Protests in Hong Kong: the Umbrella Movement
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“State of Civil Society Report: 2015
the year in review State of Civil Society report 2015: THE YEAR IN REVIEW ...these stories tell us that only civil introduction society, in its broadest sense, is taking a It has been another year of hard work and high achievement for civil society. The story of the year since the stance against the 2014 State of Civil Society Report was published has partly been one of a continuing series of attacks on civil concentration of society in the many countries where, when civil society asks difficult questions about power, the powerful seek to silence it. But is has also been a story of impressive and sustained civil society response, in a world that has power in the hands of become more turbulent and contested. a tiny, global, super- rich elite, and against As we show below, civil society faces challenges - of lack of space, under-resourcing and limited access to the attempts of many decision-makers. Civil society also needs continually to prove its connection with and relevance to citizens, political leaders and and it needs to demonstrate its ability to stay ahead of trends and innovate. When civil society groups do not corporate interests do these, they fail. But so often, we see civil society leading the response to crisis, taking on difficult issues, contributing to change, and winning arguments for social justice. to undermine human rights and This year in review section of the 2015 CIVICUS State of Civil Society Report is complemented by our report’s the value of people’s special thematic section on the resourcing for civil society, and the 27 guest contributions, from civil society participation. -
Silencing Hong Kong's National Anthem Protests Will Deepen Fear, Not Love, of China
Hong Kong anthem insult law will deepen fear, not love, of Chi... https://qz.com/1541104/silencing-hong-kongs-national-anthem-p... BUILD A NEW WALL Silencing Hong Kong’s national anthem protests will deepen fear, not love, of China By Vivienne Chow • February 19, 2019 REUTERS A proposed law that aims to promote respect for one song is causing anxiety to many in Hong Kong about what is expected of them whenever they hear that melody in future. 1 of 8 19/01/20, 12:54 pm Hong Kong anthem insult law will deepen fear, not love, of Chi... https://qz.com/1541104/silencing-hong-kongs-national-anthem-p... The song is March of the Volunteers, the national anthem of the People’s Republic of China. Recently, the Hong Kong government tabled a bill (pdf) that mirrors one enacted in mainland China in 2017. It stipulates how the national anthem should be played and sung, and that schools—including international schools—bear the responsibility of teaching students the song. It proposes making intentional public insults of the anthem a criminal offense that can be punished by up to three years in jail and up to HK$50,000 ($6,380) in fines. The bill will be further discussed at the Legislative Council today (Feb. 19) and debated in coming months before the law is enacted, possibly as soon as July. In the US, the Flag Code prescribes etiquette related to the national flag and anthem. But it is a code of practice, not a law like the one proposed in Hong Kong that could send those breaching it to jail. -
2014-2015 Report on Police Violence in the Umbrella Movement
! ! ! ! ! 2014-2015 Report on Police Violence in the Umbrella Movement A report of the State Violence Database Project in Hong Kong Compiled by The Professional Commons and Hong Kong In-Media ! ! ! Table!of!Contents! ! About!us! ! About!the!research! ! Maps!/!Glossary! ! Executive!Summary! ! 1.! Report!on!physical!injury!and!mental!trauma!...........................................................................................!13! 1.1! Physical!injury!....................................................................................................................................!13! 1.1.1! Injury!caused!by!police’s!direct!smacking,!beating!and!disperse!actions!..................................!14! 1.1.2! Excessive!use!of!force!during!the!arrest!process!.......................................................................!24! 1.1.3! Connivance!at!violence,!causing!injury!to!many!.......................................................................!28! 1.1.4! Delay!of!rescue!and!assault!on!medical!volunteers!..................................................................!33! 1.1.5! Police’s!use!of!violence!or!connivance!at!violence!against!journalists!......................................!35! 1.2! Psychological!trauma!.........................................................................................................................!39! 1.2.1! Psychological!trauma!caused!by!use!of!tear!gas!by!the!police!..................................................!39! 1.2.2! Psychological!trauma!resulting!from!violence!...........................................................................!41! -
Hong Kong’S Summer of Protest
TABLE OF CONTENTS Video Summary & Related Content 3 Video Review 4 Before Viewing 5 While Viewing 6 Talk Prompts 8 After Viewing 12 The Story 14 ACTIVITY #1: Protest tactics 19 ACTIVITY #2: Types of Government 22 Sources 23 Video Review – While Viewing (Responses) 24 CREDITS News in Review is produced by Visit www.curio.ca/newsinreview for an archive CBC NEWS and curio.ca of all previous News In Review seasons. As a companion resource, go to www.cbc.ca/news GUIDE for additional articles. Writer/editor: Sean Dolan Additional editing: Michaël Elbaz CBC authorizes reproduction of material VIDEO contained in this guide for educational Host: Michael Serapio purposes. Please identify source. Senior Producer: Jordanna Lake News In Review is distributed by: Supervising Manager: Laraine Bone curio.ca | CBC Media Solutions © 2019 Canadian Broadcasting Corporation BATTLING BEIJING: Hong Kong’s Summer of Protest Video duration – 14:48 In the spring of 2019 Beijing announced an extradition bill that would have allowed Hong Kong residents to be extradited and tried in Communist mainland China. That led to growing protests demanding the withdrawal of the bill. Frustrations mounted and so did the use of force on both sides. As crowds grew into the millions, Chinese officials used tear gas, water canons and rubber bullets, eventually resorting to the threat of military intervention to quelch demonstrations. Thirteen weeks in and the citizens of Hong Kong remained steadfast. Then, on September 3rd the Beijing government bowed to the protestors' primary demand and the bill was withdrawn. But where that leaves Hong Kong now remains unclear. -
Dissenting Media in Post-1997 Hong Kong Joyce Y.M. Nip the De
Dissenting media in post-1997 Hong Kong Joyce Y.M. Nip The de-colonization of Hong Kong took the form of Britain returning the territory to China in 1997 as a Special Administrative Region (SAR). Twenty years after the political handover, the “one country, two systems” arrangement designed by China to govern the Hong Kong SAR is facing serious challenge: Many in Hong Kong have come to regard Beijing as an unwelcome control master; and calls for self-determination have gained a substantial level of popular support. This chapter examines the role of media in this development, as exemplified by key political protest actions. It proposes the notion of “dissenting media” as a framework to integrate relevant academic and journalistic studies about Hong Kong. From the discipline of media and communications study, it suggests that operators of dissenting media are enabled to put forth information and analysis contrary to that of the establishment, which, in turn, help to form an oppositional public sphere. In the process, the identity and communities of dissent are built, maintained, and developed, contributing to the formation of a counter public that participates in oppositional political actions. Studies on the impact of media, mainly conducted in stable Anglo-American societies, tend to consider mainstream media as institutions that index1 or reinforce the status quo,2 and alternative media as forces that challenge established powers.3 In Hong Kong, the 1997 political changeover was accompanied by a reconfiguration of power relationships in line with China’s one-party dictatorship. The change runs counter to the political aspirations of the people of Hong Kong, and has bred a political movement for civil liberties, public accountability, and democracy. -
Photo Gallery
Cover Illustration The new Central Government Offices on the harbourfront are designed as an ‘open door’ to depict the administration as open and receptive to new ideas. The offices, which opened in August, are part of a major project at Tamar that houses the Legislative Council Complex and the Chief Executive’s Office and features an abundance of greenery and open space. End-paper Maps Front Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Back Hong Kong and Pearl River Delta Satellite Image Map Events in 2011 This year’s major events included a visit to Hong Kong in August by the Vice-Premier of the State Council, Mr Li Keqiang, pictured, delivering the keynote address at the Forum on the National 12th Five-Year Plan and Economic, Trade and Financial Co-operation and Development between the Mainland and Hong Kong at the Hong Kong Convention and Exhibition Centre. Other major events included visits by foreign dignitaries as well as overseas visits by senior Hong Kong officials – and Guinness World Records. Events in 2011 Top left: The then Chief Secretary for Administration, Mr Henry Tang, calls on Singapore Prime Minister, Mr Lee Hsien Loong, during his trip to the island state in February. Above left: The Chief Secretary for Administration, Mr Stephen Lam, meets the German Federal Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Guido Westerwelle, in Berlin in October. Above right: The Chief Executive, Mr Donald Tsang (first row, first right), poses with other world leaders at the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation Economic Leaders’ Meeting in Honolulu in November. Right: The Chief Executive welcomes the US Secretary of State, Mrs Hillary Rodham Clinton, at Government House in Hong Kong on July 25. -
Academic Freedom and Critical Speech in Hong Kong: China’S Response to Occupy Central and the Future of “One Country, Two Systems”∗
Academic Freedom and Critical Speech in Hong Kong: China’s Response to Occupy Central and the Future of “One Country, Two Systems”∗ Carole J. Petersen† and Alvin Y.H. Cheung†† I.!!!!!!Introduction .............................................................................. 2! II.!!!!The “One Country, Two Systems” Model: Formal Autonomy but with an Executive-Led System ...................... 8! III. Legal Protections for Academic Freedom and Critical Speech in Hong Kong’s Constitutional Framework ............ 13! IV. University Governance: The Impact of Increased Centralization and Control ................................................... 20! V. !Conflicts between The Academic Community and the Hong Kong and Central Governments ................................ 28! VI. Beijing’s Retribution: Increased Interference in Hong Kong Universities ................................................................ 40! VII. The Disapearing Booksellers ............................................... 53! VIII. Conclusion ........................................................................... 58! *Copyright © 2016 Carole J. Petersen and Alvin Y.H. Cheung. The authors thank the academics who agreed to be interviewed for this article and research assistants Jasmine Dave, Jason Jutz, and Jai Keep-Barnes for their assistance with research and editing. This is an updated version of a paper presented at a roundtable organized by the Council on Foreign Relations on December 15, 2015, and the authors thank the chair of the roundtable, Professor Jerome A. Cohen, and other participants for their comments. The William S. Richardson School of Law at the University of Hawai’i at Manoa supported Professor Petersen’s travel to Hong Kong to conduct interviews for this article. † Carole J. Petersen is a Professor at the William S. Richardson School of Law and Director of the Matsunaga Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution, University of Hawai’i at Manoa. She taught law at the University of Hong Kong from 1991–2006 and at the City University of Hong Kong from 1989-1991. -
A Case Study of Hong Kong SAR and Its Implications to Chinese Foreign Policy
Paradiplomacy and its Constraints in a Quasi-Federal System – A Case Study of Hong Kong SAR and its Implications to Chinese Foreign Policy Wai-shun Wilson CHAN ([email protected]) Introduction Thank for the Umbrella Movement in 2014, Hong Kong has once again become the focal point of international media. Apart from focusing the tensions built among the government, the pro-Beijing camp and the protestors on the pathway and the pace for local democratization, some media reports have linked the movement with the Tiananmen Incident, and serves as a testing case whether “One Country, Two Systems” could be uphold under the new Xin Jinping leadership.1 While academics and commentators in Hong Kong and overseas tend to evaluate the proposition from increasing presence of Beijing in domestic politics and the decline of freedoms and rights enjoyed by civil society,2 little evaluation is conducted from the perspective of the external autonomy enjoyed by Hong Kong under “One Country, Two Systems”. In fact, the Sino-British Joint Declaration and the subsequent Basic Law have defined and elaborated the scope of Hong Kong’s autonomy in conducting external relations ‘with states, regions and relevant international organizations.’ 3 It is therefore tempted to suggest that the external autonomy enjoyed by Hong Kong SAR Government serves as the other pillar of “One Country, Two Systems”, giving an unique identity of Hong Kong in global politics which may be different from that possessed by mainland China. Though officially “One Country, Two Systems” practiced in Hong Kong (and Macao) is not recognized by Beijing as a federal arrangement between the Central People’s Government and Hong Kong SAR Government, the internal and external autonomy stipulated in the Basic Law gives Hong Kong similar, to some extent even more, power as a typical federated unit. -
Hong Kong's Civil Disobedience Under China's Authoritarianism
Emory International Law Review Volume 35 Issue 1 2021 Hong Kong's Civil Disobedience Under China's Authoritarianism Shucheng Wang Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr Recommended Citation Shucheng Wang, Hong Kong's Civil Disobedience Under China's Authoritarianism, 35 Emory Int'l L. Rev. 21 (2021). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr/vol35/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Emory Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Emory International Law Review by an authorized editor of Emory Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WANG_2.9.21 2/10/2021 1:03 PM HONG KONG’S CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE UNDER CHINA’S AUTHORITARIANISM Shucheng Wang∗ ABSTRACT Acts of civil disobedience have significantly impacted Hong Kong’s liberal constitutional order, existing as it does under China’s authoritarian governance. Existing theories of civil disobedience have primarily paid attention to the situations of liberal democracies but find it difficult to explain the unique case of the semi-democracy of Hong Kong. Based on a descriptive analysis of the practice of civil disobedience in Hong Kong, taking the Occupy Central Movement (OCM) of 2014 and the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) movement of 2019 as examples, this Article explores the extent to which and how civil disobedience can be justified in Hong Kong’s rule of law- based order under China’s authoritarian system, and further aims to develop a conditional theory of civil disobedience for Hong Kong that goes beyond traditional liberal accounts. -
Chapter 6 Hong Kong
CHAPTER 6 HONG KONG Key Findings • The Hong Kong government’s proposal of a bill that would allow for extraditions to mainland China sparked the territory’s worst political crisis since its 1997 handover to the Mainland from the United Kingdom. China’s encroachment on Hong Kong’s auton- omy and its suppression of prodemocracy voices in recent years have fueled opposition, with many protesters now seeing the current demonstrations as Hong Kong’s last stand to preserve its freedoms. Protesters voiced five demands: (1) formal with- drawal of the bill; (2) establishing an independent inquiry into police brutality; (3) removing the designation of the protests as “riots;” (4) releasing all those arrested during the movement; and (5) instituting universal suffrage. • After unprecedented protests against the extradition bill, Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam suspended the measure in June 2019, dealing a blow to Beijing which had backed the legislation and crippling her political agenda. Her promise in September to formally withdraw the bill came after months of protests and escalation by the Hong Kong police seeking to quell demonstrations. The Hong Kong police used increasingly aggressive tactics against protesters, resulting in calls for an independent inquiry into police abuses. • Despite millions of demonstrators—spanning ages, religions, and professions—taking to the streets in largely peaceful pro- test, the Lam Administration continues to align itself with Bei- jing and only conceded to one of the five protester demands. In an attempt to conflate the bolder actions of a few with the largely peaceful protests, Chinese officials have compared the movement to “terrorism” and a “color revolution,” and have im- plicitly threatened to deploy its security forces from outside Hong Kong to suppress the demonstrations. -
Protests in Hong Kong: Roots in Old and New Social Movements
www.rsis.edu.sg No. 194 – 7 October 2014 RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical issues and contemporary developments. The views of the authors are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced electronically or in print with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email: [email protected] for feedback to the Editor RSIS Commentary, Yang Razali Kassim. Protests in Hong Kong: Roots in Old and New Social Movements By Fengshi Wu Synopsis The eleven-day standoff in Hong Kong city central is not a single-issue triggered mass event. It is a result of two strands of social mobilisation: the pro-democracy movement with a history of over three decades, and the recent and increasingly radicalised youth activism. Commentary HEADLINES IN the mainstream media such as “Hong Kong’s gone crazy”, “Umbrella Revolution” and “Communist China’s worst nightmare” have attracted widespread attention. They depicted recent events in Hong Kong with spectacular images of riot police firing tear gas, protesters chanting and raising fists, and students camping on streets between Transformer-style skyscrapers and in the midst of sub-tropical thunder storms. The crux of this mass social unrest in one of the world’s popular cosmopolitan cities is the exact procedures of the first general election of the Chief Executive in Hong Kong scheduled to take place in 2017. On the one side, the central authority in Beijing, accepting the principle of universal suffrage, is steadfast on maintaining a 1200-member Nomination Committee that will be in charge of the selection and approval of 2-3 candidates. -
HK Should Invest More in Careers Education in Schools Clean Vehicles Can Help Make US Great Again
A12 Saturday, December 14, 2019 CONTACT US Agree or disagree with the opinions on this page? Write to us at [email protected] If you have an idea for an opinion article, email it to [email protected] Clean vehicles Local superheroes can help make US great again Larry Au and Tiffany Wong say district councils have a role to play in resolving the city’s crisis such a commission. These proceedings would need to be as inclusive as possible, inviting not just “yellow ribbons” Yunshi Wang says Donald Trump ver since the pro-democracy leeway in which council business can be inquiry is supported by establishment (pro-democracy), but also “blue ribbons” camp’s massive victory in the conducted. figures like John Tsang Chun-wah, a (pro-establishment) and even members of should extend California’s policies district council elections on First, as pro-democracy councillors majority of the public, and the international the police force to take part. Participants nationwide to create the world’s November 24 – where non- control 17 of the 18 district councils, the panel of experts who have just quit the should be given the opportunity to say what establishment candidates seized pro-democracy camp is effectively Independent Police Complaints Council. they wish in this venue, and should be biggest zero-emission car market – Esome 388 out of 452 seats – observers have endowed with agenda-setting powers. The The government has so far refused to granted anonymity if requested. pointed to the knock-on effects that the councils’ official mandate is to advise the accede to these requests.