Agreement in Pashto
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The Strategy of Case-Marking
Case marking strategies Helen de Hoop & Andrej Malchukov1 Radboud University Nijmegen DRAFT January 2006 Abstract Two strategies of case marking in natural languages are discussed. These are defined as two violable constraints whose effects are shown to converge in the case of differential object marking but diverge in the case of differential subject marking. The strength of the case bearing arguments will be shown to be of utmost importance for case marking as well as voice alternations. The strength of arguments can be viewed as a function of their discourse prominence. The analysis of the case marking patterns we find cross-linguistically is couched in a bidirectional OT analysis. 1. Assumptions In this section we wish to put forward our three basic assumptions: (1) In ergative-absolutive systems ergative case is assigned to the first argument x of a two-place relation R(x,y). (2) In nominative-accusative systems accusative case is assigned to the second argument y of a two-place relation R(x,y). (3) Morphologically unmarked case can be the absence of case. The first two assumptions deal with the linking between the first (highest) and second (lowest) argument in a transitive sentence and the type of case marking. For reasons of convenience, we will refer to these arguments quite sloppily as the subject and the object respectively, although we are aware of the fact that the labels subject and object may not be appropriate in all contexts, dependent on how they are actually defined. In many languages, ergative and accusative case are assigned only or mainly in transitive sentences, while in intransitive sentences ergative and accusative case are usually not assigned. -
Ergative As Accusative Case: Evidence from Adiyaman
ERGATIVE AS ACCUSATIVE CASE: EVIDENCE FROM ADIYAMAN KURMANJI ÜMİT ATLAMAZ ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! BOĞAZİÇİ UNIVERSITY 2012 ERGATIVE AS ACCUSATIVE CASE: EVIDENCE FROM ADIYAMAN KURMANJI Thesis submitted to the Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in Linguistics by Ümit Atlamaz ! ! Boğaziçi University 2012 ! ! Thesis Abstract Ümit Atlamaz, “Ergative as Accusative Case: Evidence from Adıyaman Kurmanji” This study aims to investigate the nature of ergativity in Adıyaman Kurmanji within the premises of the Minimalist Program. Adıyaman Kurmanji displays two alignment patterns depending on the tense. In non-past structures nominative alignment is observed whereas the past tense requires an ergative alignment. Based on these two types of alignments many linguists like Haig (2004), Thackston (2006), and Gündoğdu (2011) argue that Kurmanji is a split ergative language. Accordingly, the major aim of this study is to investigate the structure of the ergative pattern in Adıyaman Kurmanji. In this study, the initial step was to compare the ergative and nominative subjects in terms of certain tests like binding, scope and EPP to determine the phrase structure and where the subjects reside on the structure. Additionally, voice properties of the language were inspected as a background to the major claim. Based on the results of the tests applied and the motivation obtained from the data, it was argued that what has been called ergative in Adıyaman Kurmanji is, indeed, a passive structure diachronically reanalyzed as the past tense. According to Trask’s (1979) typology of ergative languages, there are two types of ergative languages, which labels as Type A and Type B. -
Verb Agreement and Case Marking in Burushaski
Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session Volume 40 Article 5 1996 Verb agreement and case marking in Burushaski Stephen R. Willson SIL-UND Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.und.edu/sil-work-papers Part of the Linguistics Commons Recommended Citation Willson, Stephen R. (1996) "Verb agreement and case marking in Burushaski," Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session: Vol. 40 , Article 5. DOI: 10.31356/silwp.vol40.05 Available at: https://commons.und.edu/sil-work-papers/vol40/iss1/5 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by UND Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session by an authorized editor of UND Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Verb Agreement and Case Marking in Burushaski Stephen R. Willson 1 Burushaski verb agreement and case marking phenomena are complex and have not been described adequately by any current theory ofsyntax. In particular, no explanation has yet been given as to why a variety of nominals can trigger agreement in the verbal prefix. In some cases the apparent subject triggers this agreement, in others the direct object appears to do so, in others the indirect object, in others the possessor of the direct object, in others a benefactive or source nominal. Also, the constraints on the usage of ergative, absolutive and oblique case, and other indicators ofgrammatical relations on nominals, have been insufficiently characterized in the literature on Burushaski. -
Ergativity Can Be Defined As Either a Morphological of Syntactic Process
Laura J. Mahalingappa - University of Texas at Austin Acquisition of Split-Ergativity in Kurmanji Kurdish: Variability and Language Change Questions of learnability surrounding ergativity have prompted studies suggesting that children acquire the morphological systems of ergative and accusative languages equally easily (Pye 1990) and that sociolinguistic distribution can cause the late appearance of ergative case- marking (Ochs 1982). However, what do children acquiring ergativity do when presented with the problem of variability in caretaker input? Research suggests that children can acquire “variable forms of a language at an early stage, reflecting the proportion in which the variants occur” in caregiver input (Henry 2002, 278). This study examines the acquisition of split-ergativity in Kurmanji Kurdish, where, in present-tense transitive sentences, the oblique case (OBL) marks patients and the direct case (DIR) marks agents, the verb agreeing with the agent. In past-tense transitive sentences, however, agents are marked with OBL and patients are marked with DIR, the verb agreeing with patient instead of agent (Example 1). Subjects of intransitive sentences are always marked with DIR. However, recent research suggests that split-ergativity in Kurmanji is weakening due to either internally-induced change or contact with Turkish (Dixon 1994, Dorleijn 1996), perhaps moving towards a full nominative-accusative system. This change is demonstrated by the disappearance of OBL on masculine nouns and the increasing use of OBL to mark objects in past-tense transitive structures (Example 2). Therefore, children acquiring Kurmanji are faced with learning split-ergative grammatical relations with highly variable non-systematic input from caretakers, likely due to language change in progress. -
From Latin to Romance: Case Loss and Preservation in Pronominal Systems
FLORE Repository istituzionale dell'Università degli Studi di Firenze From Latin to Romance: case loss and preservation in pronominal systems Questa è la Versione finale referata (Post print/Accepted manuscript) della seguente pubblicazione: Original Citation: From Latin to Romance: case loss and preservation in pronominal systems / Manzini, MARIA RITA; Savoia, LEONARDO MARIA. - In: PROBUS. - ISSN 1613-4079. - STAMPA. - 26, 2(2014), pp. 217-248. Availability: This version is available at: 2158/891750 since: 2016-01-20T16:23:29Z Terms of use: Open Access La pubblicazione è resa disponibile sotto le norme e i termini della licenza di deposito, secondo quanto stabilito dalla Policy per l'accesso aperto dell'Università degli Studi di Firenze (https://www.sba.unifi.it/upload/policy-oa-2016-1.pdf) Publisher copyright claim: (Article begins on next page) 27 September 2021 Probus 2014; 26(2): 217 – 248 M. Rita Manzini* and Leonardo M. Savoia From Latin to Romance: case loss and preservation in pronominal systems Abstract: The evolution from Latin into Romance is marked by the loss of case in nominal declensions. In most Romance varieties, however, pronouns, specifi- cally in the 1st/2nd person singular, keep case differentiations. In some varieties 1st/2nd singular pronouns present a three-way case split, essentially the same re- constructed for proto-Romance (De Dardel and Gaeng 1992, Zamboni 1998). We document and analyze the current situation of Romance in the first part of the article (section 1). In the second part of the article we argue that the Dative Shifted distribution of loro in modern Italian, accounted for by means of the category of weak pronoun in Cardinaletti and Starke (1999), is best construed as a survival of oblique case in the 3rd person system (section 2). -
Effect of Chain Foot and Island in Relative Clauses in the RT Analysis
FROM INTRUSIVE TO RESUMPTIVE THE ACQUISITION OF WH-DEPENDENCIES BY BEHDINI LEARNERS OF ENGLISH By Shivan Shlaymoon Toma A thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Second Language Acquisition in the School of Languages, Cultures, and Societies Department of Linguistics and Phonetics The University of Leeds May 2016 Thesis supervisor: Dr Cécile De Cat I confirm that the work submitted is my own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. 2016 The University of Leeds Shivan Shlaymoon Toma ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, praises and thanks to God, the Almighty, for having made everything possible and for His showers of blessings throughout my research work to complete this thesis. I have been waiting for this section for so long to express my deepest gratitude to Dr Cecile De Cat, my supervisor, who advised me through all the steps necessary for the completion of this thesis, from designing the structure of the study, collecting data, setting research questions, analyzing data, and discussing the results. Her competence in the field of empirical research and her expertise in statistical analysis were utterly helpful and resolved major doubts in this research. She has also been an encouraging, patient and nice person. I am extremely grateful to the Iraqi Kurdistan Regional Government for sponsoring and funding my studies through the Human Capacity Development Program (HCDP) in Higher Education, which is an ambitious program that aims to develop human capacities in Kurdistan Region in the field of higher education. -
Types of Crosslinguistic Variation in Case Assignment
Types of Crosslinguistic Variation in Case Assignment Mark Baker Rutgers University In this work, I do not address directly issues about what range of hypotheses concerning crosslinguistic variation are or aren’t Minimalist, or questions about micro- vs. macro- parameters, or clarifying the role of the lexicon versus syntactic principles in crosslinguistic variation, or so on. It is not because I’m above talking about such things or don’t have opinions about them. That is simply not what I want to focus on here. Rather I want to offer something more along the lines of addressing what Cedric Boeckx calls Greenburg’s problem. I agree with him that Greenburg’s problem is quite distinct from Plato’s problem, but I think that it’s also interesting, and we should be trying to come up with solutions for it—although not perhaps in exactly the way Greenburg might have foreseen. In particular, I’ll focus here on a specific issue in syntactic variation, namely the theory of morphological case, especially overt structural case. I imagine that if there is such a thing as abstract Case (i.e. NP licensing) that that is systematically related, but that topic is not my focus here. In presenting this research, I also want to illustrate a style of relating to the material that I want to recommend, what I’ve been calling Formal Generative Typology (Baker, 2010). This involves committing to two kinds of ideas which I think are both attractive. The first is the generativist vision of accepting a degree of abstractness in our descriptions of languages, and looking at how insight into empirical details can emerge from proper formalization of the patterns. -
Possessive Pronouns As Oblique Dps: Linkers and Affix Stacking
19.3 (2018): 393-425 UDC 81’367.626.2=111 Original scientific article Received on 16.02. 2018 Accepted for publication on 05.11. 2018 M. Rita Manzini Università degli Studi di Firenze Possessive pronouns as oblique DPs: Linkers and affix stacking In many familiar European languages, e.g. German or Italian, possessive pro- nouns agree in φ-features with their head noun. We argue that they are geni- tive pronouns, endowed with an extra φ-features set. As such, they are part of a range of phenomena including case stacking and linkers unified under the historical-typological label of Suffixaufnahme. We express the formal basis for this unification as the Stacking Generalization (Section 1). We then apply our analysis to the narrower domain of facts involving possessive pronouns, specifically in Balkan and Romance languages. We further find that 1/2P pro- nouns present a richer stacking structure than their 3P counterparts (Section 2). We examine this latter fact in the context of a more general phenomenon, whereby the 1/2P vs 3P Person split not only tends to correlate with different case and agreement alignments – but seems to govern the morphological ex- pression of case and agreement itself, in terms of richer vs poorer content (Section 3). Key words: oblique case; genitive; possessives; pronouns; linkers; agree- ment; person. 1. Linkers and affix stacking This section aims at establishing the framework for the discussion of agreeing pos- sessive pronouns to be pursued in later sections. According to a well established historical-typological view (Plank 1995), modifier structures involving both free standing heads (linkers) and stacked affixation (case stacking), are to be unified on the basis of functional considerations. -
Variation in the Ergative Pattern of Kurmanji Songül Gündoğdu, Muş
Variation in the Ergative Pattern of Kurmanji Songül Gündoğdu, Muş Alparslan University, Muş, Turkey LANGUAGE KEYWORDS: Northern Kurdish (Kurmanji) AREA KEYWORDS: Middle East (Turkey) ABSTRACT (ENGLISH) Kurdish-Kurmanji (or Northern Kurdish) belongs to the Iranian branch of the Indo-European language family. This study is dedicated to a deeper understanding of a specific grammatical feature typical of Kurmanji: the ergative structure. Based on the example of this core structure, and with empirical evidence from the Kurmanji dialect of Muş in Turkey, I will discuss the issues of variation and change in Kurmanji, more precisely the ongoing shift from ergative to nominative-accusative structures. The causes for such a fundamental shift, however, are not easy to define. The close historical vicinity to Turkish and Armenian might be a trigger for the shift; another trigger is language-internal (diachronic) change. In sum, the investigated variation sheds light on a fascinating grammatical change in a language that is also sociopolitically in a situation of constant change, movement, and upheaval. ABSTRACT (DEUTSCH) Kurdisch-Kurmanci (oder Nordkurdisch) gehört zum iranischen Zweig der indoeuropäischen Sprachfamilie. Eine zentrale und charakteristische grammatische Struktur dieser Sprache ist der Ergativ; ihm ist der vorliegende Beitrag gewidmet. Am Beispiel des Ergativ werde ich Variation und Wandel im Kurmanci diskutieren und insbesondere auf den Dialekt von Muş (Türkei) eingehen. Dabei zeigt sich, dass sich derzeit im Kurmanci der Wandel von einer Ergativ- zu einer Nominativ-Akkusativ-Sprache vollzieht. Die Ursachen für einen derart grundlegenden Wandel sind nicht leicht zu benennen. Ein Grund mag in der schon historisch engen Nachbarschaft zum Türkischen und Armenischen liegen; ein anderer Grund mag im sprach-internen (diachronen) Wandel des Kurmanci selbst zu finden sein. -
Old French and Romanian Declensions from a Word and Paradigm Perspective and the Notion of “Default Syncretism”
OLD FRENCH AND ROMANIAN DECLENSIONS FROM A WORD AND PARADIGM PERSPECTIVE AND THE NOTION OF “DEFAULT SYNCRETISM” ALAIN KIHM1 Abstract. Old French and Romanian nominal inflections or declensions share the property of being apparently uncomplicated as their paradigms consist in only two forms at most: a base form and an inflected form. This outward simplicity, however, results from complex syncretisms. In Old French masculine nouns, the singular subject case and the plural object case are identically inflected, whereas the singular object and the plural subject cases are identical base forms; in Romanian feminine nouns, the singular genitive-dative and the two plural case forms are the same. Such syncretisms raise a descriptive and theoretical issue as they appear to be neither semantically motivated nor fully arbitrary. Drawing on the conceptual and formalizing resources of Word and Paradigm (WP) theory and Paradigm Function Morphology (PFM), the present essay attempts to solve the issue by assuming a third kind of syncretism that involves not the meaningful content of features, but their DEFAULT value. At the same time, it proposes a nearly full treatment of Old French and Romanian declensions in PFM terms. Keywords: case, default, declension, gender, number, paradigm, syncretism. 1. INTRODUCTION As is well-known, only Old French and Romanian among Romance languages kept something of the Latin rich nominal inflection for case and number or DECLENSION. The present study aims to provide a synchronic account of this phenomenon in a Word and Paradigm (WP) framework (Blevins 2006), using the formal apparatus of Paradigm Function Morphology (PFM – Stump 2001; Bonami, Stump to appear). -
Morphosyntactic Alignment, Pattern Replication, and the Classical Armenian Periphrastic Perfect
1 Morphosyntactic Alignment, Pattern Replication, * 2 and the Classical Armenian Periphrastic Perfect 3 ROBIN MEYER 4 University of Oxford 5 1. Introduction 6 The Classical Armenian periphrastic perfect and its unusual construction have 7 posed difficulties for historical linguists since their first detailed discussion in the 8 1903 edition of Meillet’s Esquisse d’une grammaire comparée de l’arménien 9 classique (see the revised edition, Meillet 1936). While the communis opinio still 10 favors an explanation proffered by Benveniste (1952), which likens the Armenian 11 pattern to the Old Persian taya manā kr̥ tam construction, this model cannot ac- 12 count for several problems in the Armenian data; a new model, informed by the 13 shortcomings of its predecessors and taking into account typological and compar- 14 ative data, is therefore necessary. 15 In this paper it will be argued that the most consistent analysis of the Arme- 16 nian perfect construction must interpret it as a synchronically tripartite alignment 17 pattern, resulting from extensive language contact with the Middle Iranian lan- 18 guages; typological irregularities and synchronically deviant patterns are manifes- 19 tations of alignment change under pressure from the non-perfect tenses. 20 After a brief exposition of the Armenian data and the issues associated with it 21 (§2), previous attempts at an explanation of the phenomenon will be summarized 22 and their weaknesses discussed (§3). The Armenian situation will then be com- 23 pared to that in Middle Iranian, especially Parthian, and their differences and 24 commonalities will be set out (§4). FinallY, a new model will detail why a tripar- 25 tite analysis of the periphrastic perfect is synchronically and typologically appro- 26 priate (§5), how far Iranian influence is the likely origin of this pattern, and what 27 other expressions of such influence can be found in Classical Armenian (§6). -
Overview of Ergativity
Chapter 2 Ergativity Chapter 2 Overview of Ergativity Ergativity is a term that refers to a certain pattern that some languages show in treating arguments of a verb. Generally, arguments are classified into three types: the subject of a transitive verb, the object of a transitive verb and the subject of an intransitive verb. Adopting Dixon’s (1979) terminology, we will refer to them as A, O, and S, respectively. If a language treats A and S in the same way, distinguishing O, the pattern is called accusative. In contrast, in an ergative pattern, S and O are treated as equivalent, while A is treated differently. The notion of ergativity is often used with regard to case marking. In an ergative case system, S and O appear in the same case, absolutive and A appears in a special case, ergative. An ergative pattern of case marking is referred to as morphological ergativity. Ergativity is not merely a morphological phenomenon. Some languages treat S and O as equivalents in some syntactic operations such as coordination and relativisation. An ergative pattern found at the level of syntax is referred to as syntactic ergativity. It should be noted that morphological ergativity does not entail syntactic ergativity. A language may have an ergative case marking without showing syntactic ergativity. However, a language that shows syntactic ergativity necessarily has an ergative case system. Syntactic ergativity is incompatible with accusative case marking. In other 13 Chapter 2 Ergativity words, there seems to be some correlation between morphological ergativity and syntactic ergativity. This leads to a hypothesis that ergative case marking is associated with syntactic configuration.