Reflections on the potentials of ecological modernization as a social theory
FREDERICK H. BUTTEL * Le domaine de l'environnement suscite de nouveaux concepts scientifiques. La modernisation écologique, élaborée comme une contre-réponse à la sociologie environnementale américaine, en est un. L'auteur, en nous présentant une sorte d'état des lieux de ses différentes utilisations aux États-Unis et dans les pays de l'Europe du Nord, se pose la question de savoir si ce concept restera ce qu'il dénomme une «perspective» ou s'il a le potentiel pour devenir la base d'une véritable théorie sociale. Le concept de « modernisation écologique » est-il appelé à remplacer celui de «développement durable»? Le débat est ouvert.
The rise of ecological modernization as a perspective to ecological modernization. Further, while there has FREDERICK H. BUTIEL 1 in environmental social science has been as meteoric been a surprising degree of acceptance of ecological Professer of Rural Sociology as it has been unexpected. Ecological modernization modernization as one of the mainstream environ and Environmental Studies was unknown to virtually ali North American environ mental-sociological perspectives, the pervasiveness Department of Rural Sociology mental social scientists a half-dozen years aga, save of ecological modernization can be gauged by the tact University of Wisconsin, for a small handful of comparative politics specialists that a broad range of environmental social scientists Madison who were familiar with Janicke's (1990) work on 'state have found it necessary to address - even if only to 1450 Linden Drive failure· or environmental studies scholars who had critically respond to - the rising influence of this per Madison, Wl 53706, États-Unis read Simonis' (1989) paper in the International Social spective (see, e.g., Benton, 1997; Harvey, 1996; [email protected] Science Journal. Now ecological modernization has Schnaiberg et al., 1999; Redclift and Woodgate, 1997; come to be regarded as being on a virtual par with also see Mol and Spaargaren, 2000; Mol, 1999, sorne of the most longstanding and influential ideas Cohen, 1997, for summaries of this critical literature and perspectives in environmental sociology (e.g., and for responses to the major criticisms that have Schnaiberg's (1980) notion of 'treadmill of production·, been raised). Ecological modernization has already and Catton and Dunlap·s (1980) notions of Human become featured as an established perspective in the Cet article, paru dans : Geojorum Exemptionalist and New Environmental Paradigms most recent environmental sociology undergraduate 30, Eco/ogical Modernization as (see also Dunlap and Catton, 1994)). Over the past textbooks (Harper, 1996; Bell, 1998) and has become social theory, 57-65, 2000, est 2 years, it has come to be virtually obligatory for a particularly popular tapie in the journal publié avec l'aimable autorisation professional meetings of environmental social scien Environmenta/ Politics. The publication of the special des Éditions Elsevier Science, Oxford, G.B. tists to have one or more sessions devoted specifically issue of GeoForum testifies to the tremendous interest
Résumé -Reflections on the potentials of ecological modemization as a social theory
Cet article fournit une vue d'ensemble et écologique est devenue si courante est d'atouts certains, cette notion pose de une interprétation de la forte montée en que le terme lui-même se prête à une sérieux problèmes qui ne peuvent être puissance de la notion de grande variété d'utilisations et de ignorés. Cela inclut une tendance à 1 • modernisation écologique • ces significations. Il est suggéré ici qu'il soit l'eurocentrisme, une insistance trop ln this paper the expression dernières années aux États-Unis et dans réservé aux efforts de théorisation des grande accordée à l'industrie, à la environmental social science certains pays de l'Europe du Nord. chercheurs (toutes sciences incluses) qui pollution industrielle au détriment de la will be understood to pertain to the social science t:auteur la considère comme une critique étudient les conditions par lesquelles les consommation des ressources naturelles. disciplines in which ecological pertinente et créative de la sociologie politiques publiques mais aussi ce que Elle peut aussi se faire l'écho d'une modernization perspectives environnementale qui, en accordant trop l'auteur appelle les processus de • prises vision trop • bénigne • du capitalisme currently play a major role. d'importance aux causes des de décision privées • - privées étant pris industriel contemporain et surévaluer les Ecological modernization has dégradations de l'environnement et aux dans le sens à la fois industriel mais aussi possibilités qu· offrent become quite influential réactions qu· elles entraînent, a sous individuel du terme - contribuent à la l'écorestructuration, l'écologie within environmental estimé l'étude des processus de conservation environnementale, industrielle et la gestion sociology, and to a lesser rénovation environnementale. La en d'autres termes à la • soutenabilité •. environnementale, de contrecarrer les degree within geography and modernisation écologique élargit donc À ces fins, il suggère que la nature même tendances expansionnistes du political science. Because such l'analyse des problématiques et de ses de la notion de modernisation capitalisme. © 2000 Éditions a large share of the ecological acteurs à l'État et au capital, au-delà de écologique l'amène à être une théorie scientifiques et médicales Elsevier SAS modernization literature (in l'environnementalisme et des fondée sur l'analyse du politique English) has been authored by mouvements environnementaux, tout en et de l'État et il fait quelques brèves modernisation écologique 1 sociologists, the discussion in leur concédant une place importante. propositions susceptibles soutenabilité 1 écologie industrielle 1 this paper will occasionally t:auteur avance que l'une des raisons de renforcer cet aspect. t:auteur conclut sociologie environnementale 1 théorie 1 refer specifically to the (environmental) sociological pour lesquelles la modernisation en faisant remarquer que, en dépit État literature.
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that ecological modernization has stimulated within A brief look at the different ARTICLE geography. A particularly important indicator of the extent to meanings of ecological which ecological modernization thought has became modernization influential in the environmental social sciences is the prominence given to Mol's (1997) paper in the recent Nearly as remarkable as ecological modernization's and widely circulated International Handbook of rising visibility and influence has been the diversity of the meanings and usages of this concept Ecological Environmental Sociotogy (Redclift and Woodgate, modernization is now employed in at !east four differ 1997). Mors (1997) paper is one of a handful in the ent ways. First, there is an identifiable school of Redclift-Woodgate anthology devoted to a particular ecological modernizationist/sociological thought2. theoretical perspective. Not only has ecological From a North American and British perspective Arthur modernization very rapidly gained a foothold in envi Mol and Gert Spaargaren are now generally reco ronmental sociology and environmental studies, but gnized as the key figures in the field, though in it has even made sorne inroads into general sociolo Germany, the Netherlands, and elsewhere on the gical scholarship. Perhaps the most telling indicator of Continent ecological modernization is still very closely the rising influence of ecological modernization is the associated with the work of scholars such as Joseph tact that Anthony Giddens, arguably the most well Huber and Martin Janicke. Nonetheless, Mol and known Anglophone social theorist of the late 20th Spaargaren's singly and jointly authored works century and a scholar interested in environmental (Spaargaren and Mol, 1992, 2000; Spaargaren et aL, issues and their sociological significance, has devoted 1999; Mol and Spaargaren, 1993; Spaargaren, 1996; ten pages of his 'The Third Way' (1998) to ecological Mol, 1995, 1997), as weil as those of close associates and colleagues (e.g., Cohen, 1997; Leroy and van modernization thought Tatenhove, 1999), constitute what can be thought of This paper will focus on sorne of the reasons for as the core literature of the ecological modernization and implications of the extraordinary ascendance of perspective. ln this paper 1 will primarily build from ecological modernization thought will stress that its 1 Mol and Spaargaren's works because of ali the schol rapid rise to prominence is due Jess to ecological ars and researchers in this tradition (at least as far as modernization having been a well-developed and 2 Note that 1 use the the literature in English is concerned) they have done expression ecological highly codified social theory, but rather because of the most to articulate a distinctive theoretical argu modernizationist 'thought' how ecological modernization accorded particularly ment or 'perspective', rather than theory, at this point weil with a number of intellectual and broader poli A second respect in which ecological modernization in the paper because of tical-economic factors, many of which lay outside the is employed is as a notion for depicting prevailing the fact that, at !east as far realms of sociology and environmental sociology. 1 discourses of environmental policy. The major figure as the literature in English associated with the political-discursive and is concerned, ecological will suggest that while ecological modernization is modernization is not yet a indistinct as a social theory, ecological moderniza social-constructionist perspective on ecological clearly codified theory. tion's basic logic suggests two points. First, the most modernization is Maarten Hajer (1995). For Hajer The lack of codification sophisticated and persuasive versions of ecological (1995), ecological modernization is not so much a has given rise to the fact prediction of strong tendencies to industrial-ecolo thal ecological modernization revolve around the notion that poli gical progress as it is a category for describing the modernization has been tical processes and practices are particularly critical in used in so many different dominant discourses of the environmental policy enabling ecological phenomena to be ·moved into ways by social scientists. arenas of the advanced countries. ln addition to As an example, Redclift the modernization process' (Mol, 1995). Thus, a full and Woodgate (1997) lake Hajer's constructionism being in stark contrast to the the core notion of blown theory of ecological modernization must ulti objectivism of the core literature in ecological moder ecological modernization mately be a theory of politics and the state - that is, a nization, Hajer's view is that ecological-modernizatio to be the claim thal theory of the changes in the state and political prac nist environmental-political discourse may even serve economie growth is compatible with tices (and a theory of the antecedents of these to dilute the political impulse for environmental environmental protection, changes) which tend to give rise to private eco-effi reforms by obscuring the degree to which economie and they equate the ciencies and overall environmental reforms. Second, expansion, growth of consumption, and capital-inten perspective primarily with sive technological change compromise the ability of the literature on industrial the logic of ecological modernization theory suggests ecology and 'industrial that it has very close affinities to severa! related litera states to ensure a quality environment Thus, for metabolism·. While one tu res - particularly embedded autonomy, civil many observers (including sorne in the core tradition might say that Redclift and of ecological modernization) Hajer's social-constructio Woodgate have simply society, and state-society synergy theories in political nist work is often thought of as lying outside of - or misinterpreted ecological sociology - which have not yet been incorporated even being hostile to or incompatible with - the modernization, one can into the ecological modernization literature. 1 will say that this type of ecological modernization perspective perse. conclude by arguing that ecological modernization confusion wou id be very Third, ecological modernization is often used as a unlikely to occur when can benefit by bringing these related - and, for that environmental social synonym for strategie environmental management, scientists discuss matter, more powerful -theories into its fold. Further, industrial ecology, eco-restructuring, and so on (see Schnaiberg's (1980) notion and perhaps most important, ecological moderniza Hawken, 1993, Ayres, 1998). lndeed, the core litera of treadmill of production tion could weil succeed or fail as social theory depen ture on ecological modernization has tended to give or O'Connor's (1994) notion of the second ding on the sturdiness of the bridges th at can be built primary emphasis to environmental improvements in contradiction of capitaL to these parallel theories. the private sector, particularly in relation to manufac-
NSS, 2000, vol. 8, no 1, 5-12 turing industry and associated sectors (e.g., waste were necessary to address the processes of destruc recycling). Social scientists from a variety of theoretical tion of the biosphere. These impulses arguably helped persuasions (e.g., Schnaiberg et al., 1998; Andersen, to catalyze the rise of radical environmental move 1994) now use the notion of ecological modernization ments in Northern Europe3. The rise of these environ to pertain to private sector behaviors and conduct mental movements stimulated scholars such as Beek that simultaneously increase efficiency and minimize (1992) to see radical environmentalism as an enduring pollution and waste. Finally, there are sorne scholars feature of advanced industrial politics. The growth of who use the notion of ecological modernization to these counterhegemonic social-environmental views, pertain to almost any environmental policy innova many of the most influential of which were given visi tion or environmental improvement. Murphy (1997), bility through publication in The Ecologist in the UK, led for example, refers to state policies that make possible to a growing imperative to address whether they were the internalization of environmental externalities as scientifically sound or robust relative to the more being instances of ecological modernization. managerial variants of environmental science (e.g., of ln addition, Mol (1999) has recently felt the need to the sort analyzed in Hajer, 1995). The rise of radical distinguish between the first-generation of ecological environmental movements also increasingly set the modernization literature (which includes, in particular, agenda for sociological theory and research as sizable the 1980s and early 1990s studies by German and groups of social scientists began to grapple with Dutch scholars summarized in Mol, 1995) and the phenomena such as new social movements (NSMs), second-generation literature thal has appeared in the 'the risk society', identity politics, subpolitics, and so late 1990s. The first-generation literature was based on (Scott, 1991; Goldblatt, 1996; Martell, 1994). lt thus on the overarching hypotheses that capitalist liberal became increasingly incumbent upon social scientists democracy has the institutional capacity to reform its to respond to the rise and growing influence of radical impact on the natural environment, and thal one can environmental movements, especially in terms of predict that the further development ('modernization') whether radical environmentalism (and radical NSMs of capitalist liberal democracy would tend to result in in general) would be an ascendant social force and improvement in ecological outcomes. The second would be a necessary precursor to effective environ generation ecological modernization literature, by mental improvement and reform. Accordingly, the contrast, has increasingly revolved around identifying growing attention to ecological modernization in the specifie sociopolitical processes through which the German social scientific circles in the 1980s had as further modernization of capitalist liberal democracies much with to do with issues that arase from the envi leads to (or blacks) beneficiai ecological outcomes. ronmental sciences and from the political realm as it 3 The most recent ecological modernization literature did with considerations from the realm of social Mol (1997: 33,58), for has been more concerned with comparative perspec example, portrays radical theory per se. environmentalism in terms tives, including but not limited to the ways in which Second, despite the very considerable enthusiasm of eco-centric ideologies globalization processes might catalyze ecological and innovation which had occurred in social-scientific which are deployed in modernization processes in countries in the South. pursuit of 'de thought and practical policy work as a result of the industrialization· agendas, more widespread use of the concepts of sustainability and mentions the 'deep and sustainable development, it was becoming increa ecology· movement as singly apparent thal sustainability and sustainable being the prototypical Ecological modernization as a radical environmental development had real shortcomings in providing movement. Wh ile Mol policy concept: beyond guidance and vision for future evolution of environ acknowledges respect for sustainable development? mental po licy. Bath of these sustainability notions had radical environmentalism originally been developed with regard to policy for its efforts to legitimize notions of ecological Nonetheless, the range of meanings associated with toward the South, and in addition the various notions rationalfty, he suggests that the notion of ecological modernization arguably is of sustainability had been derived from experiences the radical environmental related to the tact thal the rise of ecological moderni involving the primary-renewable sectors in nonmetro position is not a realistic one to the degree that it zation perspectives was not due only or even prima politan or rural places in the South. Ecological moder insists that ecological rily to the clarity of its theoretical arguments. lndeed, nization provided a template for new thinking about rationality must be the rise of ecological modernization as a concept has the problems and their solutions thal are most urgent substituted for (rather than had to do more with the tact that ecological moderni to address in the transformative sectors of metropo being balanced with or weighed against) private zation was an effective response to a variety of litan regions of the advanced industrial nations. economie rationality. lt circumstances or imperatives regarding social-ecolo Third, it had become increasingly apparent thal should a Iso be noted that gical thought in the 1990s. First, the renewal of the North American dominance of environmental-socio Joseph Huber's original environmental movement during the 1980s, on the logical theory had led to certain biases and blinders. contributions to ecological modernization thought grounds of global environmental change and growing The rise of ecological modernization can be seen as a were reactions to the anti recognition of ecological and technological risks, response to a particularly crucial shortcoming of modernist views of key suggested to many in the environmental and ecolo North American environmental sociology. While ('fundamentalist') figures such as Rudolf Bahro gical communities that very radical steps - significant North American environmental sociology was quite (1984). Ecological decreases in fossil energy usage, reversai of tropical diverse, most of its major theoretical works had modernization has th us forest destruction and biodiversity loss, increasingly converged on the notion that environmental degrada been closely identified with strict regulation of industry, the localization and tion was intrinsically a product of the key social dyna the realist wing within the fundamentalist-realist decentralization (rather than globalization) of mics (be they the treadmill of production, the ·growth divide within the German economie activity and social regulation, and so on - machine', the persistence of the dominant social para- Green Party.
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digm or of anthropocentric values, and so on) of 20th uses of the notion of ecological modernization noted ARTICLE century capitalist-industrial civilization. In straining to above. Specifically, the questions most often asked account theoretically for why the US and other are, 'Is ecological modernization actually occurring?' advanced industrial societies were inexorably tending or 1s there good reason to believe that we can expect toward environmental crisis, North American environ trends toward ecological modernization in a signifi mental sociology found itself in an increasingly cant number of economie sectors and world nations?' awkward position: environmental sociologists had so overtheorized the intrinsic tendency to environmental disruption and degradation so that there was little Ecological modernization: room for recognizing that environmental improve ments might be forthcoming. And the only way out of a critical analytical tool for the 'iron cage' of environmental despair was a rather contemporary social-political idealistic - if not utopian - view of environmental movements as the only recourse for environmental processes salvation (Butte!, 1996, 1997). Ecological moderniza tion not only provided a way for environmental The next section of the paper will be based on the sociologists to more directly conceptualize environ notion that the first meaning of ecological moderniza mental improvement; ecological modernization also tion - that of a distinctive, though incipient social provided a fresh perspective on the role of environ theory with the potential to create a coherent litera mental movements by avoiding their romanticization, ture through hypothesis testing - is the more funda and by appreciating the particularly fundamental raies mental and useful one. Thus, while the environ that science, technology, capital, and state might play mental-economie and environmental-engineering in the processes of environmental improvement. conceptions of ecological modernization have tended In particular, by the mid-1990s it had become to predominate in sociological usage of the notion of increasingly apparent that North American environ ecological modernization, 1 would suggest that the mental-sociological scholarship needed to take better following are the more important postulates of a into account the considerable environmental progress distinctive and coherent ecological modernization that countries such as Germany, the Netherlands, and perspective. An ecological modernization perspective 4 1 am indebted to an Switzerland had made - at !east relative to the far hypothesizes that while the most challenging environ anonymous reviewer who more modest environmental progress which had been mental problems of this century and the next have (or stressed that it is useful to achieved in North America. Northern European envi will have) been caused by modernization and indus recognize that there are two related, but quite ronmental progress had not been confined to pollu trialization, their solutions must necessary lie in more separate streams of tion abatement and control, but also extended to eco (rather than less) modernization and 'superindustriali research and practice that efficiency improvements which had been made in zation'. Put somewhat differently, it is hypothesized are typically subsumed manufacturing industry (Simonis, 1989; Hawken, that not only is capitalism sufficiently flexible institu under the more general 4 category of eco-efficiency. 1993) . But by the early 1990s these developments tionally to permit movement in the direction of The first, which has been had remained largely ignored in mainstream North 'sustainable capitalism· (to turn O'Connor's (1994) actively promoted by the American environmental-sociological literature. notion on its head), but its imperative of competition World Business Cou neil for Sustainable Development Ecological modernization provided a way to under among capitals can (under certain political conditions)
NSS, 2000, vol. 8, n° 1, 5-12 the restructuring (or 'modernization') of the state. ecological modernization most closely to the work of Thus, in Mors (1995) words: Ulrich Beek, particularly his well-known writings on ïhe ecological modernization theory has identified reflexive modernization and risk society (Beek, 1992; two options for strategies to overcome the deficien Beek et al., 1994). cies of the traditional bureaucratie state in environ There are sorne good reasons why Mol and mental policy-making. First, a transformation of state Spaargaren would choose to link ecological moderni environmental policy is necessary: from curative and zation with the work of Beek. The Netherlands and reactive to preventive, from exclusive to participatory Germany (the countries of greatest interest to policy-making, from centralized to decentralized Mol-Spaargaren and Beek, respectively) have a wherever possible, and from domineering, over-regu number of structural similarities. While their political lated environmental policy to a policy which creates systems exhibit major differences (e.g., the Dutch favorable conditions and contexts for environmentally state is highly centralized while state governments sound practices and behavior on the part of producers play a major role in Germany), both are parliamen and consumers. The state will have to widen the tary democracies within which environmental ideolo competence of civil law in environmental policy, focus gies are firmly established within their national poli more on steering via economie mechanisms and tical cultures. Beek is among the most influential and change in its management strategy by introducing visible social theorists in Northern Europe, and linking collective self-obligations for economie sectors via ecological modernization to Beck's thought would no discursive interest mediation. The second, related, doubt be a plus in the mainstreaming of ecological option includes a transfer of responsibilities, incen modernization thought within European sociological tives, and tasks from the state to the market. This will circles. Not only was Beek an influential general socio advance and accelerate the ecological transformation logical theorist in the 1980s, but by the early 1990s process, mainly because the market is considered to Beek was arguably beginning to displace Schnaiberg, be a more efficient and effective mechanism for coor Dunlap, Catton and other North Americans as the dinating the tackling of environmental problems than most influential environmental-sociological theorist the state ... The central idea is not a withering away of in Europe. Th us, lin king ecological modernization with the state in environmental management, but rather a Beck's work would create legitimacy and an entrée transformation in the relation between state and for this new perspective within environmental sociol society and different accents on the steering role of ogy and sociology at large. the state. The state provides the conditions and stimu ln sorne ways ecological modernization can be lates social ·self-regulation·, either via economie thought of as an instance of Beck's (1992) notion of mechanisms and dynamics or via the public sphere of reflexive modernization - through which moderniza citizen groups, environmental NGOs and consumer tion can be 'turned back on to itself in arder to organizations: address the problems which it has itself created. As successful as ecological modernization has been There is also a sense in which Mol and Spaargaren as a school of environmental-sociological thought, it share Beck's skepticism about the efficacy of radical is at risk of ultimately suffering the same tate as its environmentalism. There are additional similarities in predecessor sister concept, sustainable development their views about how the role of states in advanced (SD). Though proponents of the SD notion benefited capitalism is changing (in particular, the shift toward by its having had the imprimatur of SD being less bureaucratization and centralization). Perhaps endorsed by an impressive range of institutions and most fundamentally, Mol-Spaargaren and Beek agree international organizations (e.g., the United Nations that solutions to the problems caused by moderniza and UNCED, the World Bank, the European Union), SD tion, industrialization, and science can only be solved has slowly but surely begun to recede from the social through more modernization, industrialization, and scientific radar screen. This has in large part been science. because of the tact that the SD concept could not These similarities between ecological moderniza overcome being seen as a nebulous knowledge claim tion and Beck's theories of reflexive modernization which was too imprecise to generate a coherent set of and risk society notwithstanding, there are severa! hypotheses and body of research. Perhaps recognizing reasons why 1 believe that ecological modernization this, sorne of ecological modernization's most innova cannot rest its main theoretical case on reflexive tive thinkers, particularly Arthur Mol (1995) and Gert modernization - or, in other words, on notions that Spaargaren (1996), have devoted considerable effort derive directly or indirectly (e.g., via Giddens (see Beek to aiming to anchor ecological modernization within et al., 1994; Giddens, 1994)) from Ulrich Beek. There extant social theory. are sorne very considerable inconsistencies between Mol and Spaargaren's efforts at theoretical buttres ecological modernization and Beck's notions of sing of ecological modernization have yielded certain reflexive modernization and risk society - many of successes. Mol and Spaargaren have noted that ecolo which Mol (1995) and others readily acknowledge. gical modernization has parallels to a variety of clas Among the more salient of these differences are the sical theorists and influential theories (e.g., following. While Mol and Spaargaren place relatively Schumpeter's (1939) and Kondratieff's (1979) notions little emphasis on the role of radical environmental of long cycles, Polanyi's (1957) notion of 'disembed groups or new social movements (NSMs) in making ding·, and Giddens· (1994) four dimensions of moder possible ecological modernization processes, the nity). Arguably, however, they have tended to link lynchpin of Beck's work is the increasingly important
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role being played by NSMs and subpolitics in the both Weberian proponents of state-centeredness as restructuring of the state and political discourses. The weil as neo-Marxist structuralists) that large centralized arenas of environmental mobilization and reform states th at are relatively autonomous from groups and emphasized by Mol and Spaargaren also bear little classes in civil society are best able to formulate and similarity to those such as anti·nuclear and anti· implement coherent and authoritative policies. ln - biotechnology protests that are of particular concern Evans· (1995) book he argued instead that while the to Beek. The very concept of 'risk society' conjures up organization of the state does affect the capacity of an adherence to matters of identity politics and extra states to 'construct markets and promote growth' scientific policymaking that contrasts with the image (1995), state effectiveness derives equally from the of environmental improvement stressed by Mol and nature and quality of its relations with (rather than its Spaargaren. And while Beek points to a sharp distinc autonomy or insulation from) groups in civil society. tion between 'industrial society' and 'risk society', the Evans (1995) thus defines embedded autonomy as a 5 thrust of core ecological modernization thought is that state structure which combines 'corporate coherence' eco-efficiency gains can be achieved without radical on one hand, and connectedness of, and social ties structural changes in state and civil society. ln addition between, state agencies and officiais and various to these areas of incompatibility between Mol groups in civil society on the other. Spaargaren's ecological modernization perspective Evans in his Embedded Autonomy (1995) aims to and Beck's theory of risk society, it is also worth develop evidence that the 'developmental states' in noting that Beck's work has become somewhat passé the South which were successful in achieving rapid in the late 1990s, and has generated very little interest industrial development in the 1970s and 1980s in North America, so there is even Jess reason to tended to have embedded-autonomous structures, anchor ecological modernization thought in the work involving bath corporate coherence and connected of Beek (and of Giddens· forays into reflexive moderni ness to groups in civil society. ln Evans' subsequent work (1996, 1997) on state-society synergy, which he zation). conceptualizes as a particularly important form of embedded autonomy, he focuses on how the devel opment of concrete sets of social ties between states Northern Europe: a way forward and groups in society creates ·synergies'; on one for ecological modernization? hand, these ties between states and societies help make states more effective, and on the other hand these ties help various groups in civil society to better If ecological modernization has conceptual appeal but meet their goals. lt is worth noting that while Evans· requires more sociaHheoretical foundations, which (1995) early work on embedded autonomy considered way to turn? 1 would argue that guidance on this score economie growth and industrial development to be can be derived from Mol and Spaargaren·s own work the ultimate indicator of state effectiveness6, Evans - namely, from the stress they have placed on the has increasingly seen ·sustainability' (particularly types of state structures, policy networks, and policy ·urban sustainability· or ïivability') as being as or more cultures which are required to propel forward important as a dimension of state effectiveness (see processes of ecological modernization. Their (or at Evans, 1997; Butte!, 1998). least Mol's) thinking on this score is indicated quite lt is also worth noting that many of the concerns of clearly in the lengthy quote from Mol's (1995) The Evans and other theorists of embedded autonomy Rejinement of Production earlier in the paper. This 5 Evans means ·corporate and state-society synergy (see especially the works by lengthy quoted passage, 1 would argue, is strikingly coherence· in the Evans' colleagues in his 1997 collection) were in sorne Weberian (legal-rational compatible with the works of scholars such as Evans sense anticipated by Janicke (1990) -a political scien authority) sense - that is, (1995, 1996, 1997) who have developed a set of inter the cohesion among state tist and one of the German founders of ecological officiais which reflects related notions of embedded autonomy and modernization - in his work on ·state failure'. Not only commitment to the state state-society synergy. ln particular, Evans (1995) and does Janicke (1990) stress the theme of the need for and its goals, which in the core thinkers of ecological modernization share closer state-society ties in a manner similar to Evans, tu rn is made possible by very similar ideas about state effectiveness and meritocratie recruitment but Janicke stresses the tact that environmental policy and a long-term career state-civil society ties. Mol (1995) and Leroy and van is among the arenas in which these ties are particu reward structure. Tatenhove (1999), for example, place a great deal of larly crucial in order to achieve policy effectiveness stress on the role that advocacy-coalition-type rela (or, in other words to overcome state failure). Thus, 6 Evans' (1995) initial work tions among state officiais, corporate managers, and not only is neo-Weberian embedded-autonomy on embedded autonomy environmental NGOs play in making possible ecolo and developmentalist theory highly consistent with ecological moderniza states stressed state ties gical modernization processes. tion, but one of its founders - Martin Janicke - has with what he called Evans· (1995) work can perhaps best be character written in a parallel vein, albeit at a lower leve! of 'developmental elites·. ized as a neo-Weberian perspective on the state which abstraction than achieved by Evans. while in Evans· (1996, at the same time is distanced from much of late 20th 1997) more recent work Ecological modernization has tended to be appro· on state-society synergy century neo-Weberian political sociology (as weil as priated by environmental sociologists, geographers, and urban sustainability in structuralist Marxism) through its critique of 'state and political scientists mainly because of its provoca the South he gives more centeredness' or state autonomy being primarily tive and challenging views about the malleability of stress to community and properties of the state itself. Prior to publication of neighborhood (including the institutions and technological capabilities of indus shantytown) leaders and Evans· Embedded Autonomy, there had been a strong trial capitalism, and because of its observations from activists. consensus among 'theorists of the state' (including environmental science and engineering that eco-effi-
NSS, 2000, vol. 8, no 1, 5-12 ciencies can fairly readily be achieved within the to deepen the links to political-sociological literatures framework of continued modernization of capitalism which will suggest new research problems and hypo and the application of modern experimental science. theses. Embedded autonomy and state-society theori Ecological modernization is a new, and in many ways zing, while they are not without problems (Buttel, an improved, synonym for sustainable development. 1998), are particularly weil suited to comparative At the same time ecological modernization is more analysis, which is a particularly exciting research fron useful than sustainable development as a macro or tier for ecological modernization research. overarching framework for thinking about the envi Current or prospective enthusiasts for ecological ronmental problems of metropolitan transformative modernization-driven inquiry should recognize, industry in the North. As much as any of these factors, however, that this perspective has sorne important perhaps, ecological modernization has become attrac shortcomings that need to be squarely addressed. tive as a concept because it provides alternatives to These include the perspective's (Northern) the pessimistic connotations of frameworks such as Eurocentricity (the fact that its theoretical roots and the treadmill of production and the growth machine. empirical examples are largely taken from a set of Ecological modernization expresses hope, and makes Northern European countries that are distinctive by it more readily possible to identify and appreciate the world standards), the excessive stress on transforma significance of environmental success stories. live industry, the preoccupation with efficiency and Ecological modernization thought, however, has not pollution control over broader concerns about aggre developed to a point where one can say that it shares gate resource consumption and its environmental an identifiable set of postulates and exhibits agree impacts, the potentially uncritical stance toward the ment on research hypotheses and research agenda in transformative potentials of modern capitalism, and the same way that one can do so for a theory such as the fact that very fundamental questions raised about the treadmill of production. ln large part this is modernizationism within the development studies lit because ecological modernization did not develop erature (e.g., Hoogvelt, 1987; Pred and Watts, 1992) primarily from a pre-existing body of social-theoret have not been addressed within ecological moderni ical thought - as, for example, was the case with the zation theory. treadmill of production (Schnaiberg, 1980) having lt should also be noted that while we can agree been largely derived from o·connor's (1973) influen with the ecological modernizationists th at radical envi tial theory of the accumulation and legitimation func ronmentalism may not be directly responsible for tions of the state and how their contradictions tend to many of the environmental gains achieved in become manifest in state fiscal crisis. lnstead, ecolo Northern Europe and elsewhere, these nonmain gical modernization thought has been more strongly stream ecology groups arguably play a significant role driven by extra-theoretical challenges and concerns in pushing mainstream environmental groups and (e.g., about how to respond politically to radical envi their allies in the state and private industry to advance ronmentalism and how to conceptualize eco-efficiency a more forceful ecological viewpoint. Thus, radical improvements that are currently deriving from new environmental groups, by providing alternative voca management practices and technical-spatial bularies and 'frames' of environmentalism, stressing restructuring of production). Ecological modernization issues often ignored within mainstream environmen has essentially been an environmental science and talism, and providing new loci of persona! identity for environmental policy concept which has subsequently citizens, will tend to strengthen the movement as a been buttressed with a number of citations to whole, and thus indirectly contribute to ecological social-theoretical literatures, sorne of which are modernization processes. lt is worth noting, in fact, mutually quite contradictory (compare Beek versus Ji:inicke, for example). Abstract - Reflections on the potentials of ecological modernization as a While Beek and related theorists of reflexive modern social theory ization (especially Giddens) have been cited most This paper provides an overview and interpretation of the dramatic rise to often within the core ecological modernization litera prominence of ecological modernization perspectives during the late 1990s. ture as theoretical exemplars, there are a number of Ecological modernization can be seen as a pertinent and creative response to reasons why Beek, and his notions of risk society, the tendency of prevailing environmental-sociological theories to stress the subpolitics, and so on, are unlikely to be sturdy theo causes of environmental degradation and to downplay processes that lead to retical foundations for ecological modernization. 1 solutions to environmental problems. Ecological modernization has also been would argue thal ecological modernization is ultima a creative response to important dilemmas about the role that environmen tely a political-sociological perspective, for reasons talism and environmental movements are playing in environmental reform. that are made clear in the lengthy quote from Mol ln this paper the author suggests that the term ecological modernization (1995) earlier in the paper. And the political-sociolo should be reserved for social-scientific efforts to theorize the conditions under gical theory with which it has closest potential rela which public policies and private decision-making contribute to environ tions - and, in sorne sense, which reflects its own mental conservation (or, in other words, to 'sustainability'). He concludes by origins in the work of Janicke - is the neo-Weberian noting that despite the strengths and attractions of ecological modernization, tradition of embedded autonomy and state-society this perspective continues to have severa! problems and shortcomings that synergy. 1 wou Id argue thal the way forward for ecolo must be addressed. © 2000 Éditions scientifiques et médicales Elsevier SAS gical modernization is not to emphasize empirical debates over the potentials and limits of environ ecological modernization 1 sustainability 1 industrial ecology 1 environ· mental engineering and industrial ecology, but rather mental sociology 1 theory 1 state
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that in the US the environmental groups that are most Goldblatt D. 1996. Social Theory and the Environment. Westview Press, ARTICLE concerned about toxics and chemicals - the primary Boulder, CO. preoccupation of ecological modernizationists - are Gottlieb R. 1993. Forcing the Spring. Island Press, Washington, DC. not the mainstream environmental groups, but rather Hajer M. 1995 The Politics of Environmental Discourse. Oxford University Press, local (particularly 'environmental justice'-oriented) New York. groups which are most radical and often thought as Harper C. L. 1996. Environment and Society. Prentice·Hall, Upper Saddle being out of the movement mainstream (Gottlieb, River, NJ. 1993). ln sum, as the social science community moves Harvey D. 1996. Justice, Nature and the Eco/ogy of Difference. Blackwell, Oxford. rapidly to explore the new ecological modernizationist Hawken P 1993. The Eco/ogy of Commerce. 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