Redalyc.BIODISTANCES AMONG MEXICA, MAYA, TOLTEC, AND
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THE CEM ANAHUAC CONQUERORS Guillermo Marín
THE CEM ANAHUAC CONQUERORS Guillermo Marín Dedicated to the professor and friend Guillermo Bonfil Batalla, who illuminated me in the darkest nights. Tiger that eats in the bowels of the heart, stain its jaws the bloody night, and grows; and diminished grows old he who waits, while far away shines an irremediable fire. Rubén Bonifaz Nuño. Summary: The Cem Ānáhuac conquest has been going on for five centuries in a permanent struggle, sometimes violent and explosive, and most of the time via an underground resistance. The military conquest began by Nahua peoples of the Highlands as Spanish allies in 1521. At the fall of Tenochtitlan by Ixtlilxóchitl, the Spanish advance, throughout the territory, was made up by a small group of Spaniards and a large army composed of Nahua troops. The idea that at the fall of Tenochtitlan the entire Cem Anahuac fell is false. During the 16th century the military force and strategies were a combination of the Anahuaca and European knowledge, because both, during the Viceroyalty and in the Mexican Republic, anahuacas rebellions have been constant and bloody, the conquest has not concluded, the struggle continues. During the Spanish colony and the two centuries of Creole neo-colonialism, the troop of all armies were and continues to be, essentially composed of anahuacas. 1. The warrior and the Toltecáyotl Flowered Battle. Many peoples of the different ancient cultures and civilizations used the "Warrior" figure metaphorically. The human being who fights against the worst enemy: that dark being that dwells in the personal depths. A fight against weaknesses, errors and personal flaws, as the Jihad in the Islam religion. -
The Declining Use of Mixtec Among Oaxacan Migrants and Stay-At
UC San Diego Working Papers Title The Declining Use of the Mixtec Language Among Oaxacan Migrants and Stay-at-Homes: The Persistence of Memory, Discrimination, and Social Hierarchies of PowerThe Declining Use of the Mixtec Language Among Oaxacan Migrants and Stay-at-Homes: The Persis... Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/64p447tc Author Perry, Elizabeth Publication Date 2017-10-18 License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ 4.0 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Perry The Declining Use of the Mixtec Language 1 The Center for Comparative Immigration Studies CCIS University of California, San Diego The Declining Use of the Mixtec Language Among Oaxacan Migrants and Stay-at-Homes: The Persistence of Memory, Discrimination, and Social Hierarchies of Power Elizabeth Perry University of California, San Diego Working Paper 180 July 2009 Perry The Declining Use of the Mixtec Language 2 Abstract Drawing on binational ethnographic research regarding Mixtec “social memory” of language discrimination and Mixtec perspectives on recent efforts to preserve and revitalize indigenous language use, this study suggests that language discrimination, in both its overt and increasingly concealed forms, has significantly curtailed the use of the Mixtec language. For centuries, the Spanish and Spanish-speaking mestizo (mixed blood) elite oppressed the Mixtec People and their linguistic and cultural practices. These oppressive practices were experienced in Mixtec communities and surrounding urban areas, as well as in domestic and international migrant destinations. In the 1980s, a significant transition occurred in Mexico from indigenismo to a neoliberal multicultural framework. In this transition, discriminatory practices have become increasingly “symbolic,” referring to their assertion in everyday social practices rather than through overt force, obscuring both the perpetrator and the illegitimacy of resulting social hierarchies (Bourdieu, 1991). -
Ancient Mexico: the Legacy of the Plumed Serpent
LACMA | Evenings for Educators | April 17, 2012 Ancient Mexico: The Legacy of the Plumed Serpent _____________________________________________________________________________________________________ The greatness of Mexico is that its past is always alive . Mexico exists in the present, its dawn is occurring right now, because it carries with it the wealth 1 of a living past, an unburied memory. —Carlos Fuentes MUCH OF THE HISTORY AND TRADITIONS OF MESOAMERICA, The system of pictographic communication a cultural region encompassing most of Mexico and and its accompanying shared art style was an northern Central America, can be traced through ingenious response to the needs of communities a pictorial language, or writing system, that was whose leaders spoke as many as twelve different introduced around AD 950. By 1300 it had been languages. Beginning in the tenth century, widely adopted throughout Southern Mexico. Southern Mexico was dominated by a confeder- This shared art style and writing system was used acy of city-states (autonomous states consisting to record and preserve the history, genealogy, and of a city and surrounding territories). Largely mythology of the region. It documents systems controlled by the nobility of the Nahua, Mixtec, of trade and migration, royal marriage, wars, and and Zapotec peoples, these city-states claimed records epic stories that continue to be passed on a common heritage. They believed that their through a pictorial and oral tradition today. kingdoms had been founded by the hero Quetzalcoatl, the human incarnation of the This pictorial language was composed of highly Plumed Serpent. They shared a culture, world- conventionalized symbols characterized by an view, and some religious practices but operated almost geometric precision of line. -
Highland Mexico Post Classic Aztec C. Andean South America Social Sciences Department HOLIDAY PARTY!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
WEEK OF THE DEAD December 1, 2014 XI Civilization D. New World b. Mesoamerica II: Highland Mexico Post Classic Aztec c. Andean South America Social Sciences Department HOLIDAY PARTY!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! This Friday, December 5 6:30 Home of Professor Harold Kerbo 2325 Tierra Drive, Los Osos Potluck!!!! Sign-Up in Department Office Building 47 Room 13d Major Prehistoric Civilizations 3600 B.C. 2000 B.C. 2500 B.C. 1500 B.C. ? Sub Saharan Africa A.D. 1000 3000 B.C. Years Isthmus Yucatan Valley of A.D./B.C. Mexico 1600 1500 + + 1400 + AZTEC 1300 + + 1200 POSTCLASSIC MAYA 1100 + + 1000 TOLTEC 900 + 800 + 700 + + 600 CLASSIC + MAYA 500 + + 400 + + 300 + + 200 + TEOTIHUACAN 100 A.D. + + 0 + + 100 B.C. + + 200 + + 300 + 400 PRE-CLASSIC MAYA 500 + + 600 + + 700 + + 800 + + 900 + + 1000 OLMEC + 1100 + + 1200 + + 1300 + + 1400 + + 1500 + + 1600 Olmec Culture Area (Isthmus of Tehuantepec) La Venta San Lorenzo Formative Culture: The Olmec (1500-500 B.C.) El Mirador Late Pre-Classic 200 B.C. – A.D. 250 El Mirador Pre-Classic Mayan City 300 B.C. to A.D. 250 Cultural Collapse and Abandonment A.D. 250 Tikal: Classic Maya City A.D. 250-850 CHICHEN ITZA Post Classic Maya 2. Mesoamerica II: Highland Mexico i. Teotihuacan: The Classic Period in Highland, Mexico Olmec Teotihuacan: City of the Gods Citadel and Temple of Quetzalcoatl Pyramid of the Sun Avenue of the Dead Pyramid of the Moon Pyramid of the Sun, Teotihuacan No ball courts documented at Teotihuacan Not popular in areas influenced by Teo • Associated with obsidian source • No true writing • True metallurgy by A.D. -
The Olmec, Toltec, and Aztec
Mesoamerican Ancient Civilizations The Olmec, Toltec, and Aztec Olmecs of Teotihuacán -“The People of the Land of Rubber…” -Large stone heads -Art found throughout Mesoamerica Olmec Civilization Origin and Impact n The Olmec civilization was thought to have originated around 1500 BCE. Within the next three centuries of their arrival, the people built their capital at Teotihuacán n This ancient civilization was believed by some historians to be the Mother-culture and base of Mesoamerica. “The city may well be the basic civilization out of which developed such high art centers as those of Maya, Zapotecs, Toltecs, and Totonacs.” – Stirling Cultural Practices n The Olmec people would bind wooden planks to the heads of infants to create longer and flatter skulls. n A game was played with a rubber ball where any part of the body could be used except for hands. Religion and Art n The Olmecs believed that celestial phenomena such as the phases of the moon affected daily life. n They worshipped jaguars, were-jaguars, and sometimes snakes. n Artistic figurines and toys were found, consisting of a jaguar with a tube joining its front and back feet, with clay disks forming an early model of the wheel. n Large carved heads were found that were made from the Olmecs. Olmec Advancements n The Olmecs were the first of the Mesoamerican societies, and the first to cultivate corn. n They built pyramid type structures n The Olmecs were the first of the Mesoamerican civilizations to create a form of the wheel, though it was only used for toys. -
Zapotec Empire an Empire Covering 20 000 Sq
1 Zapotec Empire an empire covering 20 000 sq. km. This empire is thought to have included the Cen- ARTHUR A. JOYCE tral Valleys (i.e., the Valleys of Oaxaca, Ejutla, University of Colorado, USA and Miahuatlán) and surrounding areas such as the Cañada de Cuicatlán as well as regions to the east and south extending to the Pacific Archaeological and ethnohistoric evidence coastal lowlands, particularly the lower Río from Oaxaca, Mexico, suggests that Zapo- Verde Valley. These researchers argue that tec-speaking peoples may have formed small Monte Albán’s rulers pursued a strategy of empires during the pre-Hispanic era (Joyce territorial conquest and imperial control 2010). A possible empire was centered on through the use of a large, well-trained, and the Late Formative period (300 BCE–200 CE) hierarchical military that pursued extended city of Monte Albán in the Oaxaca Valley. campaigns and established hilltop outposts, The existence of this empire, however, has garrisons, and fortifications (Redmond and been the focus of a major debate. Stronger Spencer 2006: 383). Evidence that Monte support is available for a coastal Zapotec Albán conquered and directly administered Empire centered on the Late Postclassic outlying regions, however, is largely limited – (1200 1522 CE) city of Tehuantepec. to iconographic interpretations of a series of Debate concerning Late Formative Zapotec carved stones at Monte Albán known as the imperialism is focused on Monte Albán and “Conquest Slabs” and debatable similarities its interactions with surrounding regions. in ceramic styles among these regions (e.g., Monte Albán was founded in c.500 BCE on Marcus and Flannery 1996). -
Northern Yucatán Obsidian Finds
FAMSI © 2002: Geoffrey E. Braswell Northern Yucatán Obsidian Finds - Mérida and Chichén Itzá Presented at the X Symposium of the Guatemalan Archaeology, National Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Guatemala, July 25, 1996 Research Year : 1996 Culture: Maya Chronology : Terminal Classic Location : Quintana Roo, México Sites: Mérida and Chichén Itzá Table of Contents Introduction Research in México Neutron Activation Analysis of Samples Preliminary Conclusions and Continuing Research Sources Cited Introduction This report describes research funded by the Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc. (FAMSI). The project, entitled Northern Yucatán Obsidian Finds - Mérida and Chichén Itzá, was conducted in México between 15 October and 16 December 1995. A second phase, consisting of the analysis of 292 obsidian artifacts by neutron activation, should be completed by 31 October 1996. Obsidian found in the northern Maya lowlands was imported from a limited number of sources in the Guatemalan and Mexican highlands. The presence of obsidian artifacts at lowland Maya sites therefore implies participation in interregional and long-distance trade networks. Although the northern lowlands have long been an important focus of obsidian-exchange studies (e.g., Hammond, 1972; Nelson, 1985), the construction and testing of diachronic trade models has been hampered by two factors. First, the sample size of sourced artifacts from the northern lowlands has been small: only 80 pieces from contexts dating to later than A.D. 600 (Nelson, 1985: Tables 11-14). As of 1994, only six pieces of obsidian from Chichén Itzá had been attributed to geological sources through chemical analysis. These were all of unknown temporal provenience and were dredged from the Sacred Cenote, a functional context so special that it cannot be interpreted as representative of the site as a whole. -
Knowledge of Skull Base Anatomy and Surgical Implications of Human Sacrifice Among Pre-Columbian Mesoamerican Cultures
See the corresponding retraction, DOI: 10.3171/2018.5.FOCUS12120r, for full details. Neurosurg Focus 33 (2):E1, 2012 Knowledge of skull base anatomy and surgical implications of human sacrifice among pre-Columbian Mesoamerican cultures RAUL LOPEZ-SERNA, M.D.,1 JUAN LUIS GOMEZ-AMADOR, M.D.,1 JUAN BArgES-COLL, M.D.,1 NICASIO ArrIADA-MENDICOA, M.D.,1 SAMUEL ROMERO-VArgAS, M.D., M.SC.,2 MIGUEL RAMOS-PEEK, M.D.,1 MIGUEL ANGEL CELIS-LOPEZ, M.D.,1 ROGELIO REVUELTA-GUTIErrEZ, M.D.,1 AND LESLY PORTOCArrERO-ORTIZ, M.D., M.SC.3 1Department of Neurosurgery, Instituto Nacional de Neurologia y Neurocirugia “Manuel Velasco Suárez;” 2Department of Spine Surgery, Instituto Nacional de Rehabilitación; and 3Department of Neuroendocrinology, Instituto Nacional de Neurologia y Neurocirugia “Manuel Velasco Suárez,” Mexico City, Mexico Human sacrifice became a common cultural trait during the advanced phases of Mesoamerican civilizations. This phenomenon, influenced by complex religious beliefs, included several practices such as decapitation, cranial deformation, and the use of human cranial bones for skull mask manufacturing. Archaeological evidence suggests that all of these practices required specialized knowledge of skull base and upper cervical anatomy. The authors con- ducted a systematic search for information on skull base anatomical and surgical knowledge among Mesoamerican civilizations. A detailed exposition of these results is presented, along with some interesting information extracted from historical documents and pictorial codices to provide a better understanding of skull base surgical practices among these cultures. Paleoforensic evidence from the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan indicates that Aztec priests used a specialized decapitation technique, based on a deep anatomical knowledge. -
Maya Settlement Patterns and Land Use in Buena Vista, Cozumel, México
FAMSI © 2004: Adolfo Iván Batún Alpuche Maya Settlement Patterns and Land Use in Buena Vista, Cozumel, México Research Year: 2003 Culture: Maya Chronology: Post Classic Location: Cozumel, México Site: Buena Vista Table of Contents Abstract Resumen Introduction Project Goals Research Design and Methods Preliminary Results Microenvironmental Zones Main Transects Transects Limiting Quadrants Selected Areas Soil Profiles Summary and Conclusion Acknowledgments List of Figures Sources Cited Abstract The Buena Vista Archaeological Project is a study of postclassic Maya settlement patterns and land use on the island of Cozumel, México. Field work carried out in the site during the months of June–August 2003 was sponsored by the Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc., (FAMSI). Previous archaeological research in Buena Vista had focused in a central area of seven hectares and reported the existence of an extensive wall system and platforms at the site which was interpreted as a storage center for exchange and resupply transactions. In this interpretation, the platforms supported perishable structures used to store trade commodities, and the wall system was built to protect these trade goods from possible pirate attacks (Sabloff and Rathje 1975, Freidel and Sabloff 1984). However, the nature and extension of the wall system around the central area had not been investigated in detail. The research objectives of this project were to analyze the Buena Vista settlement pattern following a settlement ecology model (Stone 1996, Killion 1992), which seeks to understand the relationship between population and agricultural practices in an ecological setting. The project followed a program of surface survey and mapping of the wall system, related structures, and natural features located in an area of 4 km2 around the center of the site. -
Redalyc.Costa Oriental Maya: Una Acercamiento Al Comercio Y
Memorias. Revista Digital de Historia y Arqueología desde el Caribe E-ISSN: 1794-8886 [email protected] Universidad del Norte Colombia Zúñiga Carrasco, Iván Renato Costa Oriental Maya: una acercamiento al comercio y navegación Memorias. Revista Digital de Historia y Arqueología desde el Caribe, núm. 23, mayo- agosto, 2014, pp. 111-127 Universidad del Norte Barranquilla, Colombia Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=85532558007 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto MEMORIAS Revista digital de Historia y Arqueología desde el Caribe colombiano Costa Oriental Maya: una acercamiento al comercio y navegación Mayan Oriental Coast: an approach to trade and navigation Dr. Iván Renato Zúñiga Carrasco1 Resumen La costa oriental de la Península de Yucatán ofreció un medio ideal para navegantes y mercaderes por la geografía costera peninsular cruzada por extensas redes fluviales que se extienden a lo largo de sus costas y se remontan lejanamente en el interior. El intercambio de productos a través de largas distancias fue un factor básico en la homogeneidad cultural del mundo maya, jugando un papel crítico en el desarrollo de esta antigua civilización. El comercio marítimo maya se remonta al periodo Preclásico Tardío (300 a.C.-300 d.C.) Muchos puertos estaban ubicados en lugares estratégicos para el comercio, como islas, promontorios o a la entrada de ríos y en la mayoría de las veces se ubicaban en lugares protegidos del mar abierto. -
Catálogo De Las Lenguas Indígenas Nacionales: Variantes Lingüísticas De México Con Sus Autodenominaciones Y Referencias Geoestadísticas
Lunes 14 de enero de 2008 DIARIO OFICIAL (Primera Sección) 31 INSTITUTO NACIONAL DE LENGUAS INDIGENAS CATALOGO de las Lenguas Indígenas Nacionales: Variantes Lingüísticas de México con sus autodenominaciones y referencias geoestadísticas. Al margen un logotipo, que dice: Instituto Nacional de Lenguas Indígenas. CATÁLOGO DE LAS LENGUAS INDÍGENAS NACIONALES: VARIANTES LINGÜÍSTICAS DE MÉXICO CON SUS AUTODENOMINACIONES Y REFERENCIAS GEOESTADÍSTICAS. El Consejo Nacional del Instituto Nacional de Lenguas Indígenas, con fundamento en lo dispuesto por los artículos 2o. de la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos; 15, 16, 20 y tercero transitorio de la Ley General de Derechos Lingüísticos de los Pueblos Indígenas; 1o., 3o. y 45 de la Ley Orgánica de la Administración Pública Federal; 1o., 2o. y 11 de la Ley Federal de las Entidades Paraestatales; y los artículos 1o. y 10 fracción II del Estatuto Orgánico del Instituto Nacional de Lenguas Indígenas; y CONSIDERANDO Que por decreto publicado en el Diario Oficial de la Federación el 14 de agosto de 2001, se reformó y adicionó la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, determinando el carácter único e indivisible de la Nación Mexicana y su composición pluricultural sustentada en sus pueblos indígenas. Que con esta reforma constitucional nuestra Carta Magna reafirma su carácter social, al dedicar un artículo específico al reconocimiento de los derechos de los pueblos indígenas. Que el artículo 2o. constitucional establece que “los pueblos indígenas son aquellos que descienden de poblaciones que habitaban en el territorio actual del país al iniciarse la colonización y que conservan sus propias instituciones sociales, económicas, culturales y políticas, o parte de ellas.” Que uno de los derechos de los pueblos y las comunidades indígenas que reconoce el apartado “A” del artículo 2o. -
1995-2006 Activities Report
WILDLIFE WITHOUT BORDERS WILDLIFE WITHOUT BORDERS WITHOUT WILDLIFE M E X I C O The most wonderful mystery of life may well be EDITORIAL DIRECTION Office of International Affairs U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service the means by which it created so much diversity www.fws.gov PRODUCTION from so little physical matter. The biosphere, all Agrupación Sierra Madre, S.C. www.sierramadre.com.mx EDITORIAL REVISION organisms combined, makes up only about one Carole Bullard PHOTOGRAPHS All by Patricio Robles Gil part in ten billion [email protected] Excepting: Fabricio Feduchi, p. 13 of the earth’s mass. [email protected] Patricia Rojo, pp. 22-23 [email protected] Fulvio Eccardi, p. 39 It is sparsely distributed through MEXICO [email protected] Jaime Rojo, pp. 44-45 [email protected] a kilometre-thick layer of soil, Antonio Ramírez, Cover (Bat) On p. 1, Tamul waterfall. San Luis Potosí On p. 2, Lacandon rainforest water, and air stretched over On p. 128, Fisherman. Centla wetlands, Tabasco All rights reserved © 2007, U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service a half billion square kilometres of surface. The rights of the photographs belongs to each photographer PRINTED IN Impresora Transcontinental de México EDWARD O. WILSON 1992 Photo: NASA U.S. FISH AND WILDLIFE SERVICE DIVISION OF INTERNATIONAL CONSERVATION WILDLIFE WITHOUT BORDERS MEXICO ACTIVITIES REPORT 1995-2006 U.S. FISH AND WILDLIFE SERVICE At their roots, all things hold hands. & When a tree falls down in the forest, SECRETARÍA DE MEDIO AMBIENTE Y RECURSOS NATURALES MEXICO a star falls down from the sky. CHAN K’IN LACANDON ELDER LACANDON RAINFOREST CHIAPAS, MEXICO FOREWORD onservation of biological diversity has truly arrived significant contributions in time, dedication, and C as a global priority.