EASTM 20 (2003 ): 99- i 3 1

The Introduction of European Astronomical Instruments and the Related Technology into China during the Seventeenth Century

Zhang Baichun

{Zhang Baichun is Professor of the History of Chinese Science and Technology and Head of the Partner Group of the Max Planck institute for the Hist01y of Science at the institute for the History of Natural Sciences, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing. He is the author of such works as Zhongguo jindai jixie jianshi g::i 00 Qt {~ :j:)1 ~ M 5t: {;\ Brief History of Modern Machinery in China) (1992), "Wang Zheng yu Deng Yuhan Yuanxi qiqi tushuo luzui xintan " .:r. f~ !3j :W .:li iiti { ill; g:§° ~ ~II] i$l ~ -iw_ ) lf}r ~ (A New Study on Illustrations and Explanations of Wonderful Machines of the West by Johann Terrenz and Wang Zheng" (Ziran bianzhengfa tongxu El ~ ti¥ iiE 1:J;;.@ if!. (Journal of Dialectics of Nature, 1996, no. i ), and Ming Qing cetian yiqi zhi ouhua Sjj fflf iN~ 7( {Sl ~ Z @: {t (The Europeanization of Astronomical Instruments during the Ming and Qing Periods) (2000). Forthcoming publications include Zhongguo chuan­ Long jixie diaocha yanjiu g::i 00 11 ~Jt :j:)1 ~ iJ/ll ]E litf ~ (An investigation of Chinese Traditional Machines) (2003) as well as Sulian jishu xiang Zhongguo de zhuanyi ""f.j l~ ~ # rPJ $ 00 B"J $~ ~ (Technology Transfer from the Soviet Union to {the People's Republic of} China) (2003).j

* * *

China has always attached great importance to the observation of the heavens and the compilation of calendars, and developed techniques to make astronomical devices such as the armillary sphere and the celestial globe. However, at the end or the sixteenth century Chinese and instrument-making nearly came to a standstill. At that time, the European missionaries who entered China intro­ duced European science and technology to the Chinese, and cooperated with the Imperial Astronomical Bureau in making astronomical tools and editing calen­ dars. As is well known, this was the prologue of the introduction of Western sci1:11cc and technology into China. The present paper reviews the process of the 111troduc1io11 or Eurnp1:an astronomical technology into China in the seventeenth lTlllury.

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The Initial Stage

After Matteo Ricci (1552-1610) arrived in Macao in August 1582, he associated with the higher social milieus and with scholars like Xu Guangqi ~ * f?f (1562- 1633 ). Ricci was the first to introduce European astronomical instruments to the Chinese. He made a copper celestial globe in Zhaoqing il Jt (Guangdong) and explained astronomy to visitors in the 1580s. He also taught students in Shaozhou fill 1'1'1 (Guangdong), Nanking, and Peking how to make a celestial globe, an as­ trolabe, a quadrant, and a sundial. In 1605, Ricci and Li Zhizao :$': Z #k (1565- 1630) wrote the Qiankun tiyi ~Z: i:$ fl!~ (Cosmological epitome), describing the use of a copper armillary sphere to demonstrate the relation between the heavens and earth and to help calculate the coordinates of the celestial bodies (fig. I). Two years later, Ricci and Li explained the astrolabe and its method of coordi­ nate projection in another work, the Hungai tongxian tushuo i!f! :!f ill! 'f6i_ Iii ~ (Explanation of the coordinates of the celestial sphere and vault). Prior to this, the demonstrational armillary sphere, the quadrant, and the astrolabe were un­ known in China. Through these pursuits, Ricci perceived the problems involved in traditional Chinese calendar-making and envisaged the promotion of missionary work through involvement in revising the calendar. He calculated eclipses of the sun and the moon in Nanchang i¥j ~ (Jiangxi) and Peking, but felt that his compe­ tence was inadequate to determine the positions and orbits of planets. Thus, in May 1605, he wrote to the Roman Church to ask that someone who could calcu­ late the daily position of the planets be sent to China. Missionaries who were expert in astronomy reached China only more than a dozen years later. In July 1619, Nicolas Trigault (1577-1628), who had already been once to China, led the missionaries Johann Terrenz Schreck ( 1576-1630), Giacomo Rho (1590-1638), and Johann Adam Schall van Bell ( 1591-1666) to Macao with some instruments and more than 7,000 books, including some that should have served as sources to compile and translate a calendar. Terrenz, Rho, and Schall all had proven academic achievements in science. Schall went to Pe­ king at the beginning of 1623. He demonstrated European instruments, probably including a telescope brought to China in 1619. In 1629, he published his Yuan­ Jing shuo ~ ii ~~ (An explanation of the telescope), which introduced the struc­ ture, principles, manufacture, and use of the telescope, and the discoveries made by using this tool. Earlier than this, Emmanuel Diaz ( 1574-1659) from had mentioned in his Tianwen liie 7(.. r"~ a@ (Explicatio sphaerae coelestis; 1615) that a European had created a device to "watch faraway places as if from nearby." This was the first introduction of the telescope to the Chinese; lhc Euro­ pean referred to was, obviously, Galileo Galilei. When the Chinese hegan to realize that the <.:alculations and prcdiclions made hy Western methods were <.:rnTecl, .ind <.:ould solve lhe disncpan<.:ic..~s lo whid1 traditional calendars had been suhjecl since their origins, lhe 111issio11aries gol an

Downloaded from Brill.com10/04/2021 10:30:47AM via free access Zhang Baichun: Introduction of European Astronomical Instruments IOI opportunity to join Lhe Astronomical Bureau. Xu Guangqi was appointed by an imperial edict to lead the calendar revision in September 1629, and a Calendrical Bureau was set up in November that year. Xu advocated the Western approach, and appointed the Jesuit missionaries Johann Terrenz and Nicolo Longobardi ( 1559-1654). After Terrenz died, Rho and Schall received an assignment to work at the Bureau in August 1630 and January I 631, respectively. Later, when Xu passed away, Li Tianjing $ "'fr_ t~ (1579-1659) was in charge of the Calendrical Bureau. Between February I 631 and January 1635, the Chongzhen lishu * t~ )~ ~ (Astronomical compendium of the Chongzhen emperor), a work in 137 chapters, was submitted to the Imperial Court in five batches. In I 645, the newly­ established Qing government appointed Schall with the task of establishing a calendar. Shortly afterwards, Schall submitted a calendar based on the Chongzhen lishu and the European observational instruments.

European Instruments in the Chongzhen lishu

Traditional Chinese astronomy used the equatorial coordinates, dividing the annular graduation on the armillary sphere into 365 I /4 degrees (du ffi'.). The Chongzhen lishu, instead, adopted the Tychonic system, introducing the ecliptic coordinate system and using the European 360' sexagesimal. This method obvi­ ously required the observers to use the proper astronomical instruments. Thus the Celiang quanyi ¥JIU :Ii ~ ~ (Complete treatise on measurement), a section of Chongzhen lishu, systematically introduced several European astronomical de­ vices, describing in detail their structure, principles, manufacture, instalment, features, and use. The following are the main instruments introduced by the Chongzhen lishu:

I. Ptolemaic organon parallaktikon (gu sanzhi youyi ti' =. ill[ ifff. fl, fig. 2). 2. Ptolemaic astrolabon (gu liuhuan yi ii" n .I"& fl, fig. 3), very similar to Rcgiomontanus' (Johann MUiier, 1436-1476) ecliptic armillary sphere (fig. 4 ). 3. Ecliptic-equatorial armillary sphere (huangchi quanyi '1i. ~ ~ fl), com­ posed of an equatorial ring, an ecliptic ring, a meridian ring, a longitudinal ring, and a time disc. The size of the twenty-eight on the equatorial ring was determined according to the ecliptic coordinates. 4. Torquelum (gu xiangyun quanyi ii" ~ ~ ~ fl, fig. 5); this was the ma­ china collectitia described by Regiomontanus, but its structure was essen­ tially the same as the torquetum described by Peter Apian (1495-1552; fig. 6). 5. Jm:oh's staff (lw.1·hi vi •n~ I;; {:l~, nuyi i-1 {*, fig. 7); one of the types of staffs that determined the virtual diameter or a comet according lo Regio- 111ont111111s' dcsniption. It likl'ly ori~inatcd fro111 Archimedes' staff.

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6. Quadrants (xiangxian yi ~ ~R 11). 7. Azimuthal quadrant (diping jingwei yi ttl!. Zp- N~ *#. 11, fig. 8). This fol­ lowed Tycho's description (fig. 9), but its function was the same as the standing-rotating instrument on Guo Shoujing's .'j[I 7" -1/rJ:. (1231-1316) simplified armillary sphere. 8. Sextant (jixian yi *c [\_& 1R, fig. 10); its structure was very much the same as Tycho's sextant (figs. 11 and 12), but it was simplified. 9. Ecliptic armillary sphere (huangdao jingwei quanyi fli. ill *~ ti ~ 1R, fig. 13), similar to Tycho's ecliptic armillary sphere (fig. 14). 10. Equatorial armillary sphere (chidao jingwei yi ,ffi iii[ N~ tl 1i, figs. 15 and 16). The upper structure was almost the same as Tycho's separable equatorial armillary sphere (fig. 17), while the lower support was almost identical with Tycho's ecliptic armillary sphere. It was simpler than the Chinese armillary sphere (fig. 18). 11. Simplified equatorial armillary sphere (chidao jingwei jianyi ,lF iii[ tlli *It fJj 1-m, fig. 19), similar lo the movable right ascension ring on Guo Shou­ jing's simplified armillary sphere and on Tycho's large equatorial armil­ lary sphere (l"ig. 20). 12. Demonslrational arm ii lary sphere (huntian yi ff ~ {~, fig. 21 ), composed of a horizontal surface, a meridian ring, a right ascension circle, an eclip­ tic polar axis, a time disc, a compass, and an arch of altitude. A solar ring, a lunar ring, and latitudinal rings could be added and the altitude of the North Pole could be adjusted. Chapter 5 of the Huntian yi shuo i'f ~ fl ~Q (Explanation of Lhe armillary sphere) focused on the manufacture of Lhe armillary sphere (fig. 22) and the celestial globe (fig. 23); it involved technologies for metal processing, manufacture by means of grinding, welding, and manufacture of the screw and graduation. 13. Celestial globe (tianqiu yi ~ f;J\ 1fi), similar lo the Chinese celestial globe. Its ecliptic ring, equatorial ring, meridian ring, and arch of altitude were the same as in the demonstralional armillary sphere. Its surface was lined up with stars. 14. Instrumentum eclipticum (muhou yi * {I~ 1R, fig. 24), identical with the instrument used by Kepler to observe the image of the moon (fig. 25).

The Ptolemaic organon parallaktikon, torquetum, Jacob's staff, quadrant, sextant, ecliptic armillary sphere, demonstrational armillary sphere, instrumentum eclipti­ cum, and astrolabe were new to the Chinese. These and the other instruments listed above adopted a graduation in 360° and used regulative spirals, screws, and plumb lines. The plumb line had probably been used hy the Chinese earlier, hut not as a specialized device. Movable sight rules or alidades were used in !he European inslrumenls, while !he Chinese inslrumenls used lhe sighling lube as an alidade. In addition, the Chinese i11slru111L·n1s WL'n: all cast, while suJIIL' ol' lhe E111opca11 ones wc1e lrnged.

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The Use of European Instruments

Giacomo Rho and Adam Schall von Bell

In September 1629, Xu Guangqi made a tentative proposal to repair and maintain the old instruments in lhe Peking Observatory. Five days later, instead, he sug­ gested thal ten instruments in urgent need should be made of bronze and wood, including a large quadrant (with a wooden support and a bronze rim), a large sextant, an astrolabe, a wooden celestial globe, a sundial, and a telescope. 1 The new plan obviously was influenced by the missionaries. Two months later, the Calendrical Bureau made two quadrants and a sextant under the guidance of Terrenz.2 Later, Rho and Schall were charged with super­ vising the design and manufacture of other instruments. In January I 635, the Calendrical Bureau made a bronze Jacob's staff, an iron Jacob's staff, a bronze quadrant (probably of a small size), and other tools. In December 1637, Li Tian­ jing stated that more than ten new instruments had been made since he had taken oftice.3 These probably included a celestial globe, an astrolabe, and an ecliptic­ equatorial annillary sphere. In 1634, as the staff of the Observatory was still unfamiliar with the ecliptic­ equatorial armillary sphere, a simplified version of this tool had to be used. By September 1635, however, the Chinese had mastered the use of the European observational devices.4 In June 1637, Li Tianjing pledged to make an ecliptic­ equatorial armillary sphere for the emperor; in 1639, that instrument was placed in the palace. Li also had a demonstrational armillary sphere and a celestial globe made for the emperor. Much energy was spent on debating the advantages and disadvantages of the traditional Chinese and the new Western approaches. While Xu Guangqi advo­ <:ated revising the calendar according to the Western methods, others did not helieve in their accuracy. Thus the new lools were tested from time to time. In particular, Xu and the staff of the Calendrical Bureau used the telescope of the Calendrical Bureau to observe an eclipse of the sun for the l'irst time on October '2 5, and again to observe an eclipse of the moon on November 8, 1631. As that Iclcscope could distinguish two stars within a distance of 30', it remarkably im­ proved the observation of eclipses.5 This became the instrument in which the ( :hinese developed the greatest interest. Early in November 1632, Xu Guangqi pledged 10 install a telescope for the emperor; in December 1634, the telescope

I Xu Uuangqi cl al., Xi1rjc1 .man.1·h11 $Jr r':i:. ~ ~ (New methods in ), 14- I 5. 2 X i11/i1 ,\'ll{l/l.1'1111' I<,, 5(,. \ Xi11/i1 ,\'/11111.\'hll, •JH . ·1 x;,,ti, .1'111111.1'!111, n . ' Xiii/ii .111,111.1/111, 'ill.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/04/2021 10:30:47AM via free access /04 EASTM 20 (2003) was presented to the emperor by Li Tianjing. In 1635, Schall and Rho made two more telescopes for the emperor with lenses brought from Europe.6 However, while Lhe Astronomical Bureau added the European instruments to its possessions, the original Chinese instruments were not discarded. The concur­ rent use of European and Chinese devices lasted until the 1640s, in line with the original intent of incorporating Lhe Western approach into the Chinese system.

Ferdinand Verbiest

Ferdinand Verbiest ( 1623-88) reached Macao in I 659, invited by Lhe emperor at Adam Schall's request to help with the work of the Astronomical Bureau. After Schall and Verbiest were freed from house arrest, the Qing government ap­ pointed Verbiest first as vice director and then praefectus of the Astronomical Bureau. While he was in charge of compiling the Kangxi yongnian lifa ~ ~~ ,;j< ~ M it (Perpetual calendar of the Kangxi emperor; 1678), he began Lo make new observational devices to replace the old instruments. The Western approach adopted the ecliptic coordinates and the sexagesimal system, dividing the circumference of the sky into 360°. Since the use of tradi­ tional Chinese instruments would have required complex calculations, Verbiest was determined to disregard them. In August 1669 he, or some prominent digni­ taries who had attended the experiments in the Observatory, proposed to the Peking Court to make new instruments. With the emperor's approval, Verbiest was charged with their design and manufacture. In the summer of that year, he made a demonstrational ecliptic armillary sphere for the Kangxi Emperor (fig. 26). The casting of six other large bronze instruments was completed between the end of I 673 and the beginning of 1674; these were an ecliptic armillary sphere (fig. 27), an equatorial armillary sphere (fig. 28), an azimuthal instrument (fig. 29), a quadrant (fig. 30), a sextant (fig. 31 ), and a stellar globe (fig. 32). In 1674, Verbiest wrote the Xinzhi lingtai yixiang zhi *fr f\;lj ~ "E:J {I ~ ;&; (Treatise on the newly-built astronomical instruments in the observatory) to explain the struc­ ture, principles, installment, and use or these tools. In I 687, he wrote the Astro­ nomia Europaea in to report about Lhe missionaries' work in China. He also made a waler-driven clock which emulated the movements of the heavens.? Verbiesl's instruments adopted Tycho's design in the Astronomiae Instau­ ratae Mechanica ( 1598), but the equatorial armillary sphere was a simplified version of the Tychonian one (fig. 33). The quadrant was similar to Tycho's azimuthal quadrant (fig. 34), except for the horizontal ring which was removed. The altazimuth was like a horizontal ring, and might be regarded as the lower part of an azimuthal quadrant. The support of the sextant imitated Tycho's arcus

(, Xi11f,1 s11a11s/111, (17-<,H. 7 (iolw1s l'l'll, 120 121

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bipartitus (fig. 35), with the half ring transformed into a gear mechanism. Verbi­ est may have referred to Tycho's celestial globe (fig. 36) and its description or Robert Hues in 1593.8 The newly-made instruments were installed at the Peking Observatory (fig. 37). They were used to determine the coordinate values of the sun, the moon, the planets, and the stars in different coordinate systems for the definition of the eclipses and the test of the calendar. The resulls of observations made with in­ struments of different coordinate systems were checked against each other, and the precision of observation was improved. Verbiest, according to his own report in Chinese, used all the six newly-made instruments mentioned above to observe the position of the sun on February 3, 1669 (the day of the Beginning of Spring in the traditional calendar). The results of the observation demonstrated that the instruments' graduations were correct.9 However, Verbiest's statement is not reliable because, as I mentioned above, it was only between 1673 and 1674 that the new instruments were cast. In August 1678, Verbiest wrote in a letter to the Society of Jesus that astron­ omy, mathematics, and mechanics were well received among the Chinese. It was probably under the influence of this letter that the missionaries Jean de Fontaney ( 1643-1710), Louis le Comte (1655-1728), Joachim Bou vet (1656-1730), and Jean-Franc;ois Gerbillon ( 1654-1708) left France in 1685 and reached Ningbo ~ i&'. (Zhejiang) in 1688. To make astronomical observations, they brought instru­ ments donated by the Academic des Sciences. 10 The features of these instruments are still unknown, but their technical level must have been approximately the same as that of similar instruments in France.

Design and Manufacture

lixcept for the telescope, the missionaries' instruments were designed in Euro­ pean classical style. Verbiest's instruments had few rings, Lo reduce viewing ohslructions and make them convenient for observation. The important feature was lhal their graduations were far more precise and finer than those of the old ( 'hincsc instruments. For instance, the missionaries' equatorial armillary sphere a11d ils vernier were finely graduated by 15". This made the missionaries' instru- 111cnls more advanced than the Chinese armillary sphere. Moreover, there is no l"Vidcncc lhat technologies such as the setscrew and the connection by screws ,·x isled in ancient China. The missionaries also introduced a geometric method of )'I adual ion, cspccially for transversal graduation (figs. 38-40). One could say that Vc1 hies I 111adc !he most advanced naked-eye observations before the invention of

X 11:il.\lll'l)'.ill' l'J'J-1, .1 117. '1 Na11 ll11:111,·11 (h•1d111:111d V,·1hil'.\I). Xi1d1i li11g111i 1·i1i1111g :hi (cd. or l<,74), 18-l'J. Ill ll.1111'1'18,C,'I /II

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the telescope. However, Louis le Comte maintained that the graduations on Ver­ biest's instruments were not as fine as those made by European technicians. I I Of course, the missionaries used European manufacturing technologies with which they were familiar. Tycho once used a horse-driven or wind-driven lathe to make his instruments.12 Verbiest similarly used a donkey-driven milling machine to grind and polish the flat edges of the cast rings (fig. 41) and a rotary grind­ stone to sharpen the cutters of the milling machine. He also used a lathe to cut the surface of the celestial globe (fig. 42). In addition, he once used a boring machine while making artillery.13 At the same time, the missionaries paid attention to incorporating not only Chinese manufacturing techniques but also Chinese cultural characteristics into their instruments. Verbiest applied the native technology of bronze casting to his European design, and dragons and other art modelling were used to decorate and support the instruments. This combination of European technology and tradi­ tional Chinese technology and art was in itself a process of creation; obviously, it required the cooperation of Chinese craftsmen. Nonetheless, the instruments of the missionaries were outdated compared to the newer European instruments. On the one hand, the underlying purpose of the missionaries' activities at the Astronomical Bureau was missionary work, not innovation. On the other hand, the Chinese emperors merely requested the mis­ sionaries to compile precise calendars and to calculate the eclipses. The instru­ ments made by the missionaries provided convenient and reliable tools for their ealendrical work. One should also consider that after Lhe missionaries had left Europe, it was not easy for them Lo keep pace with the new European technology. When Ricci went to India in 1578, Tycho's book on his instruments had not yet been published. Rho and Schall perhaps did not even know that European in­ strument-makers had used Lelescopes and screw micrometers in angular observa­ tion in the 1640s. As for Yerbiest, he left Europe in April I 657; in the decade that followed, new technical breakthroughs gradually occurred, such as the inven­ tion of the precise time-keeper and the reflecting telescope, which induced inno­ vations in instrument design. Verbiest, who did not know about these develop­ ments, did not make a telescope, possibly because he thought the refracting tele­ scope available at his time not to be reliable enough.14 V erbiest' s attitude can be compared to that of Johann Hevelius (I 611-1687), a contemporary of Verbiest and the last eminent representative of classical ob­ servational technology in Europe. Hevelius described his instruments in his work, the Machina Coelestis (1673). Although his instruments substantially imitated Tycho's design, there were obvious technological developments; for instance, their manufacture was technologically improved and a regulation screw served as

I I Chapman 1984, 426. 12 Rcpsolu 1908, 24. IJ Golvcrs 1993, 105-I0X. ,,, Xi 11) 1)5. 2l'J.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/04/2021 10:30:47AM via free access Zhang Baichun: Introduction of European Astronomical Instruments 107 micrometer. Hevelius did make telescopes, but he refused to use them for obser­ vation. In 1679, Hevelius and Halley had made comparative observations in Danzig. The results showed that the data obtained by Halley with the telescope were not more precise than those obtained by Hevelius with his own sighls.15

Conclusion

When the Chinese astronomical technology came to a standstill, lhe missionaries introduced the European instruments with the related technology, most or which were not existent in China before. European missionaries and Chinese techni­ cians combined the European technology with Chinese casting techniques and plastic arts to make instruments that accorded with the demand of compiling a calendar. The missionaries' instruments were advanced in China, but more back­ ward compared to other contemporary European instruments; the missionaries could not keep pace with new developments in European instruments after they had left Europe. This, however, was not a real issue. While the Chinese were mainly satisfied with compiling an accurate calendar that tallied with the heavens, the missionar­ ies' real goal was lo pave the way ror their religious cause. For lhe missionaries, introducing astronomy to the Chinese and making instruments for the Peking Courl was merely a means lo their end; therefore il was unnecessary for lhem to develop new technologies when the emperor was satisfied with a good calendar. Moreover, Chinese society at that time lacked the motivation continuously to explore new knowledge and to reform instruments. The innovations introduced by the missionaries, therefore, were nol enough lo slarl the modernization or Chinese science and technology, and should better be seen as a prologue or what came later.

I~ lfrp.•,t ,Id I '>OX' 11/

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Figure 1. Demonstrational armillary sphere

\,-- ~.(,~ .,. ,~: -,,:; ·~ ~ - / rt: .

--1:!/.il ,::-}', ; .,.~ ..... •.... h~-x~~-:..• ;:_~~.:----~' .I rt •n,, L SOURCE: Li Madou, Qiankun tiyi,j. I.

Figure 2. Ptolemaic organon parallaktikon

-- ~~ -1. !f I ~IY~ I ~I. ~- :l~:.... rt, I "·

I ,,~ ._f.ff/

S lJI{ 'L I 1111 V;1p11, C.-!1m1i: 1111111/\'I, J. I fl

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Figure 3. Ptolemaic astrolabon

SOURCE: Luo Yagu, Celiang quanyi,j. 10.

Figure 4. Regiomontan's ecliptic armillary sphere

SOURCE: Repsold 1908, 14-15.

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Figure 5. Torquetum

! I

' --.~....,;r 1--~·

SOURCE: Luo Yagu, Celiang quanyi,j. 10.

Figure 6. Peter Apian's torquetum

1 1 SOURCE: Rcpsold I JOK, I K- I ).

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Figure 7. Jacob's staff

SOURCE: Luo Yagu, Celiang quanyi,j. 10.

Figure 8. Azimuthal-quadrant

SOURCB: Luo Yaau, Ctliang quanyi,j. 10.

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Figure 9. Tycho's azimuthal-quadrant

SOURCE: Brahe 1598, I 0.

Figure 10. Sextant

SOURCE: Tang Ruowang, //1°11,11 \i11,11 li':.hi, ;. I.

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Figure 11. Tycho's sextant

SOURCE: Brahe 1598, 36.

Figure 12. Tycho's sextant

-r------.....,..,...r SOURCE: Brahe 1598, --12. -

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Figure 13. Ecliptic armillary sphere

~;-"!c" ., •··,.✓ ,_,-:,:->- !l . .. '· ·.,,,-. !-#' r '.\· '•, . --~ ,• I t; - ,. ·"' .._....,_ - 'f' ;~ ~ .. I I ! ~.,,, 1

t'

SOURCE: Luo Yagu, Celiang quanyi,j. 10.

Figure 14. Tycho's ecliptic armillary sphere

SOURCE: Bruhe 1598, p. 26.

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Figure 15. Equatorial arrnillary sphere

. •• ~4 .~ ... ---- .~ . - . /,r . . ~ . .. :: .I • .....

,~-::./I ((' )

r

SOURCE: Luo Yagu, Cl'fitmg q1w11yi.j. 10.

Figure 16. Equatorial armillary sphere

•• "..,, .. , 1 ..,., ...

~

'I .-•. ,r, ·. ... .• \ ' J

SOURCE: Tang Ruowang, Hengxing lizhi,j. I.

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Figure 17. Tycho's separable equatorial armillary sphere

SOURCE: Brahe 1598, 30.

Figure 18. Chinese armillary sphere

• ~ t ' .,

SOURCE: Chan~ 1932, 7.

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Figure 19. Simplified equatorial armillary sphere

------·j SOURCE: Luo Yagu, Celiang quanyi,j. 10.

Figure 20. Tycho's large equatorial armillary sphere

SOURCE: Brahe 1598, 32.

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Figure 21. Demonstrational armillary sphere

,,c:(' ~-,,.

• :\ - ··-~ 1, I J I Tjj n 4f ; , ::. i ~ ;=v 4~

SOURCE: Tang Ru owang, Huntian yi shuoJ I,

Figure 22. Rings of armillary sphere

I I r I

Ii__ SOURCE: Tang R11owa111,!, //11nti1111 vi s/11w, j. :'i

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Figure 23. Surface of celestial globe l ;. . . .' . /~ ' -'~ ,·. '. '' ... ' ,, ll"- ~ .,.., I ,' . \ . -~.;""--~ ..:_, ',

.. . .. f_ ! ...J' ,' . .... :,

•' i I ' I' I I I ' .

., ~·,.~ ,--"~ ...... ,, -:i.::><"iol':>e>c>or.., ......

I • • I I I I

.I i,: ' . \ ·1,. :' ,::. r J:.. ,' ... -,:: .. It• .... . J.n • f . I -,·.. h \ ,. .- I ,,. __';,,.1(· , , ~ •. i I SOURCE: Tang Ruowang, Huntian yi shuo,j. 5.

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Figure 24. Instrumentum eclipticum

SOURCE: Luo Yagu, Yueli lizhi,j. 25.

Figure 25. Kepler's instrumentum eclipticum

SOURCE: Repsold 1908, 30-31.

Figure 26. Demonstrational ecliptic armillary sphere

SOlJl

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Figure 27. Ecliptic armillary sphere

SOURCE: Nan Huairen, Xinzhi lingtai yixiang zhi, chap. LS, fig. l.

Figure 28. Equatorial armillary sphere

I 1

,.-.-...:,;.~&o.&..::i.~:.a..a~&a.:~ SOURCE: N1111 Huaircn, Xinzhi lin~tai yixian~ zhi, chap. 15, fig. 2.

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Figure 29. Azimuthal instrument

SOURCE: Nan Huairen, Xinzhi lingtai yixiang zhi, chap. 15, fig. 3.

Figure 30. Quadrant

SOl JRCE: Nan lluaircn, Ximhi linMlai yixianM -:.hi, chap. I), fig. '1

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Figure 31. Sextant

SOURCE: Nan Huairen, Xinzhi lingtai yixiang zhi, chap. 15, fig. 5.

Figure 32. Stellar globe

SC ll J IH •1,:: Nan I luaircn, Xi11d1i li11gtai yixiang zhi, char. 15, lig. 17

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Figure 33. Tycho's equatorial armillary sphere

SOURCE: Brahe I S98, 28.

Figure 34. Tycho's azimuthal-quadrant

SOURCE: Brahe 1598, 16.

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Figure 35. Tycho's arcus bipartitus

SOURCE: Brahe 1598, fig. 3 I.

Figure 36. Tycho's celestial globe

SOURCE: Brahe 1598, 50.

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Figure 37. The Observatory of Peking

SOURCE: Nan Huairen, Xinzhi lingtai yixia11g zhi, l'.hap. 15, p. 2.

Figure 38. Transversal line graduation

S( )I I IH •1,:: I .Ill I y :11•.11, ( ·,·li1111g 1/111111 ,·i, j, I 0 ,

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Figure 39. Transversal line graduation and sights

' .,../,., , ~ ""' ---~ "" . - ·-,-- -;::_~ ' l

~. :i t I· ' I - ~ - ~ ~ . ,,/ If ,· ~~ A :- i ·.· £t.. :». ';;;• ~. ~~-,.~~~ -~

. :~- - -~-- SOURCE: Tang Ruowang, Hengxing lizhi,j. 1.

Figure 40. Tycho's transversal line graduation .. . -'. .f: 111 ('4· • ·• ~. '"' ••••.,~ •• ,f~ -· f '11 I •,. • '$ :4 ,: :,, ,..,.~ f ..,.. 1•·•••·••••.,,1...... ; • .. 1 ♦ /f .. ♦ .. • • ' ' " ~ " ~ UI ~...,.i ~.. .

0 .l

SOIJRCE: Brahe 1598, 79.

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Figure 41. Donkey driven milling machine

.------...,,.,.,,------...... - --=-="""'-.-,--,-----• • ,,..._~ ~ ,o en..., I

...... /. ... ~ I l,.' I . - ~4 ' .!.

-· ~

--~~, .... ,:~-:::i._· ·~~ ~-~-

.. . :i· .; r::c,.\:. ;,:;-;"'; 31 _:, ;/to'.~\" _J

SOURCE: Tang Ruowang, Hengxing lizhi,j. I.

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Figure 42. Lathe

SOURCE: Tang Ruowang, Hengxing lizhi,j. 1.

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