The Memory Tree, John Randolph Little, Nocturne Press, 2007, 0977656071, 9780977656073, 320 pages. The desire to revisit one's past and tweak a relationship or erase a bad decision has inspired an entire subcategory of time-travel fiction. In Little's first novel, the power of temporal revision arrives not by choice but by sheer happenstance when middle-aged stockbroker Sam Ellis finds himself intermittently dissolving out of the present and into the summer of his thirteenth year. Unaccountably stranded back in his hometown of Nelson, Montana, for days at a time, Sam has little choice but to pass for a wayward businessman, rent out a room, and eventually confront his own emotionally disturbed parents. Yet the familial encounters not only unearth more than a few long-buried memories, including disturbing episodes of sexual abuse, but yield an opportunity to right a wrong that has scarred Sam's marriage and resulted in the death of a childhood friend. Little's elegantly crafted, stripped-down prose sustains a quietly powerful meditation on the ghosts of memory and will appeal to anyone harboring a secret yen to exorcise childhood demons..
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Bloodletting. Michael McBride , Michael McBride, III, May 1, 2010, , 350 pages. Without order nothing can exist—without chaos nothing can evolve. —AnonymousThe butchered remains of twelve year-old Jasmine Rivers are discovered in the cellar of an ....
Emma's Strange Pet , , Oct 26, 2004, Juvenile Fiction, 64 pages. Emma is allergic to animals with fur, but because she and her adopted brother really want a pet, they decide to try a lizard..
Gifted Trust , John Paul Allen, Jun 1, 2003, Fiction, 312 pages. Three men, separated by seven decades, are brought together by the evil power of Virago..
The Gentling Box , Lisa Mannetti, Oct 15, 2008, , 310 pages. The philosophies of the Age of Enlightenment create sweeping changes throughout 19th Century Europe, but to Hungary's despised nomads, the gypsies, the world is still a dark ....
Hindsight , Ronald Kelly, 1989, Fiction, 350 pages. Little Cindy Ann's gift of second sight may prove her undoing when she witnesses the abduction of her older brother, and the evil force responsible turns its attentions to the ....
Another day in paradise , , , , . .
+Horror Library+, Volume 2 , Sunil Sadanand, John Rector, Apr 20, 2010, , 258 pages. .
Lake Mountain , Steve Gerlach, 2012, , 524 pages. At Lake Mountain, Death is only the beginning... Her name is Raven... Raven - a bird of large size, with black lustrous plumage and raucous voice, who feeds chiefly on carrion ....
Static Contraction Training , Peter Sisco, John R. Little, 1999, Sports & Recreation, 158 pages. Introduces a new approach to bodybuilding that uses a series of brief weight training exercises, and offers advice on nutrition and workout schedules.
The Depression Advantage , Tom Wootton, 2007, Psychology, 196 pages. Drawing from historical and literary examples ranging from the lives of the saints to Buddhist parables to pop-culture heroes like the X-Men, "The Depression Advantage ....
The desire to revisit one's past and tweak a relationship or erase a bad decision has inspired an entire subcategory of time-travel fiction. In Little's first novel, the power of temporal revision arrives not by choice but by sheer happenstance when middle-aged stockbroker Sam Ellis finds himself intermittently dissolving out of the present and into the summer of his thirteenth year. Unaccountably stranded back in his hometown of Nelson, Montana, for days at a time, Sam has little choice but to pass for a wayward businessman, rent out a room, and eventually confront his own emotionally disturbed parents. Yet the familial encounters not only unearth more than a few long-buried memories, including disturbing episodes of sexual abuse, but yield an opportunity to right a wrong that has scarred Sam's marriage and resulted in the death of a childhood friend. Little's elegantly crafted, stripped-down prose sustains a quietly powerful meditation on the ghosts of memory and will appeal to anyone harboring a secret yen to exorcise childhood demons.
Sam Ellis is a middle-aged stock broker in Seattle, successful, married to a woman he loves dearly, with everything he could want. But below the surface, there are scars. Then his world changes. For reasons he doesn?t understand, Sam is thrust back in time to 1968, the summer he turned thirteen. He meets his parents and his own childhood self. That summer changed Sam?s world. Monsters walked the streets of his hometown, and now Sam will come face to face with those monsters again, this time as an adult. Nothing will ever be the same.
Dear Polly, Kacie,& Scott, We would like to express our deepest sympathy. We will always fondly remember John as a wonderful and caring person. It was such a pleasure to have known him and shared such great hockey memories. We are deeply sadden by his passing. Please let us know if you need anything. Sincerely, Sam, Annmarie, Eleni & Joe Aidonidis
Polly and family, So sorry for your loss. I did not know John, but I knew his wonderful family. You are in my thoughts and prayers at this difficult time. Scott and Kacie,I lost my Dad when I was only 25yrs, so know it is not easy to lose a parent when you are a young adult. sorry I missed the memorial service. May God comfort your family. Irene and family
Dear Polly, Kacie &.Scott, I'm so sorry for your loss.John was a great guy with a wonderful sense of humor. I'm so glad I had the opportunity to get to know him doing his hair all those years. My heart goes out to you guys and my thought and prayers are with you. Sorry I couldn't make the services. With symphathy, Kathy
I am so sorry to hear of John's passing. I used to work with him and Scotty at S&S. I didn't know about the celebration of life today or I would have been there. My heart goes out to the family as well as my thoughts & prayers. He was a very nice man and I'm very sad by this loss. God speed to the family!
Loving thoughts to Johnny's family as you gather today to celebrate his life and remember his warm and caring ways. I can still summon the image of his grin, with baseball cap and glove or stick and skates, one of the last kids in at night, always willing to play an extra inning no matter how hot or how cold the day. It sounds as though his adult life was one of caring and contribution. I am sorry to miss
Dear Pauline and family, I was so saden to hear of John passing.He was too young and filled with so much life and always made many of us at fitness concepts spin class, laugh and share his hockey games, and his great smile and laugh could be heard from the back row to the very front row! John/your father was kind enough to let me borrow his bike to do a tri-atlon when I didnt have a bike and he
We are saddened about John's death. He will be missed by many. I will miss his friendly face and catch up conversations when shopping at S&S, his never ending energy working out at Fitness concepts, and his wonderful laugh and smile. We are so so sorry for your loss. Sincerely and with hugs Kathy & Paul
“I am an aristocrat. I love liberty, I hate equality.― Thus spoke John Randolph of Roanoke (1773–1833), one of the most curious, animated figures ever to grace American soil. That David Johnson’s biography of Randolph is the first of its kind since Russell Kirk published John Randolph of Roanoke in 1951 suggests how deteriorated American memory and education have become. Randolph ought to be studied by all American schoolchildren, if not for his politics then for the vital role he played in shaping the nation’s polity. Dr. Kirk declared that in writing about Randolph, he was summoning him from the shades. If so, Johnson has gone a step farther and brought Randolph into the sunshine to reveal just how spectacular a man he really was.
Kirk’s biography of Randolph was in fact his first book. Kirk dubbed the colorful Virginian a “genius,― “the prophet of Southern nationalism,― and the “architect of Southern conservatism.― In The Conservative Mind, Kirk treats Randolph as a necessary link between George Mason and John C. Calhoun and proclaims that Randolph should be remembered for “the quality of his imagination.― Randolph enabled the proliferation and preservation of the conservative tradition in America. He became an icon for decentralization and localism.
Why would a scandalous, sickly, go-it-alone, riotous rabble-rouser appeal to the mild-mannered Dr. Kirk? The answer, in short, is that Randolph was as conservative a politician as America has ever produced, and he was, despite himself, a gentleman and a scholar. Eccentric though he appeared and often acted, Randolph celebrated and defended tradition, championed small government and agrarianism, sacrificed careerism and opportunism for unwavering standards, professed self-reliance and individualism, took pains to preserve the rights of the states against the federal government, delighted in aristocratic tastes and manners, read voraciously the great works of Western civilization, cultivated the image of a statesman even as he attended to the wants and needs of his yeomen constituents, discoursed on weighty topics with wit and vigor, and adhered to firm principles rather than to partisan pandering. Admired by many, friend to few, he made a prominent display of his wild personality and unconditional love for liberty, and he devoted himself, sometimes at great cost, to the ideals of the American Revolution, which had, he claimed, marked him since childhood.
Remembered chiefly (and, in the minds of some progressives, unfortunately) for his contributions to states’ rights doctrines and to the judicial hermeneutics of strict constructionism, Randolph was responsible for so much more. The son of a wealthy planter who died too young, Randolph became the stepson of St. George Tucker, a prominent lawyer who taught at the College of William and Mary and served as a judge on the Virginia General District Court and, eventually, on the Virginia Court of Appeals, the United States District Court for the District of Virginia, and the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia. A cousin to Thomas Jefferson, Randolph studied under George Wythe and his cousin Edmond Randolph. A boy who was forced to flee his home from the army of Benedict Arnold, Randolph later played hooky from college to watch the orations of Fisher Ames, the stout Federalist from New York, and Madison. He served in the U.S. House of Representatives as well as the U.S. Senate, and was, for a brief time, Minister to Russia. A supporter of Jefferson before he became Jefferson’s tireless adversary, he criticized such individuals as Patrick Henry, Washington, Madison, Monroe, John Adams, Henry Clay, and Daniel Webster. He was sickened by the Yazoo Land Scandal, opposed the War of 1812 in addition to the Missouri Compromise, and promoted nullification.
Many conservatives, Kirk among them, have tended to overlook the more unpalatable aspects of Randolph’s life, whether personal or political. For instance, Randolph was, more than Jefferson, enthralled by the French Revolution and supportive of its cause. He manufactured a French accent, used a French calendar, and called his friends “Citizens.― In his twenties, he referred to himself as a deist “and by consequence an atheist,― and he acquired, in his own words, “a prejudice in favor of Mahomedanism,― going so far as to proclaim that he “rejoiced in all its [Islam’s] triumphs over the cross.― One might excuse these infelicities as symptoms of youthful indiscretion and impetuosity, but they do give one pause.
Not for lack of trying, Randolph could not grow a beard, and although he spoke well, his voice was, by most accounts, awkward, piping, off-putting, and high-pitched. His critics have painted him as a villain of the likes of Shakespeare’s Richard III: resentful, obstinate, loudmouthed, and as deformed in the mind as he was in the body. Yet Randolph cannot be made into a monster. More than others of his station in that time and place, Randolph was sensitive to the problems of slavery, which had only intensified rather than diminished since the Founding. He freed his slaves in his will, granted them landholdings in Ohio, and provided for their heirs. Slavery was incompatible with liberty, and Randolph, despite being a product of his time, appears to have worried much about the paradox of a nation conceived in liberty but protective of institutional bondage. Randolph asserted, in some way or another, over and over again, that his politics were based on a presumption of liberty, which was (and is) the opposite of slavery and governmental tyranny.
Ten years in the making, Johnson’s biography was well worth the wait and cannot be accused of historical amnesia or selective telling. It presents Randolph in all of his glory and all of his indignity. Johnson’s Randolph is as much a man of letters, taste, and refinement as he is a grudge-holding, finger-wagging scoundrel. As biographies go, this is surely one of the best in a long time. That holds for any biography of any individual—a tall claim to be sure, but one this volume meets. Johnson’s prose is impeccably paced and free of jargon. His two Appendices—one displaying Randolph’s family tree and the other profiling prominent individuals of Randolph’s time—make for useful references. This book will benefit students and teachers alike, and all readers will find here an accessible, exciting account of early American politics.
Would that we had a conservative movement today that resurrected gentility and culture as indispensable values of leadership. Ever cognizant of the interests of the landed gentry, bookish and proudly eloquent, steeped in Latin and Greek, fearful of taxation, Randolph would, no doubt, be frowned upon today, and the neglect of his memory is perhaps the backhanded tribute paid to him by the left-leaning educational establishment. Our politicians no longer relish Shakespeare, as Randolph did, and it is doubtful that they have read seriously from Virgil or Horace, Milton or Chaucer. Add to these the works of Cervantes, Plutarch, Pope, Defoe, Swift, Fielding, Ovid, Livy, Xenophon, Cicero, Hume, Beattie, and Blackstone, and one begins—but only just begins—to get a sense of the wide breadth of Randolph’s knowledge. Having wandered from William & Mary to Princeton to Columbia, Randolph discovered that he despised the academy in no small part because he was more intelligent than anyone there. Later, as one of the most preeminent if not the most storied Antifederalist spokesmen, he established himself as a man of consistency and principle. One knew where he stood, and when he pontificated about the dangers of government and its various manifestations throughout history, he did so as one who was fully, impressively informed.
Johnson makes the case for Randolph’s continued relevance by citing such recent misfortunes as the government bailouts, undeclared wars, judicial supremacy, and out-of-control spending. These events, the direct consequences of rapid centralization of power, bloated bureaucracy, and vulgar political gamesmanship, would have horrified Randolph, who called for small government, tax elimination, debt reduction, and repeal of those laws tending to inflate government. Randolph griped that he “would not die in Washington― where he would “be eulogized by men I despise, and buried in the Congressional Burying Ground.― He more or less got what he wanted; although magnificent in life, he left this world unceremoniously, his burial unremarkable. In a way, this seems appropriate. From his legacy, we are reminded that there is much greatness in what is small, and much smallness in what is great. At a mere 233 pages— excluding notes, acknowledgments, and appendices—the same could be said of this book.
John Tyler (March 29, 1790 – January 18, 1862) was the tenth President of the United States (1841–1845). A native of Virginia, Tyler served as a state legislator, governor, U.S. representative, and U.S. senator before winning election as Vice President in 1840. Although he was a Democrat, he ran on the Whig ticket with William Henry Harrison. He became president on the death of Harrison in April 1841. A firm believer in American exceptionalism and national destiny, President Tyler sought to strengthen and preserve the Union through territorial expansion, most famously the annexation of the independent Republic of Texas in his last days in office.
Tyler became the first to succeed to the office of President on the death of the incumbent. He was also the first person to serve as President without ever being elected to that office. Tyler's opposition to federalism and emphatic support of states' rights endeared him to his fellow Virginians but alienated him from most of the political allies who brought him to power in Washington. Opposition from both the Democratic and the Whig parties crippled his presidency. Near the end of his life he would side with the South in its secession from the United States.
Tyler, born to an aristocratic Virginia family of English descent, came to national prominence at a time of political upheaval. In the 1820s, the nation's only political party, the Democratic-Republicans, split into factions, most of which did not share Tyler's strict constructionist ideals. Though initially a Democrat, his opposition to Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren led him to alliance with the Whig Party. He was put on the ticket to attract disaffected Democrats.
Upon the death of President Harrison on April 4, 1841, only a month after his inauguration, a short Constitutional crisis arose over the succession process. Tyler immediately moved into the White House, took the oath of office, and assumed full presidential powers, a precedent that would govern future successions and eventually become codified in the Twenty-fifth Amendment.
As President, Tyler opposed the Whig platform and vetoed several Whig party proposals. As a result, most of his cabinet resigned, and the Whigs, dubbing him His Accidency, expelled him from the party. While he faced a stalemate on domestic policy, he still had several foreign-policy achievements, including the Webster–Ashburton Treaty with Britain and the Treaty of Wanghia with Qing China. Tyler dedicated his last two years in office to the annexation of Texas. He sought election to a full term, but he had alienated both Whigs and Democrats and his efforts to form a new party came to nothing. In the last days of his term, Congress passed the resolution authorizing the Texas annexation, which was carried out by Tyler's successor as President, James K. Polk.
John Tyler was born on March 29, 1790, the first President to be born after the adoption of the Constitution. From birth he was politically tied to his future running mate William Henry Harrison: both were born in Charles City County, Virginia, and descended from aristocratic and politically entrenched families. The Tyler family proudly traced its lineage to colonial Williamsburg in the 17th century. John Tyler, Sr., popularly known as Judge Tyler, was a friend and college roommate of Thomas Jefferson and served in the Virginia House of Delegates alongside William's father Benjamin Harrison V. Judge Tyler served four years as Virginia Speaker of the House before becoming a state court judge. He would later serve as governor and as a judge on the U.S. District Court at Richmond. His wife, Mary Marot (Armistead), was the daughter of a prominent plantation owner, Robert Booth Armistead. She died of a stroke when her son John was seven years old.[2]
The young Tyler was raised with his two brothers and five sisters on Greenway Plantation, a 1,200-acre (5 km2) estate with a six-room mansion his father had built.[a] Various crops including wheat, corn, and tobacco were grown at Greenway by the Tylers' forty slaves.[3] Tyler was an unhealthy child, very thin and prone to chronic diarrhea. Such afflictions would continue to burden him throughout his life.[4] At the age of twelve, he entered the preparatory branch of the elite College of William and Mary, continuing the Tyler family's tradition of attending the college. Tyler graduated from the school's collegiate branch in 1807, at age seventeen. Among the books that informed his economic views was Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations. His political views were deeply shaped by Bishop James Madison, the college's president, who served as a second father and mentor to him.[5]
After graduation Tyler went on to study law with his father, who was a state judge at the time. Tyler was admitted to the bar at the age of 19, in violation of bar regulations: the judge who administered the bar exam neglected to inquire about his age. By this time his father had become Governor of Virginia (1808–1811), and the young Tyler started a practice in Richmond.[6] In 1813, he purchased Woodburn and resided there until 1821.[7]
At the age of 28, Tyler was elected by his fellow Charles City County residents to the Virginia House of Delegates, the lower house of the Virginia General Assembly. He served five successive one-year terms (and would return later in his career), seated on the Courts and Justice committee. The young politician's defining attributes were on display by the end of his first term: a strong support of states' rights and opposition to a national bank. He joined fellow legislator, Benjamin W. Leigh, in pushing for the censure of U.S. Senators William Branch Giles and Richard Brent from Virginia, who had voted for the recharter of the First Bank of the United States against the legislature's instructions.[8] http://archbd.net/3le.pdf http://archbd.net/a2e.pdf http://archbd.net/471.pdf http://archbd.net/af3.pdf http://archbd.net/5g5.pdf http://archbd.net/dhh.pdf http://archbd.net/5hk.pdf http://archbd.net/g4d.pdf http://archbd.net/68l.pdf http://archbd.net/5ml.pdf http://archbd.net/ei9.pdf http://archbd.net/662.pdf http://archbd.net/8d5.pdf http://archbd.net/495.pdf http://archbd.net/87b.pdf