Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal Vol. 2, No. 2, Aug./Sept. 2016, pp. 865-884 __________________________________________________________ Scholarism and Hong Kong Federation of Students: Comparative Analysis of Their Developments after the Umbrella Movement Benson Wai-Kwok Wong* Hong Kong Baptist University Sanho Chung** Australian National University Abstract This article aims to examine the features of, and difficulties in, the development of Scholarism and Hong Kong Federation of Students after the Umbrella Movement (2014). This article first introduces the emergence of both organizations, aiming to provide the necessary background to their features, notably student activism, politicization, and issue-based reasons in launching campaigns. This is followed by an analysis of the difficulties faced by both organizations with reference to leadership, orientation, organizational capacity and networking, as reflected in the disappointment and disillusionment of a significant number of participants during the movement. The article then moves on to investigate the possible methods adopted by both organizations to consolidate their strengths in light of the above weaknesses, focusing on 865 866 Benson Wai­Kwok Wong and Sanho Chung the buttressing of accountability and reform. In conclusion, the reorganization of student power is of key concern during the process in face of the increasing political intervention of the Beijing authorities and political decay of the Hong Kong government. Keywords: Scholarism, Hong Kong Federation of Students, Umbrella Movement, anti­national education campaign, student activism, leftists, non­violent resistance 1. Introduction Without doubt, student activism in Hong Kong has played an important role in making the Umbrella Movement of 2014 possible. In retrospect, student activism has constituted the political developments, which can be traced back to the early 1970s due to the protection of the Diaoyu Islands ( ), and then the Sino-British talks about Hong Kong’s future in the 1980s, as well as the outbreak of the student movements in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1989, student activism manifested in promoting “Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong” with self-determination, and then criticizing the Beijing authorities’ military suppression to terminate the democratic movement. However, student activism was at a low ebb from the 1990s to 2003 with the approach of the Hong Kong returning to China in 1997 and the heyday of Tung Chee-hwa ’s administration. After the July 1st rally in 2003, social protests were reactivated but student activism was not virtually impactful until the anti-national education’s movement in 2012. In relation to the Umbrella Movement, Hong Kong’s political future, notably democratization and the defense of civic rights, are two major concerns. Two leading student organizations, namely Hong Kong Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal 2(2) ♦ 2016 Scholarism and Hong Kong Federation of Students 867 Federation of Students ( ) and Scholarism ( ), have made their active engagement during the course by making a proposal of introducing civil nomination of candidates on the selection of the Chief Executive in 2017 in order to challenge Beijing’s manipulation of the entire nomination process, organizing campaigns to promote the ideas and gain popular support, assisting in the referendum on June 22, 2014, and involving themselves in the occupation of Chater Road after the July 1st rally. This article begins with the introduction to Hong Kong Federation of Students (HKFS) and Scholarism, aiming to provide the background information on their growth and development during the critical period between 2014 and 2015 when the government put forward the proposal for the selection of the Chief Executive in 2017 under Beijing’s domination and orchestration. Secondly, this article is intended to compare the development of both organizations during and after the Umbrella Movement in order to evaluate the changing strength in terms of leadership, organization, mobilization and networking in connection with the government’s suppression and challenges by other social forces in the name of localism. Thirdly, prospects of both organizations in face of post-Umbrella Movement’s period will be analyzed in light of orientation, organizational strengths and development in face of the unforeseeable political developments. 2. Scholarism: From Anti­National Education Movement to Political Reforms The formation of Scholarism, under the leadership of Joshua Chi-fung Wong , can be attributed to the emergence of new social movements in Hong Kong since 2007, including the demolition of the Queen Pier ( ), the construction of the high-speed rail between CCPS Vol. 2 No. 2 (August/September 2016) 868 Benson Wai­Kwok Wong and Sanho Chung Hong Kong and Shenzhen in 2010-11, and the introduction to national education curriculum in 2011, in which the government deliberately ignored the public outcry and distorted the public opinion using the mainstream media. As Wong said: When I was fourteen, there was a campaign in Hong Kong against building a high-speed rail link to China. That was in 2009–10, and caught my attention. I read the news about it, and followed the arguments on the internet but as an observer, not a participant. The turning point for me was the announcement in the spring of 2011 that a compulsory course in ‘Moral and National Education’ would be introduced into the school curriculum over the next two years. In May, I founded an organization with a few friends that we were soon calling Scholarism, to fight against this. We began in a very amateur way, handing out leaflets against it at train stations. But quite soon there was a response, and opposition built up. This was the first time in Hong Kong’s history that secondary-school pupils had become actively involved in politics. We opposed the new curriculum because it was a blatant attempt at indoctrination: the draft course hailed the Communist Party of China as a ‘progressive, selfless and united organization’. Secondary-school students didn’t want this kind of brainwashing. But they also didn’t want an additional subject of any kind, on top of their already heavy course loads, so even those who didn’t care much about the content of Moral and National Education were against it, and came out in large numbers on the demonstrations we organized. (Wong, 2015) Two points should be noted in examining the formation of Scholarism. First, the establishment of Scholarism can be identified to be issue- Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal 2(2) ♦ 2016 Scholarism and Hong Kong Federation of Students 869 oriented; in other words, the primary goals are (1) the abolition of the official curriculum with indoctrination and hegemony in understanding Mainland China, and (2) to recall and reiterate the importance of the youth in caring about and even engaging in the introduction to the curriculum, instead of holding passive, indifferent and submissive mentality. In other words, Scholarism has gone beyond a purely interest group caring about educational affairs, but a political group aiming to recall the importance of civic empowerment in shaping policymaking and consultation using direct actions. Second, targets of the anti-national education campaign are not only students and teachers, but the general public, as the dominating curriculum can be understood as the symbol of indoctrination and domination through the institutional and policy channels, and as a step toward the mainlandization of Hong Kong: an official imposition of values, beliefs and judgments of Mainland China on the Hong Kong people, especially the young generation. The launching of hunger strike in August 2014 can be seen as the height of the movement, arousing public sympathy and support. As a result, the government decided to shelve, but not abolish, the curriculum. This campaign has therefore achieved a partial success. After the anti-national education curriculum, Scholarism decided to actively engage in the political consultation in relation to the selection of the Chief Executive in 2017, including the organization of signature campaigns near the exits of major MTR (metro) stations, writing and publishing commentaries, and collaborating with other civil society and political groups such as League of Social Democrats ( ), Neo Democrats ( ), People Power ( ). When the PRC issued a declaration on August 31 emphasizing that the PRC has an unconditional and full domination in determining the political future of Hong Kong, Scholarism intended to further the action by launching the class boycotting with HKFS. CCPS Vol. 2 No. 2 (August/September 2016) 870 Benson Wai­Kwok Wong and Sanho Chung 3. Hong Kong Federation of Students: From Pro­Beijing to Defending Local Interests Established in 1958, the Hong Kong Federation of Students is originally a pro-Communist organization organized by university and college students. Before the 1980s, most of the members were advocating the idealistic and utopian approach of the Communist movement in China under the influence of Beijing’s propaganda. However, the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1976 followed by the death of Mao Zedong led to political disillusionment. During that period, they supported the nationalist movements, such as the protection of Diaoyu Islands, and the commemoration of May Fourth Movement (1919),