Uncommon Patterns of Core Term Marking and Case Terminology
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From Latin to Romance: Case Loss and Preservation in Pronominal Systems
FLORE Repository istituzionale dell'Università degli Studi di Firenze From Latin to Romance: case loss and preservation in pronominal systems Questa è la Versione finale referata (Post print/Accepted manuscript) della seguente pubblicazione: Original Citation: From Latin to Romance: case loss and preservation in pronominal systems / Manzini, MARIA RITA; Savoia, LEONARDO MARIA. - In: PROBUS. - ISSN 1613-4079. - STAMPA. - 26, 2(2014), pp. 217-248. Availability: This version is available at: 2158/891750 since: 2016-01-20T16:23:29Z Terms of use: Open Access La pubblicazione è resa disponibile sotto le norme e i termini della licenza di deposito, secondo quanto stabilito dalla Policy per l'accesso aperto dell'Università degli Studi di Firenze (https://www.sba.unifi.it/upload/policy-oa-2016-1.pdf) Publisher copyright claim: (Article begins on next page) 27 September 2021 Probus 2014; 26(2): 217 – 248 M. Rita Manzini* and Leonardo M. Savoia From Latin to Romance: case loss and preservation in pronominal systems Abstract: The evolution from Latin into Romance is marked by the loss of case in nominal declensions. In most Romance varieties, however, pronouns, specifi- cally in the 1st/2nd person singular, keep case differentiations. In some varieties 1st/2nd singular pronouns present a three-way case split, essentially the same re- constructed for proto-Romance (De Dardel and Gaeng 1992, Zamboni 1998). We document and analyze the current situation of Romance in the first part of the article (section 1). In the second part of the article we argue that the Dative Shifted distribution of loro in modern Italian, accounted for by means of the category of weak pronoun in Cardinaletti and Starke (1999), is best construed as a survival of oblique case in the 3rd person system (section 2). -
SPLIT-ERGATIVITY in HITTITE Petra Goedegebuure (University of Chicago)
Published in: Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie. Volume 102, Issue 2, Pages 270–303, ISSN (Online) 1613-1150, ISSN (Print) 0084-5299, DOI: 10.1515/za- 2012-0015, January 2013 1 SPLIT-ERGATIVITY IN HITTITE Petra Goedegebuure (University of Chicago) “it is possible that all languages show ergativity on some level” (McGregor 2009, 482) 1. Introduction2 As a highly heterogeneous phenomenon ergativity remains a conundrum for linguistic theory. The ergative case has been treated as a structural case, an inherent/lexical case, or rather as a mix (Butt 2006). Split-ergativity is thought to arise as an epiphenomenon, as ‘collateral damage’ of diachronic change after reinterpretation of passive constructions with instrumentals (Dixon 1994) or through reanalysis of transitive null-subject clauses with inanimate instrumentals (Garrett 1990b). Alternatively, case assignment and therefore also split-ergativity ultimately depends on synchronic structural properties of the clause (Merchant 2006). It has been claimed that only 25% of the world’s languages shows ergativity (Van de Visser 2006), or that “all languages show ergativity on some level” (McGregor 2009, 482). Irrespective of the correct ratio, split-ergativity seems to be the norm among languages that show ergativity. When the ergative split is based on semantic features of noun phrases, it is generally assumed that animacy plays a major role. Silverstein (1976) has shown that pronouns and nouns can be hierarchically arranged based on semantic features such as person, number, or grammatical gender. The strength of this hierarchy is that if agent marking is attested for the first time at a certain point in the hierarchy, all nominals lower in the hierarchy will carry agent marking as well. -
Possessive Pronouns As Oblique Dps: Linkers and Affix Stacking
19.3 (2018): 393-425 UDC 81’367.626.2=111 Original scientific article Received on 16.02. 2018 Accepted for publication on 05.11. 2018 M. Rita Manzini Università degli Studi di Firenze Possessive pronouns as oblique DPs: Linkers and affix stacking In many familiar European languages, e.g. German or Italian, possessive pro- nouns agree in φ-features with their head noun. We argue that they are geni- tive pronouns, endowed with an extra φ-features set. As such, they are part of a range of phenomena including case stacking and linkers unified under the historical-typological label of Suffixaufnahme. We express the formal basis for this unification as the Stacking Generalization (Section 1). We then apply our analysis to the narrower domain of facts involving possessive pronouns, specifically in Balkan and Romance languages. We further find that 1/2P pro- nouns present a richer stacking structure than their 3P counterparts (Section 2). We examine this latter fact in the context of a more general phenomenon, whereby the 1/2P vs 3P Person split not only tends to correlate with different case and agreement alignments – but seems to govern the morphological ex- pression of case and agreement itself, in terms of richer vs poorer content (Section 3). Key words: oblique case; genitive; possessives; pronouns; linkers; agree- ment; person. 1. Linkers and affix stacking This section aims at establishing the framework for the discussion of agreeing pos- sessive pronouns to be pursued in later sections. According to a well established historical-typological view (Plank 1995), modifier structures involving both free standing heads (linkers) and stacked affixation (case stacking), are to be unified on the basis of functional considerations. -
08-Siewierska 339..370
C:/3d/J/Trps/Trps 101-2/08-siewierska.3d ± 7/7/3 ± 15:58 ± disk/sr Transactions of the Philological Society Volume 101:2 (2003) 339±370 PERSON AGREEMENT AND THE DETERMINATION OF ALIGNMENT By Anna Siewierska Lancaster University Abstract The paper explores two issues arisingfrom the extension of the notion of alignment from the domain of monotransitive to ditransitive clauses. The ®rst is, To what extent should other than purely formal patterns of identi®cation be taken into account in determiningthe ditransitive counterparts of the respective monotransitive alignments, i.e., accusative, erga- tive, active, etc.? The second issue is, How should con¯icts between the formal criteria used in the determination of the alignment of person agreement be resolved? It is argued that only under a purely formal interpretation of alignment is it possible to discern ditransitive counterparts of all the major monotransitive alignments, and that once the notion of neutral alignment is distinguished from absence of agreement, form/order con¯icts involvingagreement markers can be consistently resolved in favour of phonological form. 1. Introduction The term `alignment' when used in regard to grammatical functions denotes how core grammatical functions are organised relative to each other. Traditionally the major patterns of alignment have been de®ned exclusively in relation to the arguments of intransitive and monotransitive verbs, i.e., in relation to the S (sole argument of intransitive verb), A (agentive argument of transitive verb) and P (patient-like argument of transitive verb), as characterised by Dixon (1972) and Comrie (1978). They are the familiar, neutral, accusative, # The Philological Society 2003. -
Alignment Typology in Diachronic Perspective
Alignment Typology in Diachronic Perspective Eystein Dahl, UiT – The Arctic University of Norway This workshop sets out to explore the diachronic dimension of alignment typology. Alignment typology is understood in a broad sense, as to include both the basic alignment pattern expressing core arguments of intransitive and transitive predicates and various types of valency- affecting constructions, e.g. causatives, passives, anticausatives/middles, antipassives, impersonals/transimpersonals and A- or P-lability. These two types of phenomena have different diachronic properties. While the basic alignment pattern or, in the case of split alignment, patterns of a given language generally tends to be diachronically stable, the inventory of valency-affecting constructions appear to be somewhat more prone to undergo change. Given that there appears to be a clear diachronic relation between certain types of valency-affecting constructions and certain types of alignment constructions, e.g. passives and ergatives (cf. e.g. Gildea 1997, Dahl 2016), it clearly makes sense to explore basic alignment and valency-affecting constructions together, as they may be regarded as two dimensions of the same area of grammar. Alignment typology has been a central focus of linguistic research at least since the publication of Dixon (1972). A number of studies have been concerned with the emergence of ergative alignment (cf. e.g. Garrett 1990, Gildea 1997, Butt 2001, Dahl 2016) or semantic alignment (cf. e.g. Aldai 2008, Holton 2008). The development of other alignment types, e.g. accusative, neutral or tripartite alignment, have received less attention and, consequently, their synchronic and, especially, their diachronic properties are less well understood. -
Old French and Romanian Declensions from a Word and Paradigm Perspective and the Notion of “Default Syncretism”
OLD FRENCH AND ROMANIAN DECLENSIONS FROM A WORD AND PARADIGM PERSPECTIVE AND THE NOTION OF “DEFAULT SYNCRETISM” ALAIN KIHM1 Abstract. Old French and Romanian nominal inflections or declensions share the property of being apparently uncomplicated as their paradigms consist in only two forms at most: a base form and an inflected form. This outward simplicity, however, results from complex syncretisms. In Old French masculine nouns, the singular subject case and the plural object case are identically inflected, whereas the singular object and the plural subject cases are identical base forms; in Romanian feminine nouns, the singular genitive-dative and the two plural case forms are the same. Such syncretisms raise a descriptive and theoretical issue as they appear to be neither semantically motivated nor fully arbitrary. Drawing on the conceptual and formalizing resources of Word and Paradigm (WP) theory and Paradigm Function Morphology (PFM), the present essay attempts to solve the issue by assuming a third kind of syncretism that involves not the meaningful content of features, but their DEFAULT value. At the same time, it proposes a nearly full treatment of Old French and Romanian declensions in PFM terms. Keywords: case, default, declension, gender, number, paradigm, syncretism. 1. INTRODUCTION As is well-known, only Old French and Romanian among Romance languages kept something of the Latin rich nominal inflection for case and number or DECLENSION. The present study aims to provide a synchronic account of this phenomenon in a Word and Paradigm (WP) framework (Blevins 2006), using the formal apparatus of Paradigm Function Morphology (PFM – Stump 2001; Bonami, Stump to appear). -
Morphosyntactic Alignment, Pattern Replication, and the Classical Armenian Periphrastic Perfect
1 Morphosyntactic Alignment, Pattern Replication, * 2 and the Classical Armenian Periphrastic Perfect 3 ROBIN MEYER 4 University of Oxford 5 1. Introduction 6 The Classical Armenian periphrastic perfect and its unusual construction have 7 posed difficulties for historical linguists since their first detailed discussion in the 8 1903 edition of Meillet’s Esquisse d’une grammaire comparée de l’arménien 9 classique (see the revised edition, Meillet 1936). While the communis opinio still 10 favors an explanation proffered by Benveniste (1952), which likens the Armenian 11 pattern to the Old Persian taya manā kr̥ tam construction, this model cannot ac- 12 count for several problems in the Armenian data; a new model, informed by the 13 shortcomings of its predecessors and taking into account typological and compar- 14 ative data, is therefore necessary. 15 In this paper it will be argued that the most consistent analysis of the Arme- 16 nian perfect construction must interpret it as a synchronically tripartite alignment 17 pattern, resulting from extensive language contact with the Middle Iranian lan- 18 guages; typological irregularities and synchronically deviant patterns are manifes- 19 tations of alignment change under pressure from the non-perfect tenses. 20 After a brief exposition of the Armenian data and the issues associated with it 21 (§2), previous attempts at an explanation of the phenomenon will be summarized 22 and their weaknesses discussed (§3). The Armenian situation will then be com- 23 pared to that in Middle Iranian, especially Parthian, and their differences and 24 commonalities will be set out (§4). FinallY, a new model will detail why a tripar- 25 tite analysis of the periphrastic perfect is synchronically and typologically appro- 26 priate (§5), how far Iranian influence is the likely origin of this pattern, and what 27 other expressions of such influence can be found in Classical Armenian (§6). -
John Benjamins Publishing Company
John Benjamins Publishing Company This is a contribution from Studies in Language 41:3 © 2017. John Benjamins Publishing Company This electronic file may not be altered in any way. The author(s) of this article is/are permitted to use this PDF file to generate printed copies to be used by way of offprints, for their personal use only. Permission is granted by the publishers to post this file on a closed server which is accessible only to members (students and faculty) of the author's/s' institute. It is not permitted to post this PDF on the internet, or to share it on sites such as Mendeley, ResearchGate, Academia.edu. Please see our rights policy on https://benjamins.com/content/customers/rights For any other use of this material prior written permission should be obtained from the publishers or through the Copyright Clearance Center (for USA: www.copyright.com). Please contact [email protected] or consult our website: www.benjamins.com Multiple ergatives From allomorphy to differential agent marking Peter Arkadiev Institute of Slavic Studies RAS/RSUH, Moscow This paper presents a cross-linguistic survey of case systems with several non-phonologically distributed markers of ergative case, based on a convenience sample of more than 70 languages from all over the world. It is shown that in most languages the distribution of different ergative markers splits along the lines predicted by the referential hierarchy (local pronouns > non-local pronouns > proper names > kinship terms > humans > nonhumans > inanimates), thus com- plementing the much better known ergativity splits. Other types of conditioning of “multiple ergatives” include gender, such nominal morphosyntactic features as number and (in)definiteness, as well as clausal morphosyntactic features like tense/aspect, polarity and person of co-arguments. -
The Morphology and Syntax of Ergativity
THE MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX OF ERGATIVITY: A TYPOLOGICAL APPROACH by Justin Rill A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the University of Delaware in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics Winter 2017 © 2017 Justin Rill All Rights Reserved ProQuest Number:10257594 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. ProQuest 10257594 Published by ProQuest LLC ( 2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106 - 1346 THE MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX OF ERGATIVITY: A TYPOLOGICAL APPROACH by Justin Rill Approved: Benjamin Bruening, Ph.D. Chair of the Department of Linguistics and Cognitive Science Approved: George H. Watson, Ph.D. Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences Approved: Ann L. Ardis, Ph.D. Senior Vice Provost for Graduate and Professional Education I certify that I have read this dissertation and that in my opinion it meets the academic and professional standard required by the University as a dis- sertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Signed: Gabriella Hermon, Ph.D. Professor in charge of dissertation I certify that I have read this dissertation and that in my opinion it meets the academic and professional standard required by the University as a dis- sertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. -
The Role of Case in Russian Syntax Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory
THE ROLE OF CASE IN RUSSIAN SYNTAX STUDIES IN NATURAL LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTIC THEORY Managing Editors JOAN MALING, Linguistics Program, Dept. of Psychology, Brandeis University, Waltham, MA 02254, U.S.A. LUIGI RIZZI, Linguistique Generale, Faculte des Lettres, Universite de Geneve, 3, Place de I'Universite, 1211 Geneve 4, Switzerland Editorial Board Guglielmo Cinque, University of Venice Jane Grimshaw, Brandeis University Michael Kenstowicz, University of Illinois Hilda Koopman, University of California, Los Angeles Howard Lasnik, University of Connecticut Alec Marantz, University ofNorth Carolina, Chapel Hill John J. McCarthy, University of Massachusetts, Amherst James McCloskey, University College, Dublin CAROL NEIDLE Dept. of Modern Foreign Languages and Literatures, Boston University, U.S.A. THE ROLE OF CASE IN RUSSIAN SYNTAX KLUWER ACADEMIC PUBLISHERS DORDRECHT/BOSTON/LONDON Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Neidle, Carol Jan. The role of case in Russian syntax. (Studies in natural language and linguistic theory ; 10) Revision of the author's thesis--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1982. Includes index. 1. Russian language--Syntax. 2. Russj an language- Case. 1. Title. II. Series. PG2361.N45 1988 491.75 88-6789 ISBN-13 :978-94-010-7718-7 e-ISBN-13:978-94-009-2703-2 001.10.1007/978-94-009-2703-2 Published by Kluwer Academic Publishers, P.O. Box 17,3300 AA Dordrecht, The Netherlands Kluwer Academic Publishers incorporates the publishing programmes of D. Reidel, Martinus Nijhoff, Dr W. Junk and MTP Press Sold and distributed in the U.S.A. and Canada by Kluwer Academic Publishers, 101 Philip Drive, Norwell, MA 02061, U.S.A. -
On the Possessive Form with the Affix -Ker- in Romani*
ASIAN AND AFRICAN STUDIES, 13 , 2004, 1, 104-113 ON THE POSSESSIVE FORM WITH THE AFFIX -KER- IN ROMANI* Anna RAcovA Institute of Oriental and African Studies, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Klemensova 19, 813 64 Bratislava, Slovakia In Romani studies literature, the form with the affix -ker- -ger- is regarded as the genitive form of nouns or as possessive adjective. On the basis of analysis of the views of various authors and analysis of Romani texts, we came to the conclusion that the given form needs to be regarded as a possessive adjective. The majority of authors mention the form with the affix -ker- in the singular and -ger- in the plural, in descriptions of the case system of Romani, whether theoretical works or textbooks and manuals of the Romani language. They usu ally assign it to the case system as the genitive, but they realize its exceptional position in this system, and some also attempt to explain why it belongs or does not belong to this system. For example, J. Lípa (1963) devoted appropriate at tention in a description of the Humenné dialect of Slovak Carpathian Romani (in his terminology Czechoslovak Romani). According to Lípa, Romani has only three cases: direct, oblique and vocative (p.45). The direct case expresses the subject and object. In the further description, some disproportion occurs, since in an attempt to approximate the “Gypsy declension for interested Czechs” he speaks, when describing the meaning of the direct case, of nomina tive and accusative, but has to admit that the direct case in the function of the accusative is expressed in text by a form of the oblique case. -
An Introduction to Linguistic Typology
An Introduction to Linguistic Typology An Introduction to Linguistic Typology Viveka Velupillai University of Giessen John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam / Philadelphia TM The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of 8 the American National Standard for Information Sciences – Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi z39.48-1984. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data An introduction to linguistic typology / Viveka Velupillai. â. p cm. â Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Typology (Linguistics) 2. Linguistic universals. I. Title. P204.V45 â 2012 415--dc23 2012020909 isbn 978 90 272 1198 9 (Hb; alk. paper) isbn 978 90 272 1199 6 (Pb; alk. paper) isbn 978 90 272 7350 5 (Eb) © 2012 – John Benjamins B.V. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publisher. John Benjamins Publishing Company • P.O. Box 36224 • 1020 me Amsterdam • The Netherlands John Benjamins North America • P.O. Box 27519 • Philadelphia PA 19118-0519 • USA V. Velupillai: Introduction to Typology NON-PUBLIC VERSION: PLEASE DO NOT CITE OR DISSEMINATE!! ForFor AlTô VelaVela anchoranchor and and inspiration inspiration 2 Table of contents Acknowledgements xv Abbreviations xvii Abbreviations for sign language names xx Database acronyms xxi Languages cited in chapter 1 xxii 1. Introduction 1 1.1 Fast forward from the past to the present 1 1.2 The purpose of this book 3 1.3 Conventions 5 1.3.1 Some remarks on the languages cited in this book 5 1.3.2 Some remarks on the examples in this book 8 1.4 The structure of this book 10 1.5 Keywords 12 1.6 Exercises 12 Languages cited in chapter 2 14 2.