an antiquarian de la Polyglotte de Paris’ (see note 9). Raimundi’s interest commonplace. In the middle of the 16th century the in maps and architecture is also shown in his publication German antiquary Georg Fabricius warned travellers to of the first edition of Bernardino Amico’s Trattato delle Rome that ‘one must not listen to the ordinary crowd piante et imagini de sacri edificii di Terra Santa (Rome, when learning the antiquities of the city’ (quoted in 1609). Anthony Grafton, ‘The ancient city restored: archaeol- 34. ‘1586. Summo theologo d[omi]no D. Benedicto ogy, ecclesiastical history, and Egyptology’, in Grafton, Ariae Montano; Viro linguarum cognitione, rerum Rome Reborn (see note 33), 87–123, on 87–88. peritia, et vitae integritate magno Abrah. Ortelius 43. ‘Igitur illius optimi viri demonstrationibus primum amicitiae, et observantiae ergo, DD’. instructus, cum multa deinde ex sacrorum librorum 35. ‘Ante illam etiam Hispaniae veteris a te elaboratam lectione obseruauerim, quaedam etiam apud alios descriptionem mihi pre oculis semper esse significabam scriptores adnotaverim, quae ad topographiae rationem una cum effigie tua gratissima quam quocunque migro expediendam conducere possent, antiquum Ierosoly- circumferre soleo. . . . Elegantem lapidem Baghalzar tibi morum demonstratum situm, cuius cognitionem non delectum servo cum nonnullis aliis gemis [so in manu- minus utilem quam iucundam sacrarum disciplinarum script] sive lapidibus mirae efficacitatis’ (30 March, 1590, studiosis futuram censebam, brevi descriptione inita, et in Hessels, Epistulae Ortelianae (see note 11), no. 177). tabula etiam depicta in sacro Bibliorum apparatu, oppor- The image Montano refers to is a portrait medal of tune collocandum curauimus, additis iis quae in cele- Ortelius engraved in silver by Philippe Galle, their mutual briorum locorum partiumque notis abservatu videbantur friend. dignissima’ (AI (see note 21), 65b). Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism, and Visual Erudition 77

44. ‘Tabula terrae Canaan Abrahae tempore et ante the Holy Land’s fertility, which was later brought against adventum filior. Israel cum vicinis et finitimis regionib. him at his trial in Geneva. Münster argued that ex descriptione Benedicti Ariae Montani’. And ‘Terrae God’s favours shifted from Canaan to lands of pious Israel omnis ante Canaan dictae in tribus undecim distri- people, or in other words, to Germany. See Münster’s butae accuratissimae et ad sacras historias intelligendas 4th edition of Ptolemy’s Geography (Basel, 1552), opportuniss. cum vicinarum gentium adscriptione tabula ‘Appendix geographica’, 169. et exactissimo mansionum XLIII situ. Ad sacri apparatus 54. ‘Adeoque exiguo temporis spacio ab ipsis est instructionem a Bened. Aria Montano’ (Nebenzahl, Maps expugnata & occupata, ut temporis ipsius brevitas non ad of the Holy Land (see note 4), did not include Montano’s expugnandam, sed ne ad totam quidem illam pera- map in his survey. For further notes see Delano-Smith grandam satis esse potuisse videatur: cum tamen in and Ingram, Maps in Bibles (see note 5), 59. illa urbes ipsa loci natura, atque hominum industria 45. For Adrichem’s maps see Nebenzahl, Maps of the Holy munitissimae frequentes essent’ (AI (see note 21), 28a). Land (note 4), plate 35. Montano’s influence is clearly 55. One notes that Montano, in his correspondence seen also in John Speed’s 1595 map, reproduced in with Plantin, insisted on incorporating these same two Nebenzahl, plate 38. Interestingly, immediately after maps with another text, his commentary on Joshua, the publication of the Polyglot, seven of Montano’s maps which Plantin eventually did after 1586 (Arias Montano, and illustrations were inserted into the decorative De optimo imperio, sive, In librum Iosue commentarius programme on the library walls of the Benedictine abbey (Antwerp, Plantin, 1583); Voet and Voet-Grisolle, The of San Giovanni Evangelista in Parma (see Maria Luisa Plantin Press (see note 14), entry 579). Madonna, ‘La biblioteca: “theatrum mundi” e “theatrum 56. Richard A. Muller, ‘The hermeneutics of promise sapientiae”’, in L’abbazia benedettina di San Giovanni and fulfillment in Calvin’s exegesis of the Old Testament Evangelista a Parma, ed. Bruno Adorni (Parma, Cassa di prophecies of the Kingdom’, in The Bible in the Sixteenth Risparmio di Parma, 1979), 177–94). On the significance Century, ed. David C. Steinmetz, (Durham, NC, Duke of such murals in monastic life see Martin Kemp, Behind University Press, 1990), 68–82. the Picture: Art and Evidence in the Italian Renaissance (New 57. On the Genevan anti-Catholic allegorical map, Haven, Yale University Press, 1997), 178–81. the Mappemonde Nouvelle Papistique, see Franz Reitinger, 46. As in his reconstruction of the Temple, Montano ‘“Kampf um Rom”: Von der Befreiung sinnorientierten chose the historical (Joshua) rather than the visionary Denkens im kartographischen Raum am Beispiel einer (Ezekiel) source to delineate the tribal boundaries. Weltkarte des Papismus aus der Zeit der französischen 47. This person remains to be identified. It is unlikely Religionskriege’, in Utopie: Gesellschaftsformen-Künstler- that it was Azaria Dei Rossi, the author of the controver- träume, ed. Götz Pochat and Brigitte Wagner (Graz, sial Me’or Enayim (1573), since we have no information ADEVA, 1996), 100–40; Dror Wahrman, ‘From imagi- about his presence in Trent. However, Rossi and nary drama to dramatized imagery: the Mappe-Monde Montano may have known of each other, since their Nouvelle Papistique’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld studies dealt with similar issues and materials. I thank Institutes 54 (1991): 186–205. Joanna Weinberg (Oxford Centre for Hebrew and Jewish 58. Walter Melion, ‘Ad ductum itineris et dispositionem Studies) for discussing this point with me. Montano may mansionum ostendendam: meditation, vocation, and sacred be referring to the anonymous Mantuan Hebrew map of history in Abraham Ortelius’s Parergon’, The Journal of the c.1560, which was rediscovered in 1991 in Zurich. See Walters Art Gallery 57 (1999): 49–72. the reproduction in Ariel Tishby, ed., Holy Land in Maps 59. See Lucia Nuti, ‘The world map as an emblem: (Jerusalem, Israel Museum, 2001), 127. Abraham Ortelius and the Stoic contemplation’, in this 48. AI (see note 21), 54b. issue of Imago Mundi. 49. AI (see note 21), 43–51: ‘Elenchus Quo Libro et 60. Arias Montano, Humanae salutis monumenta B. Ariae Capite Bibliorum, et quoties, singuli Palaesthinae loci Montani studio constructa et decantata (Antwerp, Plantin, continentur’. 1571), ‘Perseverantiae exitus’, sig. F2. The Monumenta 50. ‘A description and an image of that index were placed before everyone’s eyes, so that [all the obscure was perhaps Plantin’s most popular gift to friends and places in Scripture] would be understood more easily’ patrons. See Rooses and Denucé, Correspondance de [Utque facilius ab omnibus intelligi possint, ea ipsius Christophe Plantin (note 9), 2: no. 279 (gift to Cardinal tabulae descriptione ac pictura ante oculos uniuscuiusque Granvelle), 2: no. 298 (to the Bishop of Tournay). sunt posita] (AI (see note 21), 27a). 61. ‘Eorum autem qui pietatis causa illo sunt profecti, 51. ‘Hoc vero tum a nobis, tum a doctissimis iis viris, qui nemo (ut opinor) adhuc est inventus quem laboris, tem- quidem nos doctrina & ingenio longe antecederumt, qui poris, ac sumptus eam in rem facti adhuc poenituerit : in sacro hoc Apparatu egregiam posuerunt operam, prae- quinimo, quamplures ipse & vidi & novi, qui cum eorum stitum esse arbitramur; ut, videlicet, sublata, aut saltem locorum sibi in mentem veniebat, eaque quae ipsi emollita asperitate ac difficultate illa, quae lectores, quo- viderant, commemorabant; mirifica quadam delctatione minus simplicem sententiae, quae sacris in libris prima afficiebantur. . . . Sed quoniam omnes, diversas ob causas spectanda est, intelligentiam consequantur, impedire illuc proficiscendi facultatem non habent; tamen nihil- posset; ad arcanam illam, quae iisdem sacris continentur ominus, quia non parum refert eos qui sacrae scripturae libris, aeternae beatitudinis doctrinam facilius perveniant’ studiis sunt deditii, illam & singulas eius partes per- (AI (see note 21), 27a). noscere; pro nostra, quantulacunque ea est, industria, 52. ‘Neque enim (ut eius dimensionis rationem ad ex accurata sacrorum librorum lectione, eam demptis geographiae normam ducamus) habet plura quam sexa- locorum periculis, ac laboribus, lectori conspiciendam ginta millia passuum in longitudine; in latitudine vero exhibemus, indeque sumpsimus initium, ubi Israëlitae quadraginta millia’ (AI (see note 21), 52a). ab Aegypto profecti primum per annos quadraginta 53. AI, 53a, b (see note 21). Servetus, in his first Ptolemy mansiones collocarunt, interim dum in promissam sibi edition (Lyon, 1535), ‘Tabula Terrae Sanctae’, doubted terram perducerentur’ (AI (see note 21), 28b). 78 Z. Shalev

62. Voet and Voet-Grisolle, The Plantin Press (see note Marie-Dominique Couzinet, Histoire et méthode à la renais- 14), entries 588–90. ‘Biblia etiam nunc statui imprimere sance: une lecture de la Methodus ad facilem historiarum magnis typis cum variis lectionibus in margine et earum cognitionem de Jean Bodin (Paris, Librairie philosophique rationibus in fine atque figuris in aere excisis juxta J. Vrin, 1996); Julian H. Franklin, Jean Bodin and the rationem Monumentorum tuorum addere sed fere duplo Sixteenth-Century Revolution in the Methodology of Law and illis maiorem quod opus ni fallor placebit curiosis et History (New York, Columbia University Press, 1963). illis qui raris cupiunt ornare suas bibliothecas. Vide 71. ‘Nullus denique ex Graecis, Latinisque Scriptoribus, quanta hoc tempore moliatur tuus Plantinus’ (Plantin quorum scripta ad nostram usque pervenerunt aetatem, to Montano, 1 July 1580, in Rooses and Denucé, Cor- aliquid edidit, quod si quale tandem id sit, diligneter respondance de Christophe Plantin (see note 9), 6: no. 882. examinetur, comparari possit cum iis, quae Moses de Montano, in fact, published with Plantin in his Antwerp terra Ophir apertissime scripsitn:’ (AI (see note 21), 4a). period a few other books in which text and images (by 72. Morphologically, parvaim (zjfdq) in Hebrew could Philippe Galle) are joined: Virorum doctorum de disciplinis be broken to mean double Peru. Montano claimed there- benemerentium effigies XLIIII (1572) ; Divinar nuptiarum fore that the verse should in fact read: ‘And this was the conventa et acta (1573); David, hoc est Virtutis exercitatissimae gold of Peru and Peru’, and not like the Vulgate, where probatum Deo spectaculum, ex David pastoris militis ducis parvaim was interpreted as a mark of high quality exulis: Bened. Aria Meditante, Philippo Gallaeo instrumente, ad (probatissimum). pietatis cultum propositis (1575). 73. Giuliano Gliozzi, Adamo e il nuovo mondo (Florence, 63. Thus maps take part in the tradition of illustrated La nuova Italia editrice, 1977), cap. 4. Bibles and Biblische Figuren, which is common to 74. Gliozzi, Adamo (see note 73), 150–53. Lutherans, Anglicans and Catholics, often using the same 75. Ortelius, Synonymia Geographica (Antwerp, Plantin, woodcuts for their various editions (Margaret Aston, ‘The 1578), 235. In his Thesaurus Geographicus, 1596, Ortelius Bishop’s Bible illustrations’, in The Church and the Arts, ed. added a few justifications for his rejection of Montano’s Diana Wood (Oxford, Blackwell, 1992), 267–85). view. 64. ‘Phaleg, sive de gentium sedibus primis, orbisque 76. José de Acosta, The naturall and morall historie of the terrae situ’ (AI (see note 21), 2–26). Compare Peter East and West Indies, trans. Edward Grimeston (London, Apian, Cosmographiae introductio, 1529; Johannes Honter, Blount and Aspley, 1604), Lib I, ch. 13–14. Scaliger Rudimenta cosmographica, 1539; Guillaume Postel, Cosmo- thought Montano’s arguments were ‘completely stupid’ graphiae disciplinae compendium, 1561. (quoted by Anthony Grafton, Joseph Scaliger: A Study in 65. ‘Benedict. Arias Montanus Sacrae Geographiae the History of Classical Scholarship, 2 vols. (Oxford, Oxford Tabulam ex antiquissimorum cultor. familiis a Mose University Press, 1983–1993), 2: 499). recensitis ad sacrorum libror. explicandor. commo- 77. In his later years Montano devoted his energies ditatem Antwerpiae in Philippi Regis Catholici gratiam to natural history as well. His posthumous work, Naturae describebat’. historia, prima in magni operis corpore pars (Antwerp, 66. In an expanded textual legend corresponding to the Plantin-Moretus, 1601), still awaits a modern study. map, Montano provides some etymological correlations 78. ‘Quisnam vero apertarum terrarum fructus morta- between biblical names and those found in Ptolemy, libus contingere soleat, praeterquam quod res ususque Pomponius Mela, Strabo and others. In a ‘Monitio ad indicat, in Geographia sacra abunde est a nobis demon- lectorem’ he adds a caveat that he was persuaded to do stratum’ (Arias Montano, Itinerarium Benjamini Tudelensis so by some friends (AI (see note 21), 23–26). Ortelius, ex Hebraico Latinum factum a B. Aria Montano (Antwerp, obviously, comes to mind. For further comments on the Plantin, 1575), 9). Montano, interestingly, presented map see Delano-Smith and Ingram, Maps in Bibles (note Benjamin of Tudela as an eminent Spanish traveller 5), 123–24. For earlier double-hemisphere maps see and geographer and sees him as a precursor to modern Rodney W. Shirley, The Mapping of the World: Early Printed Spanish explorers. For a recent interpretation of geogra- World Maps, 1472–1700 (London, Press, 1983), phy in Imperial Spain see John M. Headley, ‘Geography entries 57, 66, 91, 97, 99, 110, 113. and empire in the late Renaissance: Botero’s assignment, 67. Ann Blair, ‘Mosaic physics and the search for a Western universalism, and the civilization process’, pious natural philosophy in the late Renaissance’, Isis 91 Renaissance Quarterly 53 (2000): 1119–55. (2000): 32–58, with further bibliography. For a different 79. Hänsel, Der spanische Humanist (see note 8), 153–57; interpretation, less convincing in my view, see Peter Carmen García-Frías Checa, ‘Pellegrino Tibladi y los Harrison, The Bible, Protestantism, and the Rise of Natural frescos de la biblioteca del ’, in Los frescos Science (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1998). italianos de El Escorial, ed. Mario Di Giampaolo (Madrid, 68. ‘Qui enim eam in domum, bis, terve introierit, aut Electa, 1993), 171–201. etiam qui continuo in ea habitet, non ita totius eius 80. For a detailed study of Montano’s designs of sacred aedificii formam perspectam habere potest, atque Archi- architecture see Hänsel, Der spanische Humanist (see note tectus ipse, qui omnem eius aedificationis rationem, 8), section 4.1.1.2. eiusque partes singillatim ab imis fundamentis usque ad 81. R. Taylor, ‘Hermeticism and mystical architecture in a tectum probe tenet’ (AI (see note 21), 5 ). the Society of Jesus’, in Baroque Art: The Jesuit Contribu- 69. ‘Quorum cognitio si ex sacra petatur Geographia, tion, eds. R. Wittkower and I. Jaffé (New York, Fordham non est dubium quin illa perspectam quandam University Press, 1972), 63–97; idem, ‘Architecture and atque absolutam harum omnium rerum scientiam sit magic: considerations on the Idea of the Escorial’, in exhibitura’ (AI (see note 21), 7a). Essays in the History of Architecture Presented to Rudolf 70. AI (see note 21), 6b. It is worth pointing out that Wittkower, ed. Douglas Fraser et al. (London, Phaidon, Montano’s sacred geography serves here the same needs, 1967), 81–109; idem, ‘El Padre Villalpando (1552–1608) and assumes the same encyclopedic character, as univer- y sus ideas estéticas (Homanje en su cuarto centenario)’, sal history as systematized at the same period by legal Academia: Anales y boletin de la Real Academia de Bellas Artes experts such as Jean Bodin and François Baudouin. See de San Fernando, III epoca, vol. 1, no. 3 (1952): 409–73. Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism, and Visual Erudition 79

82. Taylor, ‘Hermeticism and mystical architecture’ (see Fernández Tejero, ‘Las medidas del Arca de Noé en la note 81), 75; see also Taylor, ‘Architecture and magic’ exégesis de Arias Montano’, in Biblia y Humanismo: textos, (note 81), 90, n.99; Philip II and the Escorial: Technology talentes y controversias del siglo xvi Español, ed. N. Fernández and the Representation of Architecture, exhibition catalogue Marcos and E. Fernández Tejero (Madrid, Fundación (Providence, R.I., The Gallery, 1990), 87. Universitaria española, 1997), 185–91. 83. ‘Si enim universa illa mensurarum, figurarum, 88. Hänsel, Der spanische Humanist (see note 8), 16. totiusque structurae, & artificii ratio, quae sacris con- Vitruvius, De architectura, 1:2, 4; 3:1–5, 9. tinentur libris, diligenter & attente consideretur, sine 89. Vitruvius, De architectura, 2: preface, 2 dubio omnem illam aedificationum rationem, quae apud 90. Leon Battista Alberti’s De re aedificatoria, 9:7. On Graecos & Latinos fuit, aut hinc ad ipsos effluxisse, aut Alberti’s treatise see Anthony Grafton, Leon Battista certe ob eam potissimum causam, quod huic non sit Alberti: Master Builder of the Italian Renaissance (Cambridge, absimilis, laudatam celebratamque esse fatendum erit’ b Mass., Harvard University Press, 2000), ch. 8. (AI (see note 21), 73 ). 91. Extracts from Manetti’s biography of Nicholas V are 84. ‘Quocirca nobis, quibus summo Deus beneficio, tum published in Torgil Magnuson, Studies in Roman Quat- arcanae illius significtionis, tum etiam linguae Hebraicae trocento Architecture (Stockholm, Almquist & Wiksel, atque architecturae artis cognitionem impertiit (ea quam 1958), 351–62. For analysis see Caroll William Westfall, sit exigua ingenue agnoscimus) nihil non enitendum In This Most Perfect Paradise: Alberti, Nicholas V, and the duximus, quod modo hac in parte ad regiorum ap- Invention of Conscious Urban Planning in Rome, 1447–55 paratum Bibliorum, & in communem omnium utilitatem conferre possemus’ (AI (see note 21), 74a). (University Park, Pennsylvania State University Press, 85. AI (see note 21), 75. 1974), 120–24. Manetti’s earlier description of the dedi- 86. ‘Haec autem hominis in terra iacentis & mortui se- cation of the altar of Florence’s cathedral (1436) was cundum longum, latum, & altum obseruata mensurarum recently published by Caroline van Eck, ‘Gianozzo ratio est’ (AI (see note 21), 76b). Manetti on architecture: the Oratio de secularibus et 87. Don Cameron Allen, The Legend of Noah: Renaissance pontificalibus pompis in consecratione basilicae Florentinae Rationalism in Art, Science, and Letters, Illinois Studies in of 1436’, Renaissance Studies 12 (1998): 449–75. Eck Langauge and Literature, vol. 33: 3–4 (Urbana, Univer- challenges previous interpretations of the Oratio, which sity of Illinois, 1949), 71–75; Grover A. Zinn, Jr, ‘Hugh of overemphasized architectural anthropomorphism. St Victor, Isaiah’s vision, and De arca Noe’, in Wood, The 92. Ingrid D. Rowland, ‘Abacus and humanism’, Church and the Arts (see note 63), 99–116; Emilia Renaissance Quarterly 48 (1995): 695–727.

Géographie sacrée, goût de l’antique et érudition visuelle: Benito Arias Montano et les cartes de la Bible polyglotte d’Anvers Le dernier volume de la Bible polyglotte éditée par Benito Arias Montano et imprimée à Anvers par Christophe Plantin a été publié en 1571–1572. Formant une partie de l’Apparatus de la Bible, le volume contient un certain nombre d’essais, d’illustrations et de cartes conçus par Montano en relation avec des questions soulevées par le texte biblique. Les cartes de Montano sont le fruit de sa formation philologique dans les langues orientales et dans l’exégèse, de son profond intérêt pour les antiquités et la géographie et de son habitude de mettre en images ou en tableaux les connaissances. Il concevait ses cartes à la fois comme des aides à l’étude et comme des supports de dévotion et de méditation. En outre, ces cartes reflètent une conception philosophique plus large, selon laquelle les Saintes Ecritures recèlent les fondements de toute philosophie naturelle. Le cas de Montano nous incite à revoir les premières Geographia sacra de l’époque moderne à la lumière des courants de pensée plus généraux de cette période.

Geographia Sacra, Altertumskunde und visuelle Gelehrsamkeit: Benito Arias Montano und die Karten der Antwerpener Polyglott-Bibel 1571/72 erschien der letzte Band der von Benito Arias Montano redigierten und bei Christoph Plantin in Antwerpen herausgegebenen polyglotten Bibel. Als Teil des “Apparatus” dieser Bibelausgabe enthält der Band mehrere Abhandlungen, Illustrationen und die Karten von Montano mit Bezug zu Fragen, die der biblische Text aufwirft. Montanos Karten waren ein Produkt seiner philologischen Ausbildung in orientalischen Sprachen und in Bibelauslegung, seinen tiefgehenden Interessen auf dem Gebiet der Altertumskunde und Geographie sowie seinen Erfahrungen in der Visualisierung und tabellarischen Darstellung von Wissen. Er konzipierte seine Karten sowohl als Hilfsmittel für das Studium als auch für religiöse Meditation. Darüber hinaus spiegeln die Karten seinen grundsätzlich philosophischen Ansatz, demzufolge die Heilige Schrift alle Grundlagen der Naturphilosophie enthalte. Montanos Fall regt an, Werke der frühneuzeitlichen “Geographia sacra” im Licht breiterer wissenschaftlicher Strömungen der Zeit neu zu untersuchen. 80 Z. Shalev

Geografía sagrada interés por lo antiguo y erudición visual: Benito Arias Montano y los mapas de la Biblia Políglota de Amberes El último volumen de la Biblia Políglota, editada por Benito Arias Montano e impresa en Amberes por Christophe Plantin, fue publicado en 1571–1572. Este volumen, que formaba parte del Apparatus de la Biblia, contiene varios ensayos, ilustraciones y mapas hechos por Montano, sobre cuestiones planteadas por el texto bíblico. Los mapas de Montano fueron un producto de su educación filológica en lenguas orientales y en exégesis, su profundo interés por la geografía y lo antigua, y de su costumbre de representar imágenes y organizar conocimientos. El erudito español dibujó sus mapas como ayuda para el estudio de la Biblia y como instrumentos de devoción y meditación. Sus mapas reflejan, además, su amplia perspectiva filosófica según los fundamentos de filosofía natural de la Sagrada Escritura. El caso de Montano nos anima a reexaminar la primera Geographia Sacra a la luz de tendencias eruditas mas amplias.

Presenting the British Library’s Maps on the Internet Spring 2003 saw the unveiling of the first part of the most substantial digitization exercise hitherto undertaken by the British Library. Financed by the New Opportunities Fund established by British National Lottery Fund, the whole project represents the first fruit of the determination of Lynn Brindley (the British Library’s Chief Execu- tive since 2000) to make signficant parts of the Library’s collections available on the Internet. Although the target audience is the non-specialist ‘Life-Long Learner’, there has been no simplification of the existing catalogue descriptions; on the contrary, in many cases these have been substantially improved. The very high resolution images that will be available on screen as part of the enhanced and relaunched British Library website, however, will be downgraded if downloaded. The main theme for the British Library’s major project was to have been ‘In Place’, but has been renamed ‘Nuggets’. No fewer than four of the elements making up that project are linked to the Library’s map collections. Perhaps the most exciting of these, ‘The Unveiling of Britain’, involves the digitization of the most informative images of Britain, whether represented separately or on world maps, dating from about 800 A.D. to 1600. Nearly 100 images come from before 1500. Much the largest part of the project, however, involves maps and bird’s-eye views from the manuscript collections of Sir Robert Cotton (1571–1631). Supplementing these early maps are sixteenth-century manuscript and printed maps by such cartographers as Gerard Mercator, Laurence Nowell, William Smith, John Norden, and, of course, Christopher Saxton, including the latter’s manuscript local mapping. The second element bridges the gap between the sixteenth and the nineteenth centuries, and presents maps taken from the collection of about 1200 manuscript and printed maps of London and its environs, dating from 1570 to about 1860, assembled in the mid-nineteenth century by the interior designer Frederick Crace. Crace’s maps range from well-known representations of the whole city, such as those by John Ogilby, John Rocque and Richard Norwood, to plans of individual buildings in the rent books of City companies, and to ephemera. The third element of the project has already involved the digitization of all the over 350 surviving manuscript preparatory drawings that were made for the first Ordnance Survey of Great Britain. Dating from between about 1785 and 1840, and covering England and Wales south of a line from Hull to Liverpool, these draft maps are on scales of at least two inches to the mile and are far more detailed than their printed one inch to the mile equivalents. The final element of the first stage of the British Library’s ‘Nugget’ project involves digitizing the hand-drawn views and aquatints in King George III’s Topographical Collection. Collectively, these views present a sumptuous image of Georgian Britain and its empire, and by making them available at an early stage of the Library’s project, it is hoped that potential sponsors will be encouraged to pay for the digitization of the thousands of maps in this royal collection that have had to be excluded from the present stage of digitizing. Peter Barber, Head of Map Collections The British Library