DOCSLIB.ORG

UAE Woman Arrested for Killing US Teacher

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
UAE Woman Arrested for Killing US Teacher Sudden school Pakistani kids Sevilla join Real fee hike causes test positive for in King’s Cup outrage in HIV after blood last 16; Barca Kuwait 2 transfusions35 thrash47 Huesca Min 10º Max 24º FREE www.kuwaittimes.net NO: 16363- Friday, December 5, 2014 UAE woman arrested for killing US teacher Terrorism suspected See Page 11 US teacher Ibolya Ryan seen with her two children. Local FRIDAY, DECEMBER 5, 2014 KUWAIT: Photos show Indian schools in Kuwait. A recent decision by the Education Ministry to raise the fees of Indian, Pakistani and Filipino schools has left parents angry and frus- trated. — Photos by Yasser Al-Zayyat Sudden school fee hike causes outrage Fees made retroactive, will salaries be retroactive too? By Shakir Reshamwala by this sudden hike. As it is our salaries are low and rents are high, so we cannot bear this KUWAIT: A recent decision by the Education additional burden,” she complained. Ministry to raise the fees of Indian, Pakistani When asked about the legality of issuing and Filipino schools has left parents angry retroactive school fee hikes, attorney Labeed and frustrated. Not only have the fees been Abdal delved more on its social aspect. He raised without any discussion with parents said the schools must consider the financial but they have also been hiked retroactive situation of parents and not use the decision from the beginning of the 2014-15 school to put pressure on them. “The schools must year, which means that parents will have to show goodwill and consider the effect of this make up the difference and pay that along sudden decision. The Ministry of Education with the third term fees. must be considerate too and not side with the At Filipino schools, kindergarten fees were schools,” he said. Abdal labelled the schools set at KD 492, primary fees KD 516, intermedi- private companies that look to maximize prof- ate fees KD 568 and secondary fees KD 590. it rather than provide an education, which Kindergarten fees at Indian schools were set should be their main purpose. “An amicable at KD 320, primary fees KD 356, intermediate solution must be reached and the decision fees KD 410 and secondary fees KD 460. At must not be a tool to cause harm to parents in Pakistani schools, kindergarten fees were set the middle of the school year. Ultimately, we at KD 345, primary fees KD 375, intermediate look for better education and not profits,” he fees KD 430 and secondary fees KD 475. said. Most parents were blindsided by this sud- den decision. “I have four children at school. Will teachers be compensated? How can I afford to pay hundreds of dinars in The new fee regime came along with schools that have hiked their fees retroactive- schools want kids to buy all books, even if a additional fees?” one parent asked, speaking another decision to also raise the salaries of ly will also raise the salaries of the staff sibling had it already and is in good condi- to the Kuwait Times on the condition of school employees. The salaries of kinder- retroactively as well. It remains unclear if tion,” she fumed. Other parents have com- anonymity. “What I cannot understand is why garten teachers at Filipino schools will be KD these schools will pay the backdated differ- plained that many private schools are now this decision is effective from the beginning 200, elementary teachers KD 250, intermedi- ence in wages this academic year. of the school year? We have already paid the ate teachers KD 275 and KD 300 for secondary using uniforms as another revenue stream. fees for the first two terms, so this extra bur- teachers, the ministry added. For both Indian Some have begun requiring winter uniforms Quality of education den in the third term is unfair,” he added. and Pakistani schools, the decision set the - for considerable sums including KD 20-KD A mother of three school-going children, salaries of kindergarten teachers at KD 250, 25 for shirts and pants and KD 2 for a pair of who also wished to remain anonymous, Money-Making Ventures primary teachers KD 263, intermediate teach- socks - which is unreasonable given Kuwait’s Many schools have deferred implementa- ers KD 284 and secondary teachers KD 341. blasted the fee hike as “outrageous”. She incredibly short and typically warm winters. tion of the decision until next year, but some Librarians, social workers, computer tech- also found the hike unjustified compared to Some parents, though, have resigned them- schools immediately sent circulars to parents nicians, accountants and nurses at these the quality of education offered by the selves to the situation. “The decision has been informing them about the decision, asking schools will get KD 250, while student affairs schools. “Teachers have stopped teaching in made and there is nothing we can do about it,” them to sign and send back tear-off slips clerks, treasurers, secretaries, storekeepers, class as they mint more money by taking pri- said a father of a school-going daughter. acknowledging the new fee regime. These receptionists, administrative supervisors, sec- vate tuitions. If the kids do not go to them, Abdal, the attorney, called for moderate schools are absolving themselves by claiming tion supervisors, data entry clerks, assistant they give them lower marks, and actually voices to prevail. “We must come together. that this is a ministerial decision and there is teachers and accounting clerks will get KD hand out the question papers to those who The decision must be reviewed to consider nothing they can do about it. 200. All these decisions are also effective from go,” she alleged. the pain and suffering of parents and not But a parent of two school-going children the beginning of the 2014-2015 scholastic “It’s all about kids being taxed and tough attack their capabilities. This sudden said many families are considering sending year, the ministry said. exam papers being set that do not help stu- change will badly affect parents and chil- their children back home. “The parents of 30 Schools that haven’t raised their fees told dents achieve anything. Modern teaching dren, as any decision should have come at out of 40 students in my children’s class Kuwait Times salaries will be raised along with aids should have lessened the need to buy the beginning or end of the school year,” he refused to send back the slip. We are shocked the fees next year, but it is not clear if the books that are very expensive, but certain told Kuwait Times. Local FRIDAY, DECEMBER 5, 2014 Local Just kiddin’, seriously Spotlight Fueling expat woes in Kuwait From Dubai to Kuwait By Muna Al-Fuzai By Sahar Moussa [email protected] ast week I made a quick trip to Dubai for a day, and bought an economy [email protected] class ticket. It cost me around KD 50. I was not being miserly or cheap, as I Lthink flying first or business class for a short distance is showing off, which I hate to do. I believe all the fun and action is happening in the economy class with its great mix of people of all ages, backgrounds and stories too! his week I received many emails from peo- the price of petrol and diesel because of fuel Where else would you find people occasionally fighting over bathrooms, ple, commenting on my column last week smuggling? While expats are wondering how to seats and the cheap, cold meals? Can you think of any other place where people Ttitled ‘Another expat in Kuwait’. Needless to react to this latest development, citizens have can and will talk to complete strangers other than a plane? Where else would say, I was really touched. Many people sent me nothing to worry about. According to sources, a you learn about human behaviors under the stress of waiting and anxiety? letters and shared their stories, problems and meeting was held with a PACI official to discuss Where else would you find the scene of people with big bellies trying to squeeze experiences as expats eking out a living in Kuwait. means to provide citizens with petrol subsidies themselves in tiny economy seats and yet seem relaxed? and the idea of providing them with KD 30 in sub- On economy class, especially when flying to Dubai, you can easily find and These emotional emails only made me wish and chat with workers and maids who are being sent back home on vacation or for hope harder for things to change. As I see it, sidies every month was also floated. In all fairness, good. This is a golden chance for them to talk openly and freely with anyone things are changing indeed - but for the worse. this is fine because at the end of the day, this is about their sponsors and what they experienced in Kuwait at the hands of How I wish it was for the better. their country. But is it right to put expats in the fir- Kuwaitis and expatriates too, as not only Kuwaitis have maids, but rich expats are One of the biggest changes that is set to take ing line just because Kuwait cannot combat smug- also allowed to sponsor maids and some of them are really mean and nasty. place early next year concerns gasoline. The prices gling? If fuel costs more, it will have a domino I believe that listening to these people interprets the real image they will hold about Kuwait all their lives and transfer it to their families too - good or bad.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Dissenting Media in Post-1997 Hong Kong Joyce Y.M. Nip the De
    Dissenting media in post-1997 Hong Kong Joyce Y.M. Nip The de-colonization of Hong Kong took the form of Britain returning the territory to China in 1997 as a Special Administrative Region (SAR). Twenty years after the political handover, the “one country, two systems” arrangement designed by China to govern the Hong Kong SAR is facing serious challenge: Many in Hong Kong have come to regard Beijing as an unwelcome control master; and calls for self-determination have gained a substantial level of popular support. This chapter examines the role of media in this development, as exemplified by key political protest actions. It proposes the notion of “dissenting media” as a framework to integrate relevant academic and journalistic studies about Hong Kong. From the discipline of media and communications study, it suggests that operators of dissenting media are enabled to put forth information and analysis contrary to that of the establishment, which, in turn, help to form an oppositional public sphere. In the process, the identity and communities of dissent are built, maintained, and developed, contributing to the formation of a counter public that participates in oppositional political actions. Studies on the impact of media, mainly conducted in stable Anglo-American societies, tend to consider mainstream media as institutions that index1 or reinforce the status quo,2 and alternative media as forces that challenge established powers.3 In Hong Kong, the 1997 political changeover was accompanied by a reconfiguration of power relationships in line with China’s one-party dictatorship. The change runs counter to the political aspirations of the people of Hong Kong, and has bred a political movement for civil liberties, public accountability, and democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Protest Geographies and Cross-Modal Icons in Hong Kong's
    ASIEN 148 (Juli 2018), S. 5–25 Refereed article Protest Geographies and Cross-Modal Icons in Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement Sandra Kurfürst Summary In September 2014, thousands of people occupied the heart of Hong Kong’s state and corporate power, the central business district. This paper provides a snapshot of the first days of the events that resulted in what would ultimately become a 79-day- long occupation, which eventually came to be known as the “Umbrella Movement.” The paper first maps the protest geographies, focusing on the symbolism of place. It then proceeds to decipher the symbols employed by the protestors both in urban public and in digital space. The paper argues that the transformation of tangible everyday items like the umbrella into intangible digital icons demonstrates resilience in the face of state coercion in physical space. Acknowledging the symbolism of place and its inherent contestation, the paper, moreover, shows that the symbols that became cross-modal icons were those that were non-place-specific ones, and thus those shared by a wider collective. Finally, the article suggests it is important to reflect on the distribution of leadership across a wider collective and via different media forms. The data is drawn from participant observation on Hong Kong Island and Kowloon during the week of university class boycotts, from September 21–26, 2014, before the official start of Occupy Central — as well as from internet ethnography, newspaper analysis, and secondary literature research too. Keywords: Public space, social media, social movements, symbols, Hong Kong, Occupy Central Sandra Kurfürst is Juniorprofessor of “Cross-cultural and urban communication” at the Global South Studies Centre, University of Cologne.
    [Show full text]
  • Scholarism and Hong Kong Federation of Students: Comparative Analysis of Their Developments After the Umbrella Movement
    Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal Vol. 2, No. 2, Aug./Sept. 2016, pp. 865-884 __________________________________________________________ Scholarism and Hong Kong Federation of Students: Comparative Analysis of Their Developments after the Umbrella Movement Benson Wai-Kwok Wong* Hong Kong Baptist University Sanho Chung** Australian National University Abstract This article aims to examine the features of, and difficulties in, the development of Scholarism and Hong Kong Federation of Students after the Umbrella Movement (2014). This article first introduces the emergence of both organizations, aiming to provide the necessary background to their features, notably student activism, politicization, and issue-based reasons in launching campaigns. This is followed by an analysis of the difficulties faced by both organizations with reference to leadership, orientation, organizational capacity and networking, as reflected in the disappointment and disillusionment of a significant number of participants during the movement. The article then moves on to investigate the possible methods adopted by both organizations to consolidate their strengths in light of the above weaknesses, focusing on 865 866 Benson Wai­Kwok Wong and Sanho Chung the buttressing of accountability and reform. In conclusion, the reorganization of student power is of key concern during the process in face of the increasing political intervention of the Beijing authorities and political decay of the Hong Kong government. Keywords:
    [Show full text]
  • Lessons in Dissent
    A SPECIAL SCREENING AND Q&A WITH DIRECTOR MATTHEW TORNE Sponsored by the Council on East Asian Studies at Yale University LESSONS IN DISSENT Documentary, Cantonese with English Subtitles, 97 minutes, DCP, 2014 TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 2014 7:00 PM - ROOM 250, LORIA CENTER 190 YORK STREET, NEW HAVEN, CT FILM SYNOPSIS Filmed over 18 months, Lessons in Dissent 未夠秤 is a kaleidoscopic, visceral portrait of a new generation of Hong Kong democracy activists. School boy JOSHUA WONG dedicates himself to stopping the introduction of National Education. His campaign begins to snowball when an interview goes viral on YouTube, and with the new school year fast approaching, a showdown with the government seems inevitable. Microphone in hand, and still in his school uniform, he leads 120,000 protesters into battle. Meanwhile, former classmate MA JAI fights against political oppression on the streets and in the courts. Having dropped out of school and dedicated himself to the social movement, he endures the persecution suffered by those not lucky enough to be protected by the media’s glare. Lessons in Dissent catapults the viewer onto the streets of Hong Kong and into the heart of the action: confronting the viewer with Hong Kong’s oppressive heat, stifling humidity and air thick with dissent. For complete film credits and more information, please visit: http://www.lessonsindissentmovie.com/. ____________________________________________________________________ JOSHUA WONG 黃之鋒 Fourteen year old school boy Joshua Wong founded the campaign group Scholarism in April 2011 in response to the lackluster opposition from Hong Kong’s pro-democracy political parties to the announcement that mainland style political education, known as National Education, would replace Civic Education from September 3rd, 2012.
    [Show full text]
  • Street Occupations, Neglected Democracy, and Contested Neoliberalism in Hong Kong
    Street Occupations in Hong Kong 101 Street Occupations, Neglected Democracy, and Contested Neoliberalism in Hong Kong Miguel A. Martínez* he Umbrella Movement (UM) is the conventional label applied to the street occupations that took place in Hong Kong (HK) between September 28 and December 15, 2014. Many participants Talso called it the Umbrella Revolution (Veg 2016, 680). UM activists strove for HK citizens’ right to universal suffrage applicable to the election of the chief executive and the whole legislature. The HK miniconstitution, or Ba- sic Law, in force since the return of the former British colony to People’s Republic of China (PRC) sovereignty in 1997, expressed the same goal as an “ultimate aim” to be implemented “in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress” (J. Ng 2016, 56).1 However, despite the continu- ous pressure exerted by the pan-democratic camp, the HK government has postponed the regulation and implementation of universal suffrage to date. With these promises and pressures in sight, a process of electoral reform was launched by the HK Special Administrative Region (SAR) govern- ment in 2013. To the disappointment of the pan-democrats’ aspirations, the electoral reform was substantially constrained by two documents issued by the Chinese central government in June and August 2014. In a white paper issued in June, the central authorities asserted their absolute power to interpret the Basic Law. In August, the same authorities delivered their interpretation of the electoral reform and set up a nomination committee following the model of the already existing Election Committee.2 The only novelty introduced consisted of the public voting on the two to three candidates standing for the chief executive role previously nominated.
    [Show full text]
  • Protests in Hong Kong: the Umbrella Movement
    October 24, 2014 Protests in Hong Kong: The Umbrella Movement an estimated 100,000 people gathered in Admiralty, and A Brief History of the Protests hundreds rallied in Causeway Bay and Mong Kok, protesting the use of tear gas and supporting the protests. Hong Kong’s protests, dubbed the “Umbrella Movement” by its organizers, began on September 23, 2014, when a Over the following week, the number of demonstrators at group of university students organized by the Hong Kong the three main locations—Admiralty, Causeway Bay, and Federation of Students (HKFS) and another student Mong Kok—declined, but the Hong Kong government organization called Scholarism, marched through central appeared to make no overt effort to stop the demonstrations. Hong Kong to protest against the China’s National People’s In addition, anti-protest groups appeared, complaining Congress Standing Committee’s (NPCSC) August 31, about the economic impact and inconvenience caused by 2014, decision, which would restrict the number of and the protests, especially in Mong Kok. manner in which candidates for the city’s next Chief Executive may be selected. The NPCSC decision could lead On October 8, the Hong Kong government and HKFS to the election of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage, agreed to hold talks on October 10. Following the as provided for in Hong Kong’s Basic Law (which grants announcement of the scheduled talks, the demonstration Hong Kong’s “high degree of autonomy” under China’s leaders announced a rally on the afternoon of October 10. “one country, two systems” policy) and the NPCSC’s On October 9, Chief Secretary Lam told the press that she December 2007 decision.
    [Show full text]
  • Are Protests Games of Strategic Complements Or Substitutes? Experimental Evidence from Hong Kong's Democracy Movement
    NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES ARE PROTESTS GAMES OF STRATEGIC COMPLEMENTS OR SUBSTITUTES? EXPERIMENTAL EVIDENCE FROM HONG KONG'S DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT Davide Cantoni David Y. Yang Noam Yuchtman Y. Jane Zhang Working Paper 23110 http://www.nber.org/papers/w23110 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 January 2017 Helpful and much appreciated suggestions, critiques and encouragement were provided by Ned Augenblick, Doug Bernheim, Arun Chandrasekhar, Ernesto Dal Bo, Matthew Gentzkow, Peter Lorentzen, Muriel Niederle, Torsten Persson, and many seminar and conference participants. Glen Ng and Meggy Wan provided excellent research assistance. Cantoni acknowledges financial support from the LMUexcellent Junior Researcher Fund and the European Research Council. The research described in this article was approved by the University of California-Berkeley Committee for Protection of Human Subjects, Protocol ID 2015-05-7571; by the Stanford University Institutional Review Board, Protocol 38481; by the University of Munich IRB, protocol 2016-11, and by the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology Human Participants Research Panel, submission 126. The experiment is registered on the AEA RCT registry with ID AEARCTR-0001423. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer-reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2017 by Davide Cantoni, David Y. Yang, Noam Yuchtman, and Y. Jane Zhang. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source.
    [Show full text]
  • Making Malaysian Chinese
    MAKING MALAYSIAN CHINESE: WAR MEMORY, HISTORIES AND IDENTITIES A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2015 FRANCES TAY SCHOOL OF ARTS, LANGUAGES AND CULTURES Contents Introduction.............................................................................................................. 14 Identity: The Perennial Question ........................................................................ 16 Memory-Work and Identity Construction ............................................................ 17 Silence as a Concept .......................................................................................... 22 Multiple Wars, Multiple Histories......................................................................... 26 Ambiguous Histories, Simplifying Myths ............................................................. 30 Analytic Strategy and Methods ........................................................................... 34 Chapter 1. Historical Context: Chinese as Other .................................................... 38 Heaven-sent Coolies .......................................................................................... 39 Jews of the East.................................................................................................. 41 Irredentists and Subversives .............................................................................. 44 Overseas Chinese Compatriots .........................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • “They Can Wash Away All the Posters and Protests, but They Cannot Wipe out the History …”
    “They can wash away all the posters and protests, but they cannot wipe out the history …” An interdisciplinary study of the collective identity of the Umbrella Movement Tamar Bruls (10289860) Bachelor thesis, Interdisciplinary Social Sciences, University of Amsterdam Supervisors: Yatun Sastramidjaja & Olga Sooudi June 22, 2015 Word count: 17.636 Content Foreword ........................................................................................................................................ 4 Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... 5 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 6 2. Theoretical framework ............................................................................................................. 8 2.1. Social movements ................................................................................................................ 8 2.2. Identity ............................................................................................................................... 10 2.3. Collective identity .............................................................................................................. 12 2.4. Interdisciplinarity ............................................................................................................... 15 3. Problem definition .................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • In Hong Kong: Creating a Yellow-Red Peril Discourse
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Digital Commons @ UM Law LOCALISTS AND “LOCUSTS” IN HONG KONG: CREATING A YELLOW-RED PERIL DISCOURSE Barry Sautman and YAN Hairong* Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION: TIME OF THE LOCUST .............................. 2 II. ANTI-MAINLANDER PREJUDICE IN HONG KONG ............ 12 III. CREATING A PECULIAR RACISM: COLONIAL MODERNITY AND RACISM IN SHANGHAI AND HONG KONG ............................................................................. 20 IV. HONG KONG INFESTED BY MAINLAND VISITORS? ........ 24 V. LICE! COCKROACHES! LOCUSTS!: INSECT LANGUAGE AND RACISM ...................................... 35 VI. THE ANTI-LOCUST CAMPAIGN AS ETHNIC VILIFICATION ........................................................................... 50 VII. LOCALIST LEADERS AND THEIR FRIENDS ....................... 66 VIII. CONCLUSION: PUNISHING THE VILIFIERS? ...................... 86 * Barry Sautman is a political scientist and lawyer at Hong Kong University of Science & Technology. His main areas of research are China-Africa links, the Tibet Question and ethnic minority rights in China. YAN Hairong is an anthropologist at Hong Kong Polytechnic University and author of New Masters, New Servants: Migration, Development, and Women Workers in China (Duke University Press, 2008). Her research interests include China-Africa links and the agrarian transformation in China. Her intellectual interests include labor, gender, rurality and rural- urban relations, socialism and post-socialism, etc. (1) 2 CONTEMPORARY ASIAN STUDIES SERIES I. INTRODUCTION: TIME OF THE LOCUST “A vast army of locusts has invaded my land. It is a terrible army, too numerous to count. Its teeth are as sharp as the teeth of lions . Bring the leaders and all the people into the temple of the Lord your God and cry out to Him there.”1 The Old Testament’s Book of Joel (1:6-16) depicts locust swarms bringing ruin to ancient Israel and foretelling the “End of Days” for hu- manity.
    [Show full text]
  • Hong Kong, La Protesta Degli Studenti Per La Democrazia Il Piano
    [email protected] Sinistra Universitaria - Pisa @sinistraunipisa Sinistra Universitaria Pisana Controcorrente Hong Kong, la protesta Dal trattato degli studenti di Maastricht per la al piano Juncker democrazia Il piano Le Start-up Juncker innovative in Italia Con il patrocinio del Consiglio degli Studenti dell’Università di Pisa ASIA Hong Kong, la protesta degli studenti per la Democrazia Studenti contro i limiti imposti da Pechino per le elezioni del 2017 di CALOGERO AQUILA Dal 31 agosto ad Hong Kong è partita una mobilitazione a cui hanno preso parte via via migliaia di studenti, coinvolgendo, successi- vamente, persone di tutte le età e trasformandosi in una protesta senza precedenti nell'ex colonia britannica. Tutto ciò è partito dalla decisione del Comitato permanente dell'Assemblea nazionale del popo- lo cinese, di porre forti limiti alle prime elezioni a suffragio universa- le del “Chief Executive" (il Capo del governo locale) previste per il 2017. C'è da dire che la Regione di Hong Kong è una realtà molto diversa dal resto della Cina e che non è sotto- messo che entro il 2017 anche il anche molti esponenti politici come posta alla medesima dittatura arbit- candidato alla carica di “Chief Exe- Martin Lee, il presidente fondatore raria che domina sul resto del Pae- cutive” sarebbe stato eletto de- del Partito Democratico che ha se. Nonostante il regime comunista mocraticamente. dichiarato: “Vogliamo un vero suff- di Pechino abbia esercitato uno A fine settembre 2014, il Comitato ragio universale, non una democra- stretto controllo su di essa, da quan- permanente ha deciso di limitare a zia di stampo cinese”.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese, Hong Kong Chinese, Hongkonger?
    Chinese, Hong Kong Chinese, Hongkonger? The Construction of National Identity in light of the Anti-Moral and National Education Movement and the Umbrella Movement in Post-1997 Hong Kong A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2020 Chung Yan Priscilla Kam Department of Sociology School of Social Sciences List of Contents List of Tables 6 Abstract 7 Declaration 8 Copyright Statement 9 Acknowledgements 10 Chapter 1. Introduction 11 1.1. Introduction 11 1.2. The Main Arguments and Significance of this Thesis 12 1.3. A Historical Account of Hong Kong Identity 18 1.4. Significance of Scholarism, the Anti-MNE Movement and the Umbrella Movement 26 1.4.1. Significance of Scholarism 26 1.4.2. Significance of the Anti-MNE Movement 30 1.4.3. Significance of the Umbrella Movement 32 1.5. Methodological Approach 36 1.6. Clarifications of Terminology 38 1.7. Structure of the Thesis 38 1.8. Conclusion 42 Chapter 2. Literature Review: Theories of National Belonging in Hong Kong Context 43 2.1. Introduction 43 2.2. National Identity 43 2.2.1. The Emotional and Cognitive Components of National Identity 45 2.2.2. National Identity as a Social Identity 50 2 2.3. Ethnic and Civic National Identity 55 2.4. The Hong Kong Ethos 59 2.5. Conclusion 63 Chapter 3. Methodology 66 3.1. Introduction 66 3.2. Qualitative Study 66 3.3. Data Collection 68 3.3.1. Research Participants 69 3.3.2. Semi-structured Individual Interviews 73 3.3.3.
    [Show full text]