Introduction: Mary, the Queen 1

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Introduction: Mary, the Queen 1 . Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating to English Affairs, Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice, And in Other Libraries of Northern Italy , ed. Rawdon Brown, vol. 5 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1873), 430. 2 . J o h n F o x e , Actes and Monuments of These Latter and Perilous Dayes (London, 1583), vol. 2, book 11, p. 1484. 3 . J a s p e r G o d w i n R i d l e y , Bloody Mary’s Martyrs: The Story of England’s Terror (New York: Carroll and Graf, 2001). 4 . D a v i d M . L o a d e s, Mary Tudor: A Life (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), 8 and 327; and John Guy, Tudor England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 227. See also A. N. McLaren, Political Culture in the Reign of Elizabeth I: Queen and Commonwealth 1558–1585 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 46. 5 . J e n n i f e r L o a c h , Parliament and the Crown in the Reign of Mary Tudor (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Christopher Haigh, English Reformations: Religion, Politics, and Society under the Tudors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), argued that “the last years of Mary’s reign were not a gruesome preparation for Protestant victory, but a continuing con- solidation of Catholic strength,” 234; Elizabeth Russell, “Mary Tudor and Mr. Jorkins,” Historical Research 63 (October 1990): 263–76, see esp. 265 and 275. Two recent biographies—Anna Whitelock, Mary Tudor: England’s First Queen (New York: Bloomsbury, 2010), and Linda Porter, The First Queen of England: The Myth of “Bloody Mary,” (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2008)—have also presented Mary in a much more sympathetic light. 6 . See Judith M. Richards, Mary Tudor (London and New York: Routledge, 2008); “Mary Tudor as ‘Sole Quene’? Gendering Tudor Monarchy,” Historical Journal 40, no. 4 (December 1997): 895–924; and “Mary Tudor: Renaissance Queen of England,” in “High and Mighty Queens” of Early Modern England: Realities and Representations , ed. Carole Levin, Jo Eldridge Carney, and Debra Barrett-Graves (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 27–44; Charles Beem, “Her Kingdom’s Wife: Mary I and the Gendering of Royal Power,” in The Lioness Roared: The Problems of Female Rule in English History (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 63–100; Alexander Samson, “Changing Places: The Marriage and Royal Entry of 184 Notes

Philip, Prince of Austria, and Mary Tudor, July–August 1554,” Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 3 (2005): 761–84. 7 . Q u o t e d i n G a r r e t t M a t t i n g l y , Catherine of Aragon (London: Jonathan Cape, 1944), 144. 8 . Q u o t e d i n C a r o l e L e v i n , The Heart and Stomach of a King: Elizabeth I and the Politics of Sex and Power (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), 7. 9 . Peggy K. Liss, Isabel the Queen: Life and Times (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 253. 10 . Quoted in Maria Dowling, “A Woman’s Place? Learning and the Wives of Henry VIII,” History Today 41 (June 1991): 38. See also Timothy G. Elston, “Transformation or Continuity? Sixteenth-Century Education and the Legacy of Catherine of Aragon, Mary I, and Juan Luis Vives,” in Levin, Carney, and Barrett-Graves, “High and Mighty Queens,” 11–26. Catherine retained interest in Mary’s education even after the princess had been sent to Wales in 1525, writing, “As for your writing in Latin, I am glad that ye shall change from me to Master Federston [Richard Fetherston, Mary’s tutor], for that shall do you much good to learn by him to write aright. But yet sometimes I would be glad when ye do write to Master Federston of your own enditing, when he hath read it that I might see it. For it shall be a great comfort to me to see you keep your Latin and fair writing and all.” Quoted in Mattingly, Catherine of Aragon, 189. 1 1. Q u o t e d i n M a r i a D o w l i n g , Humanism in the Age of Henry VIII (Dover, NH: Croom Helm, 1986), 224. For a more recent argument that Catherine did not commission De Institutione , see contributing editors of Juan Luis Vives, The Instruction of a Christen Woman, ed. Virginia Walcott Beauchamp, Elizabeth H. Hageman, and Margaret Mikesell (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2002), xxiii. 1 2. D o w l i n g , Humanism , 224–25; and Charles Fantazzi, “Introduction: Prelude to the Other Voice in Vives,” in The Education of a Christian Woman: A Sixteenth-Century Manual, ed. and trans. Charles Fantazzi (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2000), 13. 1 3. D o w l i n g , Humanism , 223–26; Fantazzi, “Introduction,” 13. Vives also con- tributed a book of proverbs and edifying stories, the Satellitium vel Symbola, that was later used for Edward VI’s education (Dowling, Humanism , 226). See also Richards, Mary Tudor , 46. 1 4. D o w l i n g , Humanism , 226–27; Fantazzi, “Introduction,” 15. 1 5. L i s s , Isabel the Queen, 97. 1 6. I b i d . , 9 7 – 9 8 . 1 7. I b i d . , 1 0 4 . 18 . Ibid., 213; Elizabeth A. Lehfeldt, “Ruling Sexuality: The Political Legitimacy of Isabel of Castile,” Renaissance Quarterly 53 (2000): 31–56. Catherine of Aragon was born in 1485, during the long campaign to retake Granada, a war that Liss described as “from the outset Isabel’s war” (Liss, Isabel the Queen , 195 and 209). 19 . See Mortimer Levine, “The Place of Women in Tudor Government,” in Tudor Rule and Revolution: Essays for G. R. Elton from His American Friends, Notes 185

ed. John William MacKenna and Delloyd J. Guth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 116. According to Levine, Catherine was “no fig- urehead regent” but the one woman, “the queens regnant excepted, who certainly exerted real influence on the conduct of affairs of state in Tudor England over a number of years.” 2 0. M a t t i n g l y , Catherine of Aragon, 130–35. 2 1. Q u o t e d i n M a t t i n g l y , Catherine of Aragon, 133. For the news that Henry received the coat, see Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, 1509–47: Preserved in the Public Record Office, the British Museum and Elsewhere in England , vol. 1, ed. J. Brewer (London: Longmans, 1862), 1023. 2 2. I b i d . 2 3. Calendar of Letters, Despatches, and State Papers Relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain Preserved in the Archives at Simancas and Elsewhere, vol. 5, ed. Pascual de Gayangos (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1888), pt. 2, p. 430. 2 4. S u s a n E . J a m e s , Kateryn Parr: The Making of a Queen (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999), 167 and 186; Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII , vol. 19, ed. James Gairdner and R. H. Brodie (London, 1905), pt. 2, 2 and 18. 25 . Henry Machyn, The Diary of Henry Machyn: Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London from A.D. 1550–1563, ed. John Gough Nichols (London: Printed for the Camden Society, 1848), 4–5. 26 . This conversation was duly reported to the king and can be found in State Papers Domestic, SP 10/13/36. 2 7. I b i d . 2 8. L o a d e s , Mary Tudor, 165. 2 9. I b i d . , 1 6 6 . 3 0. R i c h a r d s , Mary Tudor, 105.

1 The Succession of a Queen 1 . See, for example, Merry E. Wiesner, Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe (1993; repr., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Ian Maclean, The Renaissance Notion of Woman: A Study in the Fortunes of Scholasticism and Medical Science in European Intellectual Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980); Constance Jordan, Renaissance Feminism: Literary Texts and Political Models (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990). It was widely believed that, as the weaker sex, women did not possess the capability to rule; if a female did become ruler, she would take on masculine characteristics that would diminish her female nature and interfere with her reproductive capabilities. See Judith M. Richards, “‘To Promote a Woman to Beare Rule’: Talking of Queens in Mid-Tudor England,” Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 1 (1997): 101–22. 2 . See Susan E. James, “Regent-General of England,” chapter 10 in Kateryn Parr: The Making of a Queen (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999); Katherine 186 Notes

Crawford, “Catherine de Medicis and the Performance of Political Motherhood,” Sixteenth Century Journal 31, no. 3 (2000): 643–73; Elizabeth A. Lehfeldt, “Ruling Sexuality: The Political Legitimacy of Isabel of Castile, Renaissance Quarterly 53, no. 1 (Spring 2000): 31–56; Mary Beth Rose, “Gender and the Construction of Royal Authority in the Speeches of Elizabeth I,” in Gender and Heroism in Early Modern English Literature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), 26–54; Carole Levin, The Heart and Stomach of a King: Elizabeth I and the Politics of Sex and Power (Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press, 1994). 3 . See Mortimer Levine, Tudor Dynastic Problems , 1460–1571 (London: Allen and Unwin, 1973), 81–87; David M. Loades, Mary Tudor: A Life (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), 171–95; Dale Hoak, “Two Revolutions in Tudor Government: The Formation and Organization of Mary I’s Privy Council,” in Revolution Reassessed: Revisions in the History of Tudor Government and Administration, ed. Christopher Coleman and David Starkey (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 87–115. See also John Gough Nichols, ed., Literary Remains of King Edward the Sixth: Edited from His Autograph Manuscripts, with Historical Notes and a Biographical Memoir , vol. 2 (New York: Burt Franklin, 1957), 571–73; Dale Hoak, “Rehabilitating the Duke of Northumberland: Politics and Political Control,” in The Mid-Tudor Polity, c. 1540–1560, ed. Robert Tittler and Jennifer Loach (Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1980), 48–49; Stephen Alford, Kingship and Politics in the Reign of Edward VI (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 172–73. 4 . M a r k B r e i t e n b e r g , Anxious Masculinity in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 1–34. See also David Underdown, “The Taming of the Scold: The Enforcement of Patriarchal Authority in Early Modern England,” in Order and Disorder in Early Modern England, ed. Anthony Fletcher and John Stevenson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 116–36. 5 . E d m u n d P l o w d e n , Commentaries or Reports (London: S. Brooke, 1816), quoted in Ernst Hartwig Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957), 7. See also Marie Axton, The Queen’s Two Bodies: Drama and the Elizabethan Succession (London: Royal Historical Society, 1977), 38; Helen Hackett, Virgin Mother, Maiden Queen: Elizabeth I and the Cult of the Virgin Mary (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), 21–22, 40–41; Levin, Heart and Stomach of a King , particularly chapter 6 . 6 . K a n t o r o w i c z , King’s Two Bodies, 9. 7 . Her ultimate destination was Framlingham Castle, about 60 miles away from London. Calendar of Letters, Despatches, and State Papers Relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain Preserved in the Archives at Simancas and Elsewhere, vol. 11, ed. Royall Tyler (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1916), 70. [Series hereafter cited as CalStP-Spanish .] 8 . Diarmaid MacCulloch, ed., “The ‘Vita Mariae Angliae Reginae’ of Robert Wingfield,” in Camden Miscellany 28 , Camden 4th Series 29 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1984), 251 [hereafter cited as Vita Mar. Reg. ]; Jehan Notes 187

Scheyfve, ambassador to the Holy Roman Emperor, to Charles V, July 4, 1554 (CalStP-Spanish , 70). Edward VI died on July 6, 1553. 9 . Letter from the Lords of the Council to the deputy lieutenants, the sheriff, and justices of the county of Surrey, Losely MS, Cor 3/2, Folger Shakespeare Library; “Soranzo’s Report on England,” Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating to English Affairs, Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice, And in Other Libraries of Northern Italy , ed. Rawdon Brown, vol. 5 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1873), 537. [Series hereafter cited as CalStP-Venetian .] 10 . Antonio de Guaras, The Accession of Queen Mary: Being the Contemporary Narrative of Antonio de Guaras, a Spanish Merchant Resident in London, ed. and trans. Richard Garnett (London: Lawrence and Bullen, 1892), 89; Giacomo Soranzo, “Report of England Made to the Senate,” August 18, 1554 (CalStP-Venetian , 537). 1 1. M a c C u l l o c h , Vita Mar. Reg., 251. 12 . Guaras’s account agrees that Mary dissembled “like a most discreet person as she is” but reported that she “had been aware for more than a year of the evil designs of Northumberland and his people” ( Accession of Queen Mary, 89). According to the Venetian ambassador, Soranzo, Mary had been convinced of Northumberland’s loyalty until warned by her friends, who had at first kept his intrigues from her “from fear, lest . . . she might reveal everything to him,” until she had been counseled to simulate trust in him (CalStP-Venetian , 537). 13 . For the argument that the East Anglian populace did not unani- mously rally to Mary’s side, see Robert Tittler and Susan L. Battley, “The Local Community and the Crown in 1553: The Accession of Mary Tudor Revisited,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 57, no. 136 (November 1984): 131–39. 1 4. M a c C u l l o c h , Vita Mar. Reg. , 251–52. Mary’s grandfather Henry VII made a similar statement at his first Parliament: that he had succeeded to the throne by “just inheritance and by the right judgment of God given in battle.” Sydney Anglo, “The Foundation of the Tudor Dynasty: The Coronation and Marriage of Henry VII,” Guildhall Miscellany 2, no. 1 (September 1960): 10. 1 5. M a c C u l l o c h , Vita Mar. Reg., 251. 1 6. K a n t o r o w i c z , King’s Two Bodies, 328–30. 17 . This letter, dated July 9, is printed in Robert Tittler, Reign of Mary I (London: Longman, 1991), 81–82. David Loades dates it to July 10, 1553: see The Reign of Mary Tudor: Politics, Government and Religion in England 1553–58, 2nd ed. (London: Longman, 1991), 16. Both King Henry VIII’s will and the 1543 Act of Succession established Mary as the rightful heir to the throne. According to Wingfield, Mary’s servant Hungate volunteered to take the letter to Jane’s council and was promptly arrested and imprisoned in the Tower of London upon delivery. MacCulloch, Vita Mar. Reg., 253. See also René Aubert de Vertot, ed., Ambassades de Messieurs de Noailles en Angleterre, 5 vols. (Paris: Leyde, 1763), 2:59. 188 Notes

18 . Henry VIII’s younger sister Mary had two surviving daughters by her second marriage to Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. The elder, Frances, married Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, by whom she had three daughters: Jane, Catherine, and Mary. See State Papers Domestic, Mary, and Philip and Mary, SP 11/1/1, for the proclamation announcing Jane’s accession on July 10, 1553. According to Henry Machyn, on July 9, 1553, “was sworne unto the qwen Jane alle the hed offesers and the gard as qwen of England.” Henry Machyn, The Diary of Henry Machyn, Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London from A.D. 1550 to A.D. 1563 , ed. John Gough Nichols (London: Printed for the Camden Society, 1848), 35. 1 9. M a c C u l l o c h , Vita Mar. Reg., 253. David Loades has estimated that the letter-writing campaign would have taken several days ( Mary Tudor, 180n18). On the question of the council, see David M. Loades, Two Tudor Conspiracies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), 8; Dale Hoak, “Two Revolutions in Tudor Government”; Ann Weikel, “The Marian Council Revisited,” in Tittler and Loach, Mid-Tudor Polity, 52–73. 2 0. M a c C u l l o c h , Vita Mar. Reg., 262; Folger Shakespeare Library, LM Cor 3/3; Acts of the Privy Council of England New Series, 1542–1628 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1840–1940), 4:296. It is likely that Mary began creating this council even before she reached Kenninghall: clearly, the earlier Mary established a council to conduct the business of the realm, the better. The “Memoranda of Business at the Queen’s Accession,” SP11/1/3, placed establishing a council as the second item of business to be completed after securing control of the state. According to Anna Whitelock and Diarmaid MacCulloch, “Princess Mary’s Household and the Succession Crisis, July 1553,” Historical Journal 50, no. 2 (2007): 265–87, Mary’s household played a prominent role, both in this early “personal council” and in her success in securing the throne. 2 1. J o h n G . N i c h o l s , e d . , The Chronicle of Queen Jane and of Two Years of Queen Mary, and Especially of the Rebellion of Sir Thomas Wyat, Camden Society Publications 48 (London: Camden Society, 1850), 5. See also MacCulloch, Vita Mar. Reg., 262. Wingfield says Northumberland “threw all his ener- gies into the campaign and prepared a most excellent army, which included most of the country’s leading men.” He left London with 600 men on July 12 for Cambridge and on the way burned the home of Sir John Huddleston, who had sheltered Mary the first night she left Hunsdon. 2 2. M a c C u l l o c h , Vita Mar. Reg., 262. 2 3. I b i d . , 2 6 1 . 24 . Ibid., 265. Antonio de Guaras also included a description of this inspection in his account: “And, to encourage her people, two or three days before the armies were expected to engage, her Highness commanded that all her host should put itself in battle array, and came to the camp, where all, with shouts and acclamations, casting their helmets into the air, and with many other tokens, showed their joy and the great love they bore to her Highness, crying, ‘Long live our good Queen Mary,’ and ‘Death to traitors.’ And by reason of the great outcry of the people, and the many discharges of the artillery and arquebusses, the Queen was obliged to alight to review Notes 189

the troops, for the fright and much rearing of the palfrey she rode: and she inspected the whole camp, which was about a mile long, on foot, with her nobles and ladies, thanking the soldiers for their good will” ( Accession of Queen Mary, 92). 2 5. M a c C u l l o c h , Vita Mar. Reg. , 265. This army inspection is less well known than the one her sister Elizabeth I undertook at Tilbury in preparation for the invasion of the Spanish Armada. See Susan Frye, “The Myth of Elizabeth I at Tilbury,” Sixteenth Century Journal 23, no. 1 (1992): 95–114. 2 6. M a c C u l l o c h , Vita Mar. Reg. , 265; Nichols, Chronicle of Queen Jane, 9–10. The Earl of Arundel and William, Lord Paget, who informed Mary of the news, reportedly “caryed wt them ye greate sealle of England”; Charles L. Kingsford, ed., “Two London Chronicles from the Collection of John Stow,” in Camden Miscellany 12 , Camden 3rd Series (London: Camden Society, 1910), 27. The lords present at the proclamation included, among others, the earls of Bedford, Arundel, Shrewsbury, and Pembroke, Lord Paget, and Sir John Mason. See William Douglas Hamilton, ed., A Chronicle of England during the Reigns of the Tudors from A.D. 1485–1559, by Charles Wriothesley (New York: Johnson Reprints, 1965), 2:89. 2 7. N i c h o l s , Chronicle of Queen Jane, 9–10. 28 . Edward Muir has noted that “the crucial test of any political order comes when power or authority is transferred.” Edward Muir, Civic Ritual in Renaissance Venice (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981), 263. 29 . Percy Ernst Schramm, A History of the English Coronation (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1937), 165–67, 178; L. G. Wickham Legg, ed., English Coronation Records (Westminster, UK: A. Constable and Co., 1901), xv–xv; Kantorowicz, King’s Two Bodies, 328–30; Ralph E. Giesey, “Models of Rulership in French Royal Ceremonial,” in Rites of Power: Symbolism, Ritual, and Politics since the Middle Ages , ed. Sean Wilentz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985), 41– 65; Ralph E. Giesey, “Inaugural Aspects of French Royal Ceremonials,” in Coronations: Medieval and Early Modern Monarchic Ritual , ed. Janos M. Bak (Berkeley: University of California, 1990), 35–45. For the English royal entry, see R. Malcolm Smuts, “Public Ceremony and Royal Charisma: The English Royal Entry in London, 1485–1642,” in The First Modern Society: Essays in English History in Honour of Lawrence Stone , ed. A. L. Beier, David Cannadine, and James M. Rosenheim (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 65–94. See also D. R. Woolf, “The Power of the Past: History, Ritual and Political Authority in Tudor England,” in Political Thought and the Tudor Commonwealth: Deep Structure, Discourse and Disguise, ed. Paul A. Fideler and T. F. Mayer (London: Routledge, 1992), 27; and David Sturdy, “‘Continuity’ versus ‘Change’: Historians and English Coronations of the Medieval and Early Modern Periods,” in Bak, Coronations, 242. 30 . Chief among them were the Princess Elizabeth, Duchess of Norfolk, and Marchioness of Exeter. See John Gough Nichols, ed., The Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, Camden Society Publications 53 (London: Printed for the Camden Society, 1852), 81; Machyn, Diary , 38; Hamilton, Wriothesley’s Chronicle , 1:94. 190 Notes

3 1. N i c h o l s , Chronicle of Queen Jane, 11–12. See also Machyn, Diary, 37; Guaras, Accession of Queen Mary , 96–97; Nichols, Grey Friars’ Chronicle , 80; CalStP- Venetian , 538. 3 2. T h o m a s W a t e r t o u n e , A ninvectyve against treason (London: Roger Madeley, 1553), 1. 3 3. P i e t r o V e r m i g l i , Historical Narration of certain events that took place in the Kingdom of Great Britain in the month of July in the year of our Lord 1553, trans. J. B. Inglis, ed. J. P. Bergeau (London, 1865), sig. D3; Kingsford, “Two London Chronicles,” 27. 34 . “A Description of England and Scotland, by a French Ecclesiastic, in the 16th Century,” in The Antiquarian Repertory: A Miscellaneous Assemblage of Topography, History, Biography, Customs, and Manners: Intended to Illustrate and Preserve Several Valuable Remains of Old Times, vol. 4, ed. Francis Grose, Thomas Astle, and Edward Jeffery (London: Edward Jeffery, 1809), 506. Vermigli, Historical Narration , sig. D2v, agreed with this assessment, recording that the “proclamation of Jane, before disapproved at least by silence, was now annulled in behalf of Mary, the nearest and true heir to the kingdom.” See also Nichols, Grey Friars’ Chronicle, 79. Another show of support for Mary in London had occurred on July 9 when Nicholas Ridley, bishop of London, had preached in support of Jane, calling Mary and Elizabeth “basse born”: the response to his sermon was that “alle the pepull was sore anoyd with hys worddes, soo uncherytabulle spokyne by hym in soo opyne ane audiens.” Grey Friars’ Chronicle , 78; Kingsford, “Two London Chronicles,” 27. 3 5. M a c C u l l o c h , Vita Mar. Reg., 271; Kingsford, “Two London Chronicles,” 27, records that on July 19, the Earl of Arundel and Lord Paget rode to the queen at Framlingham and “caryed with them ye greate sealle of England.” In addition, the bishop of London, Nicholas Ridley, rode to Mary on July 21 “to submyte hym vnto her gracious mercy” (27); and on July 22, “diverse of ye lordes of ye counsel here rode towards her grace” (28). Machyn, Diary , 38, records that Elizabeth rode through London on July 31 to meet her sister. According to Hamilton, Wriothesley’s Chronicle , 2:91–92, a delegation of men was sent from London on July 29 to the queen in Essex “and there presented to hir Highnes in a purse of crimson velvet” containing gold “in the name of my Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and the Commons of the City of London, giuen to hir Highnes of a benevolence, which gift she highly and thankfully accepted, and caused the presenters to have great chere in hir house.” 3 6. D e n y s H a y , e d . , The Anglica Historia of Polydore Vergil, A.D. 1485–1537, Camden Series 74 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1950), 3–5. A delegation of leading citizens would sometimes greet the king or queen outside the city after a military campaign or summer progress; Smuts, “Public Ceremony,” 68–69. 3 7. H a m i l t o n , Wriothesley’s Chronicle , 2:95. The author of Historical Narration, Vermigli, echoed this account: “The streets were hung with car- pets, & continued peals of cannon were fired in the air, the people all applauding & praying for the prosperity of her reign” (sig. Dv). See also Notes 191

Nichols, Chronicle of Queen Jane , 14; Nichols, Grey Friars’ Chronicle, 81; Guaras, Accession of Queen Mary, 99–100; “Description of England and Scotland,” 508. 38 . Smuts, “Public Ceremony,” 78. 3 9. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, 1509–47: Preserved in the Public Record Office, the British Museum and Elsewhere in England, vol. 6, ed. J. Gairdner (London, 1882), 266. Judith Richards has rightly cautioned that “as a measure of popular response [public celebration] remains historically inscrutable” and has pointed out that “London, having accepted the reign of Queen Jane, now had to prove its undying and unquestionable loyalty to Queen Mary.” Judith M. Richards, “Love and a Female Monarch: The Case of Elizabeth Tudor,” Journal of British Studies 38, no. 2 (April 1999): 141; Richards, Mary Tudor (London and New York: Routledge, 2008), 120. 4 0. S u s a n B r i g d e n , London and the Reformation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 524–25. 4 1. H a m i l t o n , Wriothesley’s Chronicle , 2:93. 4 2. V e r m i g l i , Historical Narration, sig. D5. According to Nichols, Chronicle of Queen Jane, the Earl of Arundel bore the sword of state before Mary, and “the number of velvet coats that did ride before hir, aswell strangeres as oth- eres, was 740; and the number of ladyes and gentlemen that followede was 180” (14). See also Guaras, Accession of Queen Mary , 99–100, which records the number of soldiers with Mary at 5,000, in addition to 1,500 courtiers; CalStP-Venetian , 538, states she was accompanied by 1,000 horses; see also “Description of England and Scotland,” 508. Smuts, “Public Ceremony,” has noted that “progresses were framed by the assumption that the size and quality of a great man’s entourage directly reflected his status, or, in contemporary parlance, his honor” (70). This included his ability to demonstrate authority over others. 43 . The Holy Roman Emperor Charles V’s ambassadors in London viewed the entry as Mary’s successful bid to take control of the country, writing, “Sire, the Queen of England made her entry into this city of London on the 3rd of this month, and took possession of her kingdom.” CalStP- Spanish, 150. 4 4. S m u t s , “ P u b l i c C e r e m o n y , ” 7 1 – 7 4 . 4 5. H a m i l t o n , Wriothesley’s Chronicle, 93–94. According to Nichols, Grey Friars’ Chronicle, the mayor delivered to Mary a sword, “and she toke it to the erle of Arnedelle [Arundel], and he bare it before hare, and the mayor the masse [mace]” (81). 4 6. H a m i l t o n , Wriothesley’s Chronicle, 94.

2 The Coronation of a Queen 1 . “Memoranda of business at the queen’s accession,” State Papers Domestic, Mary, and Philip and Mary, SP 11/1/3. Habsburg ambassadors writing to Charles V from London, September 19, 1553, Calendar of Letters, 192 Notes

Despatches and State Papers Relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain Preserved in the Archives at Simancas and Elsewhere , vol. 11, ed. Royall Tyler (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1914), 238. [Series hereafter cited as CalStP-Spanish .] Even Henry VII, who had taken the crown by force, was crowned before calling his first Parliament in which his right to the throne was codified. See Sydney Anglo, “The Foundation of the Tudor Dynasty: The Coronation and Marriage of Henry VII,” Guildhall Miscellany 2, no. 1 (September 1960): 8–10. 2 . E d w a r d M u i r , Ritual in Early Modern Europe: New Approaches to European History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 5; CalStP- Spanish, 151. 3 . Charles V to Don Juan Manrique de Lara, imperial ambassador in Rome ( CalStP-Spanish, 287). 4 . David J. Sturdy, “‘Continuity’ versus ‘Change’: Historians and English Coronations of the Medieval and Early Modern Period,” in Coronations: Medieval and Early Modern Monarchic Ritual, ed. Janos M. Bak (Berkeley: University of California, 1990), 228–45. 5 . Jennifer Loach, “The Function of Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII,” Past and Present 142 (February 1994): 43–68, esp. 44; emphasis mine. 6 . L. G. Wickham Legg, ed., English Coronation Records (Westminster, UK: A. Constable and Co., 1901), 240–41. 7 . SP 10/1/9, February 15, 1547. 8 . Acts of the Privy Council of England New Series, 1542–1628, vol. 4 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1840–1940), 425. 9 . CalStP-Spanish , 214. 10 . Printed in Legg, English Coronation Records , 81–130; see also Anne F. Sutton, ed., The Coronation of Richard III: The Extant Documents (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1983), 200–203. 11 . Printed in Legg, English Coronation Records , 220–39; Sutton, Coronation of Richard III, 204–27. 12 . See Legg, English Coronation Records , 220–39; William Jerdan, ed., Rutland Papers: Original Documents Illustrative of the Courts and Times of Henry VII and Henry VIII (London: Camden Society, by J. B. Nichols and Son, 1842), 1–24. See British Library (BL), Cotton MS, Tiberius E viii, ff. 90–99v, as cited in Loach, “Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII,” 48, for Henry VIII’s “devyse.” 1 3. L e g g , English Coronation Records, 113. 14 . Henry Machyn, The Diary of Henry Machyn: Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London from A.D. 1550–1563, ed. John Gough Nichols (London: Printed for the Camden Society, 1848), 44; SP 11/1/15; John G. Nichols, ed., The Chronicle of Queen Jane and of Two Years of Queen Mary, and Especially of the Rebellion of Sir Thomas Wyat, Camden Society Publications 48 (London: Camden Society, 1850), 27. 1 5. S P 1 1 / 1 / 1 5 . 1 6. S P 1 1 / 1 / 1 5 ; M a c h y n , Diary , 45. The men chosen for this honor were the Earls of Devon and Surrey; Lords Cardiff, Abergavenny, Berkeley, Lumley, Notes 193

and Mountjoy; Sir Henry (Fiennes alias) Clinton; Sir William Paulet; Sir Hugh Rich; Sir Henry Paget; Sir Henry Parker; Sir Robert Rochester; Sir Henry Jerningham; and Sir William Dormer. See SP 11/1/15, SP 11/1/16, Diarmaid MacCulloch, ed., “The ‘Vita Mariae Angliae Reginae’ of Robert Wingfield,” in Camden Miscellany 28, Camden Fourth Series 29 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1984), 275 [hereafter cited as Vita Mar. Reg.]. 17 . Anthony Richard Wagner, Heralds of England: A History of the Office and College of Arms (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1967), 357. For a description of the ceremony, see James Gairdner, ed., Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, with Historical Memoranda by John Stowe (Westminster, UK: Camden Society, 1880), 106–13. 18 . During Henry VII’s coronation, Henry himself visited the esquires to read them the “advertisement of thorder of knight hoode,” quoted in Anglo, “Foundation of the Tudor Dynasty,” 7. 19 . The cloth of estate was a cloth or canopy spread over a throne. 20 . Although new Knights of the Bath were traditionally created at the coronations of queen consorts as well as those of kings, the reigning king always chose those men who would be honored and performed the ceremony himself. See, for example, “The Coronation of Lady Elizabeth, King Henry VIIth’s Wife,” in John Leland, Joannis Lelandi Antiquarii De Rebus Britannicis Collectanea, ed. Thomas Hearne, 6 vols. (London: J. Richardson, 1770), 4:216–27, esp. 219 [series hereafter cited as Leland’s Collectanea]; Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, 1509–47: Preserved in the Public Record Office, the British Museum and Elsewhere in England , vol. 6, ed. J. Gairdner (London, 1882), 300, for Henry VIII’s creation of Knights of the Bath at Anne Boleyn’s coronation. 2 1. M a c C u l l o c h , Vita Mar. Reg ., 275. Wingfield adds that Mary also “intro- duced, or rather, most worthily restored, the ceremonies traditionally associated with the Order which had been set aside by her brother King Edward in his coronation.” Later, during Elizabeth’s coronation in 1559, changes would again be made to reflect religious differences: for example, the all-night vigil was omitted, and at the ceremony of the mass performed the next morning, the host was not elevated. See C. G. Bayne, “The Coronation of Queen Elizabeth,” English Historical Review 25 (1910): 550–53. 22 . SP 11/1/15; “The ordre of the knights of the bathe at the coronation of quene Mary,” BL, Harleian MS 293, ff. 52. 23 . These were the Earl of Arundel, lord steward of the household; Sir John Gage, lord chamberlain; Sir Edward Hastings, master of the horse; Sir William Petre, secretary; and Sir Thomas Wharton, privy councillor (Harleian MS 293, ff. 52v–53v). This was not entirely unprecedented. The ceremony paralleled the one performed at the coronation of Richard III, when the king sent his nobles to deliver the oath. Sutton, Coronation of Richard III, 28. 2 4. S P 1 1 / 1 / 1 5 . 2 5. I l s e H a y d e n , Symbol and Privilege: The Ritual Context of British Royalty (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1987), 145. 194 Notes

2 6. H a r l e i a n M S 2 9 3 , f . 5 3 v . 27 . Harleian MS 293, f. 53. According to the Habsburg ambassador Simon Renard, “These knights are made by the Kings on the eve of their coronation and at no other time . . . The Queen being a woman, the ceremony was performed for her by the Earl of Arundel, her Great Master of the Household.” CalStP-Spanish , 262. 2 8. M a c h y n , Diary , 45; William Douglas Hamilton, ed., A Chronicle of England during the Reigns of the Tudors from A.D. 1485–1559, by Charles Wriothesley (New York: Johnson Reprints, 1965), 2:103. 2 9. L e g g , English Coronation Records , 113; SP 11/1/15. 3 0. N i c h o l s , Chronicle of Queen Jane, 28. 3 1. S P 1 1 / 1 / 1 5 . 32 . Antonio de Guaras, The Accession of Queen Mary: Being the Contemporary Narrative of Antonio de Guaras, a Spanish Merchant Resident in London, ed. and trans. Richard Garnett (London: Lawrence and Bullen, 1892) 118–19; SP 11/1/15. 33 . See Judith Richards, “Mary Tudor as ‘Sole Queen’? Gendering Tudor Monarchy,” Historical Journal 40, no. 4 (December 1997): 896–902. 3 4. J e r d a n , Rutland Papers, 4–6. 3 5. Leland’s Collectanea, 4:219–20. For Catherine of Aragon’s coronation, see “The abbridgmente of the precedents of the Coronacion of the moste excellete prince kinge henrie the viiith . . . and of Quene Catherin his wife,” Public Record Office [hereafter P. R. O.] Lord Chamberlain’s Department (LC 5) 5/32, f. 218. See also Edward Hall, The Union of the Two Noble and Illustre Famelies of Lancastre and Yorke (London: Richard Grafton, 1550), sig. AAa iij; Raphael Holinshed, Holinshed’s Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland (London: J. Johnson, 1808), 3:548. Anne Boleyn, although heavily pregnant, processed following the same precedents: see Letters and Papers of Henry VIII , vol. 6, 264–65, 277; SP 11/1/15; P. R. O., LC 5/32, f. 219. 36 . The “abbridgments” of his coronation, list a “doblett of clothe of golde of damaske satten” and “a longe gowne of purple veluett furred with Ermyn.” P. R. O., LC 5/32, f. 216. See also Loach, “Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII,” 48–49. John Gough Nichols, ed., Literary Remains of King Edward the Sixth: Edited from His Autograph Manuscripts, with Historical Notes and a Biographical Memoir (New York: Burt Franklin, 1964), 1:cclxxx. Another version of this is printed in Leland’s Collectanea , 4:312. The “Accomptes of Sir Rauffe Sudleye knighte Master of the kinges greate wardrobe for the provision new emprecing and delyverey of clothes . . . for the use of the coronacion of . . . Edwarde the sixth” includes charges for making “twoo gownes of clothe of golde tissewe oone of clothe of silver,” which were to be embroidered with “purlle of Damaske golde and silver thread gar- nished with riche rubyes and diamonds” (P. R. O., LC 2/3/1, f. 18). It is not clear why Edward’s apparel differed from that of the customary ensemble as prescribed in the “Devices”; Legg, English Coronation Records , xxi, however, has noted that Richard II wore white. 37 . Richards has questioned whether the uncertainty over “what people saw on 30 September 1553 was a queen qua royal wife dressed in white cloth Notes 195

of gold or a monarch dressed in blue or purple velvet may have reflected a more general uncertainty over the presentation and nature of a female monarch” (“Mary Tudor as ‘Sole Queen’?” 901–2). 38 . Brief descriptions of the pageantry can be found in Machyn, Diary , 45; Charles L. Kingsford, ed., “Two London Chronicles from the Collection of John Stow,” in Camden Miscellany 12, Camden 3rd Series (London: Camden Society, 1910), 29–30; Nichols, Chronicle of Queen Jane , 29–30; Guaras, Accession of Queen Mary, 119–20; John Gough Nichols, ed., The Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, Camden Society Publications 53 (London: Printed for the Camden Society, 1852), 84; C. V. Malfatti, ed. and trans., The Accession, Coronation, and Marriage of Mary Tudor as Related in Four Manuscripts of the Escorial (Barcelona: Sociedad Alianza, 1956), 31–32. 3 9. S y d n e y A n g l o , Spectacle, Pageantry, and Early Tudor Policy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 319. 4 0. M a c h y n , Diary , 45; Kingsford, “Two London Chronicles,” 29; Nichols, Chronicle of Queen Jane , 29. See also Guaras, Accession of Queen Mary, 119. 4 1. S P 1 1 / 1 / 1 5 . 42 . The pageantry devised for Edward’s procession through London was itself based on the pageant sequence designed for Henry VI in 1432. Anglo has described it as “perhaps the most tawdry on record” ( Spectacle, 281–95). 43 . For Edward’s coronation pageantry, see Leland’s Collectanea , 4:317; Nichols, Literary Remains , 1:cclxxxvi. For Mary, see Nichols, Chronicle of Queen Jane, 29; Machyn, Diary , 45, which adds that this pageant also featured “iiij grett gyants.” The child’s speech conceivably echoed the Latin inscription upon the triumphal arch at this site: “Mariae Anglorum Reginae incly- tae constanti piae coronam Imp. Britanici et palmam virtutis accipienti Genuenses pub. Saluti in primis laetantes cultum tribuunt,” and on the other side, “Virtus superavit, Justitia dominatur, Virtus triumphat, Pietas coronatur, Respub. Restituitur” (Guaras, Accession of Queen Mary , 119). 4 4. A n g l o , Spectacle , 319, also reached this conclusion, although he did not comment upon its significance. Like Mary, Elizabeth would also be represented as an enthroned monarch during her coronation procession in 1559. At the Cornhill pageant, an arch was constructed stretching across the street, “and over the middle parte therof was erected one chaire a seate royall with clothe of estate . . . wherein was placed a childe representing the Queenes highnesse.” J. M. Osborn, ed., The Quenes Maiesties Passage through the Citie of London to Westminster the Day before her Coronacion, Anno 1558 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1960), 37. Just as Edward’s pageantry had been used to a certain extent as a model for Mary’s coronation, so too did Mary’s pageantry serve as a model for Elizabeth’s processional pageants: “Itm this day the Worshipfull Commyners hereunder namyd were nomyatyd appoyntyd and chardgid by the hole Courte . . . to cause at the Cytyes costes and chardges all the places hereafter mentonyd to be very well and seemly trymyd and deckyd for the honor of the Cyty agaynste the comynge of our Sovrangne Lady the Quenes majesty . . . with pageants fine payntyngte and riche clothes of arras sylver and golde in suche and lyke mannr and sorte as they were trymyd against the coming 196 Notes

of our late Sovrangne lade Quene Mary to her Coronacon and muche better if it conveynyently may be done.” Corporation of London, Repertory, XIV, ff. 97–97(v), quoted in David M. Bergeron, English Civic Pageantry, 1558–1642 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1971), 12. 4 5. G o r d o n K i p l i n g , Enter the King: Theatre, Liturgy, and Ritual in the Medieval Civic Triumph (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 307. 4 6. N i c h o l s , Grey Friars’ Chronicle, 84. 4 7. N i c h o l s , Chronicle of Queen Jane , 29; Leland’s Collectanea , 4:314–15; Nichols, Literary Remains , cclxxxiii–cclxxxiv. Machyn observed that this pageant was “a-noder of the sete [city]” (Machyn, Diary, 45). 4 8. N i c h o l s , Chronicle of Queen Jane, 29. It is impossible to know what gifts were presented to Mary during these speeches. During Edward’s pageant, Grace gifted the king with “morall Cuning,” Nature, “Strength and Faireness, for to be loved and dreaded of every Weight,” Fortune, “Prosperity ande Riches, to defend and give thee Right long to enjoy and hold thy true Right,” and Charity, among other things, “a Crowne of Glory, and the Scepter of Piety” ( Leland’s Collectanea , 4, no.315; Nichols, Literary Remains, 1:cclxxxiv). 49 . Ot h e r c u s t o m a r y e l e m e n t s w e r e i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o M a r y ’ s p a g e a n t s , although it is not possible to interpret their specific meaning. The Hanseatic merchants, or “Esterlings,” had included a fountain run- ning with wine, a common feature of civic triumphs of this nature; the Florentine pageant included another common sight, an angel “clothed in grene, with a trompete in his hand,” and the final pageant “was made like a castell, wher was also diverse as well children as men, synging songes of rejoicing.” Fountains sometimes represented fountains of life or grace and referred to the king’s ability to transform the city into a paradise, or water into wine, while angels could represent the New Jerusalem brought about by the arrival of the king. See Kipling, Enter the King, esp. 163–64, 167–68. Castles, usually painted “jasper green,” symbolized the apocalyp- tic transformation of the city and the ascent of the king or assumption of the queen into the Castle of Heaven; according to Kipling, London “specialized in providing such structures for its civic triumphs” (36–37, 292–93, 309–14). 5 0. M a l f a t t i , Accession , 32, 115. Tomyris was queen of the Massagetai who defeated the Persians under Cyrus. 5 1. J o h n N . K i n g , Tudor Royal Iconography: Literature and Art in an Age of Religious Crisis (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 219, has pointed out that a number of printed works also referred to Mary as Judith, including Oratio Leonhardi Goretii Equitis Poloni de Matrimonio serenissimi ac potentissimi, serenissimae potentissimaeque Dei gratia Regis ac Reginae Angliae, Hispaniae, etc . (London, 1554); Triumphus Mariae . . . de Ionne Dudlaeo duce Northumbriae in John Seton, Panegyrici in victoriam illustrissimæ. D. Mariæ, Angliæ, Franciæ, & Hiberniæ Reginæ, &c. Item in coronationem eiusdem sereniss. Reginæ, congratulatio. Ad haec de sancrosancta Eucharistia carmen. D. Ioanne Setono authore (London: R. Wolfij, 1553); and John Angel, The agrement of the holye fathers, and doctors of the churche vpon the cheifest articles of Christian Notes 197

religion (London: William Harford, 1555). Jennifer Loach noted that Harpesfield’s sermon, Concio quaedem admodvm . . . (London), STC 12794, comparing Mary to Judith and Deborah, was printed in 1553. See Jennifer Loach, “The Marian Establishment and the Printing Press,” English Historical Review 101, no. 398 (1986): 135–48. King points out that in 1539, Henry Parker, in The Exposition and declaration of the Psalme, Deus ultionum Dominus , had compared Henry VIII to Judith. 5 2. A n g l o , Spectacle , 320–21. 5 3. K i p l i n g , Enter the King, 41. For the arches throughout the pageant series, see Guaras, Accession of Queen Mary, 119–20; for the sword of state, see SP 11/1/15. Swords of state were not carried before queen consorts; the fact that one continued to be used for Mary even after her marriage to Philip was considered surprising. See chapters 3 and 4 for further discussions of the ceremonial use of swords. 5 4. K i p l i n g , Enter the King , 346–47. See also King, Tudor Royal Iconography, 196–201; and Helen Hackett, Virgin Mother, Maiden Queen: Elizabeth I and the Cult of the Virgin Mary (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), 29–34, for the use of Marian images in Anne Boleyn’s coronation pageantry. 5 5. R i c h a r d L e m o n , Catalogue of a Collection of Printed Broadsides, in the Possession of the Society of Antiquaries of London (London: Society of Antiquaries, 1866), 12. Each verse began, “Haile Marie full of Grace our Lorde in with thee, blessed art thou among Women, and blessed is the fruyte of thy wombe Jesus.” David M. Loades, Mary Tudor: A Life (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), 210n73, has pointed out that the author of this ballad also made reference to Mary as Judith: “Our Iwell [jewel] oure ioye, our Judith doutless / The great Holofernes of hell to withstand.” 5 6. A u g u s t 2 7 , 1 5 5 3 (CalStP-Spanish , 187). 57 . P. R. O., King’s Bench (KB) 27/1168/2, 1 Mary Michaelmas. These portraits were usually commissioned by judges or court officials. See Erna Auerbach, Tudor Artists: A Study of Painters in the Royal Service and of Portraiture on Illuminated Documents from the Accession of Henry VIII to the Death of Elizabeth I (London: University of London, Athlone Press, 1954), 90–101. 5 8. K i p l i n g , Enter the King, 293–300. 59 . Ibid., 299; Richards, “Mary Tudor as ‘Sole Queen’?” 917n110. 60 . Judith Richards has observed that Mary “was consistently represented wearing the closed crown, the crown imperial, which Henry VIII had used to such effect to signal his establishment of the imperial and fully autonomous realm of England.” See “Mary Tudor: Renaissance Queen of England,” in “High and Mighty Queens” of Early Modern England: Realities and Representations, ed. Carole Levin, Jo Eldridge Carney, and Debra Barrett- Graves (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 37. Mary spoke of her “crown imperial” in a speech to her council about restoring church lands in 1556: see Arundell Esdaile, The Age of Elizabeth (1547–1603) (London: G. Bell and Sons, Ltd., 1912), 15. 6 1. N i c h o l s , Grey Friars’ Chronicle, 84. See also Kingsford, “Two London Chronicles,” 29–30. 198 Notes

6 2. L e g g , English Coronation Records, 114. Later kings wore light shoes rather than walking in their stocking feet. The ray cloth was traditionally given to the poor after the king had passed. 63 . This assent represented “the recognition of an heir to the Crown.” C. A. J. Armstrong, “The Inauguration Ceremonies of the Yorkist Kings and Their Title to the Throne,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th series, 30 (1948): 62–63. 64 . See SP 10/1/9. This was the wording of the oath sworn to by Edward VI. 65 . Although, according to Legg, English Coronation Records , xxii, “the accounts make it doubtful whether this was always the case.” During the anointment, four Knights of the Garter held a canopy over the king’s head. 66 . The chrism used in the English coronation was reputedly given to Thomas Becket by the Virgin Mary. Legg, English Coronation Records , 169–71. 6 7. I b i d . , 1 1 9 . 68 . According to Legg, English Coronation Records, xliii, the rod was “the ensign of the paternal authority of the sovereign.” 6 9. J e r d a n , Rutland Papers, 9. According to the liber regalis, however, the queen was to wear a purple tunic and state robe (Legg, English Coronation Records, 122). At the coronation of Elizabeth, crowned separately from her husband Henry VII, the queen “stode under a Cloth of Astate unto the Tyme the Procession was ordered” (Leland’s Collectanea , 4:222). Likewise, Anne Boleyn, crowned in 1533, “came into the Hall, and stood under the cloth of estate” (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII , vol. 4, 277). 7 0. J e r d a n , Rutland Papers, 12–13. 71 . The chrism was used in the church for sacraments that conferred a character, including baptism, confirmation, and ordination, and was not used to anoint queen consorts. For the different practices of anointment for kings and queen consorts, see Legg, English Coronation Records, xxxv– xxxvi; Percy Ernst Schramm, A History of the English Coronation (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1937), 118–19, 123; Loach, “Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII,” 53. According to Wickham Legg, however, if the queen was crowned alone, “then chrism is used, presumably for her head only” ( English Coronation Records, lviii). 7 2. L e g g , English Coronation Records, 122, 273. It was reported, however, that Anne Boleyn was crowned with “the crown of St. Edward, which being heavy, was taken off again, and the crown made for her put on.” Letters and Papers of Henry VIII , vol. 4, 278. 7 3. J e r d a n , Rutland Papers, 22–24; Legg, English Coronation Records, 236–39. The title of royal champion was hereditary and was held by the Dymoke family. 7 4. A Breviat chronicle containing al the kynges, from Brute to this daye, and manye notable actes, gathered out of dyvers chronicles, from Wyllyam Conqueroure, vnto the yeare of Christ M.V.C.Liiii: with the mayors, and shyryffes of the cyty of London (J. King, 1554), sig. Dii, STC (2nd ed.) 9970.5. 75 . The Italian account, Coronatione de la serenissima Reina Maria d’Inghilterra fatta il di primo d’Ottobre MD.LIII, was published in Rome in 1553 by A. Bladus. The Spanish account followed a few months later: Coronacion de Notes 199

la Inclita, y Serenissima reyna Maria de Inglaterra (Medina del Campo, 1554). The Spanish version has been reprinted in Malfatti, Accession , 151–55; an identical version can be found in Guaras, Accession of Queen Mary, 65–79, 117–23. Other highly detailed accounts of the event can be found in SP 11/1/15; René Aubert de Vertot, ed., Ambassades de Messieurs de Noailles en Angleterre, 5 vols. (Paris: Leyde, 1763) 2:196–203; CalStP-Spanish, 262–63; “Events of the Kingdom of England beginning with King Edward VI until the wedding of the most serene Prince Philip of Spain and the most serene Queen Mary as related by Monsignor G. F. Commendone,” in Malfatti, Accession , 30–36; Nichols, Chronicle of Queen Jane, 30–32. 7 6. S P 1 1 / 1 / 1 5 . 77 . Ibid. The “abridgements of the provision for the Coronation of . . . princes Marye,” P. R. O., LC 5/32/220, include the information that “asmoche raied or blewe clothe to be provided as serue vnderfoote frome the Marble chaire in Westminster hale even to the pulpit in Westminster churche.” As was stipulated by tradition, the ray cloth was then distributed to the poor: see Vertot, Ambassades de Noailles , 2:200; Malfatti, Accession, 33. 7 8. M a l f a t t i , Accession , 32–33. In addition, the sword of state was borne by the Earl of Devon, and the orb, or “ball of golde with the crosse,” was borne by the Marquess of Winchester: SP 11/1/15. 7 9. S P 1 1 / 1 / 1 5 ; M a l f a t t i , Accession , 33; Guaras, Accession of Queen Mary, 121; Vertot, Ambassades de Noailles, 2:199. 8 0. M a l f a t t i , Accession , 33. 8 1. I b i d . 8 2. G u a r a s , Accession of Queen Mary , 120. The entire text, according to Planché, was more formal: “‘Sirs, here present is Mary, rightful and undouted inheri- trix by the laws of God and man to the crown and royal dignity of this realm of England, France, and Ireland, whereupon you shall understand that this day is appointed by all the Peers of this land for the consecration, inunction, and coronation of the said most excellent Princess Mary; will you serve at this time, and give your wills and assent to the same consecration, inunction, and coronation?’ whereunto the people answered all in one voice, ‘Yea, yea, yea. God save Queen Mary.’” J. R. Planché, Regal Records: or, A Chronicle of the Coronations of the Queens Regnant of England (London: Chapman and Hall, 1838), 17. The author of the Chronicle of Queen Jane , Nichols, presented yet another version: “The lorde chauncellour went to the foure corners . . . and cried, ‘yf eny man will or can alledge eny cause whie queen Mary shoulde not be crowned, let theym speke now:’ and then the people in the every place of the churche cryed, ‘Quene Mary! Queen Mary!’” (31). 8 3. CalStP-Spanish , 240; Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating to English Affairs, Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice, And in Other Libraries of Northern Italy, ed. Rawdon Brown, 39 vols. (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1864–1947), 5:431. [Series hereafter cited as CalStP-Venetian ]. 8 4. G u a r a s , Accession of Queen Mary , 121. According to Noailles, this was a purple velvet corset (Vertot, Ambassades de Noailles, 2:201); Commendone calls it “a simple petticoat of purple velvet” (Malfatti, Accession , 33). 200 Notes

8 5. G u a r a s , Accession of Queen Mary , 121; P. R. O., LC 5/32/220. 8 6. G u a r a s , Accession of Queen Mary, 121; CalStP-Spanish, 262. Mary had sent for chrism to be delivered from Emperor Charles V because she “entertains a scruple that the holy chrisms prepared in England may not be such as they ought because of the ecclesiastical censures upon the country” and desired “that her coronation may be in every way regular.” Ambassadors in England to Charles V, September 9, 1553 (CalStP-Spanish , 220). The bishop of Arras reported to ambassador Simon Renard on September 13, 1553, that he was “sending you the three holy oils the Queen asked for, which are those that I usually carry about with me for the consecration it is sometimes my duty to perform” (231, 243). See also CalStP-Venetian, 5:432. 87 . P. R. O., LC 5/32/220. The linen cloth was later burned. Custom dic- tated that Mary wear the linen coif for the next eight days. Legg, English Coronation Records , xxxix, 232. 8 8. M a l f a t t i , Accession , 33; Guaras, Accession of Queen Mary, 121; Vertot, Ambassades de Noailles , 2:201. This was described in “The abridgements of the provision for the coronacion” as a “tabarde of white sarstnett after the shape of a dalmatike to be putt upon the Quenes gowne whan she is annoynted” (P. R. O., LC 5/32/220). 8 9. M a l f a t t i , Accession , 33; Guaras, Accession of Queen Mary, 121; Vertot, Ambassades de Noailles , 2:201; CalStP-Spanish , 262. An undated manuscript in the College of Arms, Arundel MS, M6, f. 49, records that “the chefest earle of the realme shall beare the sworde that is girte abowte the kinge in his coronation signifieng knighthood and is called the sword of estate.” See also Harleian MS 1776, f. 31. 90 . See P. R. O., LC 5/32/220 for further details of Mary’s clothing during the ceremony. 9 1. G u a r a s , Accession of Queen Mary, 121; Vertot, Ambassades de Noailles, 2:201; Malfatti, Accession , 34. Noailles and Commendone are in agreement that during the mass, “the Queen kept kneeling, holding in her hands two Sceptres the one of the King, the other bearing a dove which, by custom, is given to the Queen.” 9 2. Leland’s Collectanea , 4:326; Nichols, Literary Remains, ccxcv. 93 . BL Cotton App. 28, f. 99b. Quoted in Planché, Regal Records, 19. See also Dale Hoak, “The Iconography of the Crown Imperial,” in Tudor Political Culture , ed. Dale Hoak (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 78, 86–87. 94 . The ring for both kings and queen consorts was usually placed on the fourth finger of the right hand. See Nichols, Literary Remains , 1:ccxcv; L. G. Wickham Legg, “The Queen’s Coronation Ring,” Archaeological Journal 54 (1897): 1–9. At her funeral sermon, Bishop White of Winchester described it as “a ring with a diamond.” See John Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, relating chiefly to religion . . . under King Henry VIII, King Edward VI and Queen Mary I, 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1822), vol. 3, pt. 2, pp. 536–50; Guaras, Accession of Queen Mary, 121; P. R. O., LC 5/32/221; Vertot, Ambassades de Noailles , 2:201–2; Malfatti, Accession, 34. 9 5. M a l f a t t i , Accession , 34. Notes 201

9 6. G u a r a s , Accession of Queen Mary, 122; Vertot, Ambassades de Noailles, 2:202. See also P. R. O., LC 5/32/220. Guaras added that Mary also wore “the round cap, as monarchs are wont to wear.” 9 7. CalStP-Spanish , 262; CalStP-Venetian , 5:431. 98 . For a list of the officers and others attending the banquet, as well as a description of the courses, see British Library, Additional MS 34320, ff. 84–97. 99 . Renard to Prince Philip of Spain, from London October 3, 1553 ( CalStP- Spanish , 262). See Planché, Regal Records , 53–61; P. R. O., LC 5/32/220. 1 0 0. G u a r a s , Accession of Queen Mary, 122; Vertot, Ambassades de Noailles, 2:202; Malfatti, Accession , 34–35; CalStP-Spanish , 263; Jerdan, Rutland Papers, 120. See also Legg, English Coronation Records , lxiv–lxvi. See BL, Additional MS 4712, f. 62, for the formal version of the challenge: “If there be anie manner of man of what estate, degree or condition soever he be, that will saie and maintaine that our Soveraigne Ladie Queene Marie the first this daie here present, is not the rightful and undoubted heire to the Imperial crowne of this Realme of England, and that of right she ought not to be crowned Queene, I saie he lieth like a false traitour and that I am readie the same to maintaine with him while breath is in my bodie, either now at this time or at any other time, when it shall please the Queenes Highnes to appoint, and thereupon the same I caste him my gage.” Sir Edward Dymocke was the king’s champion at Edward VI’s banquet: see Nichols, Literary Remains , 1:ccxcviii. 1 0 1. M a l f a t t i , Accession , 33; Vertot, Ambassades de Noailles , 2:201. The sermon took place after the acclamation and before Mary took the oath. David J. Sturdy has argued that “it is probable that those who preached the coronation sermons were selected . . . because their views on the state matched those of the monarch” and that “as an exercise in legitimization the sermon’s contribution to the coronation could be of first rate importance.” See Sturdy, “‘Continuity’ versus ‘Change,’”, 241–42. Mary’s coronation did depart from tradition in one instance: there were no tournaments held in the days after the ceremony. The lack of tournaments has been ascribed to the fact that neither Mary nor any of her nobles had enough interest to organize such events. It is possible, however, that as the only Tudor since Henry VII to win the throne by show of arms, Mary saw little need for a ceremonial military display so soon after her accession by defeat of Northumberland. It is also likely that the queen was more interested in dealing with more urgent matters of political policy: Parliament opened on October 5, 1553, and among the acts passed was one validating Henry VIII’s marriage to Catherine of Aragon, thus legitimizing Mary’s birth, and one that repealed most of Edward VI’s religious legislation. See 1 Mary, st. 2, c. 1, Statutes of the Realm, Volume 4, Part 1 [1547–1585] (London: Record Commission, 1819), 200. Henry VII had postponed his coronation tournaments until two weeks after he called his first Parliament, in which a formal act was passed authorizing his right to the throne: Anglo, “Foundation of the Tudor Dynasty,” 9–10. Mary did order the traditional coronation play to be performed by the Chapel Royal at her 202 Notes

banquet, although it was apparently postponed until Christmas: see P. R. O., Exchequer Accounts Various, E101/427/5, f. 9. See also Charlotte Carmichael Stopes, “Mary’s Chapel Royal and Her Coronation Play,” Athenaeum 4063 (September 9, 1905): 346–47. 102 . Although Elizabeth’s coronation has inspired a great deal of scholarship, historians have almost exclusively concentrated on what was new or inno- vative about this event. For example, the debate over the liturgical changes made to the ceremony, the controversy over whether or not Elizabeth withdrew during the consecration of the mass, and the symbolic messages of the coronation processional pageants have all been widely discussed. See C. G. Bayne, “The Coronation of Queen Elizabeth,” English Historical Review 22 (1907): 650–73; Bayne, “Coronation of Queen Elizabeth,” EHR 25: 550–53; A. F. Pollard, “The Coronation of Queen Elizabeth,” English Historical Review 25 (1910): 125–26; William P. Haugaard, “The Coronation of Elizabeth I,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 19, no. 2 (1968): 163–65; A. L. Rowse, “The Coronation of Queen Elizabeth I,” reprinted in History Today 53, no. 5 (May 2003): 18–24; David Bergeron, “Elizabeth’s Coronation Entry (1559): New Manuscript Evidence,” English Literary Renaissance 8, no. 1 (Winter 1978): 3–8; Richard C. McCoy, “‘The Wonderfull Spectacle’: The Civic Progress of Elizabeth I and the Troublesome Coronation,” in Bak, Coronations , 217–27; Anglo, Spectacle ; Judith Richards, “Love and a Female Monarch: The Case of Elizabeth Tudor,” Journal of British Studies 38, no. 2 (April 1999): 133–60; Sandra Logan, “Making History: The Rhetorical and Historical Occasion of Elizabeth Tudor’s Coronation Entry,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 31, no. 2 (Spring 2001): 251–82. 103 . P. R. O., LC 2/4/3, f. 7; CalStP-Venetian , 7:12. For a description of the litter, see also P. R. O., LC 2/4/3, f. 23. 104 . It is likely that Elizabeth followed the same procedure for creating new Knights of the Bath as had Mary. The ritual was changed during Elizabeth’s coronation to reflect religious differences: for example, the all-night vigil was omitted and at the ceremony of the mass, performed in the morning on the day the candidate was finally knighted, the host was not elevated. See Bayne, “Coronation of Queen Elizabeth,” EHR 25: 550–53. This account of the event does not describe Elizabeth’s actions during the ceremony; however, it is likely that she took part by girding the sword around the knight’s waist during his induction, as had Mary. She played a similar role during later inductions of Knights of the Garter. See Raymond B. Waddington, “Elizabeth I and the Order of the Garter,” Sixteenth Century Journal 24, no. 1 (1993): 106–7. 1 0 5. CalStP-Venetian , 7:17. 106 . The three surviving accounts of Elizabeth’s coronation (the account in the State Papers Domestic, Addenda, 9/9; the herald’s report in the College of Arms, MS WY, p. 197; and the Venetian ambassador’s account in CSP-Venetian , vol. 4) have been printed in Bayne, “Coronation of Queen Elizabeth,” EHR 22: 650–73. Bayne also cites other fragmentary sources that include some details of the coronation. See also “The Abridgement of the Coronation of our Soveraigne Lady quene Elizabeth,” P. R. O., LC Notes 203

5/32, ff. 253–56; “The presidents of the Coronacion of oure soveragne lady Quene Elysabethe,” P. R. O., LC 2/4/3, ff. 1–147. 1 0 7. M a c C u l l o c h , Vita Mar. Reg. , 276. According to the Venetian ambassador, Elizabeth was “pleased to follow the example of her ancestors about the Coronation” ( CalStP-Venetian, 7:11). 1 0 8. C h r i s t o p h e r G o o d m a n , How superior powers oght to be obeyd of their subiects (Geneva: John Crispin, 1558), sig. Diiii. Although Goodman spoke specifically against Mary, being “a bastarde and unlawfully begotten,” even Elizabeth, “that Godlie Lady,” should not be anointed and crowned: “This shulde not have bene your firste counsele or question, who shulde be your Quene, what woman you shulde crowne . . . But firste and princi- pallie, who had bene moste meetest amengest your brethren to have had the governement over you, and the whole governement of the reealme” (sig. Diii–Diiiv). 1 0 9. J o h n A y l m e r , An Harborowe for Faithfull and Trewe Subiectes, Agaynst the Late Blowne Blaste, Concerninge the Gouernme[N]T of Wemen: Wherin Be Confuted All Such Reasons As a Straunger of Late Made in That Behalfe: with a Breife Exhortation to Obedience (London: John Daye, 1559), sig. I(v). 1 1 0. CalStP-Spanish , 297; John Proctor, The historie of Wyates rebellion with the order and maner of resisting the same (London, 1555), sig. Gvi. For Elizabeth’s speech, see Leah S. Marcus, Jane M. Mueller, and Mary Beth Rose, eds., Elizabeth I: Collected Works (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 59. 1 1 1. H o l i n s h e d , Holinshed’s Chronicles, 416–17. Elizabeth, for her part, would later respond to yet another request by the Parliament that she marry by reminding them, “Though I be a woman, yet I have as good a courage answerable to my place as ever my father had. I am your anointed queen” (Marcus, Mueller, and Rose, Elizabeth I, 97). Elizabeth had earlier made reference to Mary’s anointment in a letter to the queen written in August 1556, saying, “When I revolve in mind (most noble queen) the love of old paynims [pagans] to their prince and the reverent fear of Romans to their Senate, I can but muse for my part and blush for theirs, to see the rebel- lious hearts and devilish intents of Christians in names, but Jews in deed toward their oincted [anointed] king. Which, methinks, if they had feared God though they could not have loved the state, they should for dread of their own plague they should have refrained that wickedness which their bounden duty to your highness hath not restrained” (43).

3 The Queen’s Two Bodies: Female Sovereignty and the Anglo-Spanish Marriage Negotiations 1 . State Papers Domestic, Mary, and Philip and Mary, SP 11/1/1. An Italian description of the kingdom during Mary’s reign states that “the English Crown passes by hereditary succession to the next of kin, and if there are no males the succession reverts to the females; bastards, men as well as women, being excluded.” C. V. Malfatti, trans., “A Picture of English Life 204 Notes

under Queen Mary,” in Two Italian Accounts of Tudor England: A Journey to London in 1497: A Picture of English Life under Queen Mary (Barcelona: Sociedad Alianza and R. Fontà, 1953), 47. 2 . Folger Shakespeare Library, Losely MS, Cor 3/3. Letter from the Lords of the Council to the Sheriff and Justices of the Peace for the county of Surrey, July 16, 1553. 3 . Charles L. Kingsford, ed., “Two London Chronicles from the Collection of John Stow,” in Camden Miscellany 12 , Camden 3rd Series (London: Camden Society, 1910), 26–27. 4 . Diarmaid MacCulloch, ed., “The ‘Vita Mariae Angliae Reginae’ of Robert Wingfield,” in Camden Miscellany 28, Camden Fourth Series 29 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1984), 247. 5 . Folger Shakespeare Library, Losely MS, Cor 3/3. 6 . SP 11/1/1. 7 . Folger Shakespeare Library, Losely MS, Cor 3/2. Letter from the Lords of the Council to the deputy lieutenants, the sheriff and justices of the county of Surrey, July 8, 1553. Such issues did not affect consideration of Lady Jane Grey as heir to the kingdom. In contrast to Mary, she had been raised Protestant, and she had recently married Northumberland’s son, Guilford Dudley. Jane, therefore, was both legitimate and the wife of an English nobleman. Jane was denounced as a usurper, but her gender was not a factor in her guilt. Her claim to the crown failed not because a woman had no legal right to ascend the throne but because she was not the lawful successor. When Northumberland in his defense at his trial questioned whether “any Man doing any ded by Authority of the prince’s coun- cill and by command of the Great Seale of England . . . might be charged with treason,” the court found that “the great Seale which he pleaded for his warrant, was not the seale of the Lawfull Queene of the Realme, but the Seale of an usurper” (SP 11/1/8). 8 . T h o m a s B e c o n , Prayers and Other Pieces of Thomas Becon, ed. John Ayre (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1844), 227. This was not published until 1554, after Mary’s accession had taken place. 9 . SP 11/2/2. 10 . 1 Mary, st. 2 c. 1, st. 2 c. 3, Statutes of the Realm, Volume 4, Part 1 [1547–1585] (London: Record Commission, 1819), 200–204. There had been some argument among Mary’s councillors over whether to call Parliament before her coronation took place in order to strengthen and confirm her reign by annulling the declaration of her bastardy; Paget, as well as others, however, counseled her to keep to tradition by holding the coronation ceremony first. Charles V’s ambassadors believed that the attempt to switch the order of the two events was to “cast doubts upon and put in question the Queen’s right to the throne; to render her more dependent on Council and Parliament than she should be; [and] bridle her so that she cannot marry a foreigner” (September 19, 1553, Calendar of Letters, Despatches, and State Papers Relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain Preserved in the Archives at Simancas and Elsewhere, ed. Royall Tyler et al., 13 vols. Notes 205

(London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1862–1954), 11:238–39). [Series hereafter cited as CalStP-Spanish .] 1 1. The fyrste sermon of Mayster Hughe Latimer, whiche he preached before the kynges grace wythin his graces palayce at Westmynster M.D. XLIX the viii of Marche, sig. Bvii. Printed in Reverend George Elwes Corrie, ed., Sermons by Hugh Latimer, Sometime Bishop of Worcester, Martyr, 1555 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1844), 91. 12 . On the rumors, see the French ambassador’s letter to the king, November 9, 1553, René Aubert de Vertot, ed., Ambassades de Messieurs de Noailles en Angleterre , 5 vols. (Paris: Leyde, 1763), 2:239. 13 . Ambassador Simon Renard to Emperor Charles V, from London November 17, 1553, CalStP-Spanish, 11:363–64. 14 . Ibid.; also see the letter from the emperor’s ambassadors in London to Charles V, August 2, 1553 (CalStP-Spanish , 11:131). 1 5. I b i d . , 1 1 : 1 3 2 . 16 . “Queene Maries Oration in Guildhall in a Solemne Assemblie,” in Raphael Holinshed, Holinshed’s Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland , vol. 4 (London: J. Johnson, 1808), 16–17. According to the imperial ambassador Renard, Mary had told Gardiner that she “had decided to marry solely for the hope of obtaining heirs and the welfare of the kingdom”; Renard to Charles V from London, November 6, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:337). 17 . The one exception to this agreement was apparently Cardinal Reginald Pole, who at one point suggested Mary might remain unmarried. Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating to English Affairs, Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice, And in Other Libraries of Northern Italy, ed. Rawdon Brown, vol. 5 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1873), 464. [Series hereafter cited as CalStP-Venetian .] 18 . Lady Jane Grey to Queen Mary I; Mary Anne Everett Wood, ed., Letters of Royal, and Illustrious Ladies of Great Britain, from the Commencement of the Twelfeth Century to the Close of the Reign of Queen Mary: Edited Chiefly from the Originals: Illustrated with Facsimile Autographs 3 (London: Henry Colburn, 1846), 278. 19 . The emperor’s ambassadors to Charles V, from London, July 22, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:113). 20 . In this case, an alliance with Robert Dudley. For the divisions and intrigues caused at court by Dudley’s proposal of marriage, see Susan Doran, Monarchy and Matrimony: The Courtships of Elizabeth I (London: Routledge, 1996), particularly chapter 3 , “The Dudley Courtship,” 40–72. Factions developed at Henry VIII’s court while he was courting Anne Boleyn: see Eric W. Ives, Anne Boleyn (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986), 121–52. 21 . Victor von Klarwill, ed., Queen Elizabeth and Some Foreigners: Being a Series of Hitherto Unpublished Letters from the Archives of the Hapsburg Family (London: John Lane, 1928), 189–90, quoted in Susan Doran, “Religion and Politics at the Court of Elizabeth I: The Habsburg Marriage Negotiations of 1559–1567,” English Historical Review 104 (1989): 913–14. 206 Notes

22 . Scheyfve to Charles V from London, June 11, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:50). Courtenay’s paternal grandmother was Catherine, younger daughter of Edward IV. 23 . In addition, the French ambassador claimed that Courtenay’s own indis- cretions had turned Mary against him when she heard that he often visited prostitutes: “Ceste royne est en mauvaise oppinion de luy, pour avoir entendu qu’il faict beaucoup de jeunesses, & mesme d’aller souvent avecques les femmes publicques & de mauvaise vie.” Noailles to King Henry II, October 17, 1553 (Vertot, Ambassades de Noailles , 2:217). 24 . The ambassadors in London to Charles V, from London, September 19, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:242); Renard to Charles V, November 4, 1553 (11:333). 25 . Renard to Charles V, October 28, 1553 (CalStP-Spanish , 11:323). The suggestion was offered by an unnamed Englishman. 2 6. R . B . W e r n h a m , Before the Armada: The Growth of English Foreign Policy, 1485–1588 (London: Trinity Press, 1966), 99–101; Garrett Mattingly, Catherine of Aragon (London: Jonathan Cape, 1944), 174. 27 . Renard to Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle, Bishop of Arras, from London, September 8, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:213). 28 . Re n a r d t o C h a r l e s V, N o v e m b e r 6 , 1 5 5 3 ( CalStP-Spanish , 11:338); October 23, 1553 (11:313); November 17, 1553 (11:363–64). 29 . The French ambassador Noailles reported hearing news of negotiations with Philip as early as September 7, 1553 (Vertot, Ambassades de Noailles, 2:143). 30 . Archivo General de Simancas, Secretaría de Estado, E807, f. 6. Reginald Pole had also been discussed as a possible suitor for Mary at one time, but Lord Paget was the first councillor to understand that Mary was more inclined to a match with Prince Philip, and he took a lead role in those negotiations. 31 . Antonio de Guaras, Accession of Queen Mary: Being the Contemporary Narrative of Antonio de Guaras, a Spanish Merchant Resident in London, ed. and trans. Richard Garnett (London: Lawrence and Bullen, 1892), 114. 3 2. J o h n G . N i c h o l s , e d . , The Chronicle of Queen Jane and of Two Years of Queen Mary, and Especially of the Rebellion of Sir Thomas Wyat, Camden Society Publications 48 (London: Camden Society, 1850), 35. A foreign account of the proclamation of the betrothal, however, claimed that the London townsmen and gentlemen “all cried out their joy, shouting ‘God save her Majesty! God save the Prince of Spain’s Majesty, whom the Queen has chosen for her King!’” Francisco de Aresti to Juan Vasquez de Molina, from Antwerp, January 29, 1554 (CalStP-Spanish , 12:57–58). 3 3. N i c h o l s , Chronicle of Queen Jane, 43. 34 . Kingsford, “Two London Chronicles,” 31–32. For a discussion of the rebellion, see David M. Loades, Two Tudor Conspiracies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), chapters 1–3; David M. Loades, Mary Tudor: A Life (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), 210–15; Susan Brigden, London and the Reformation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 534–45. Notes 207

35 . SP 11/2/8, January 1554, the queen to the counties. The official account of the rebels’ purpose was to “conspire her majesty’s destruction and to deprive her grace from the crown” (SP 11/2/9). See Lambeth Palace Library, Talbot Papers, MS 3194, f. 5, for the Earl of Arundel’s letter to the Earl of Shrewsbury: “The cawsse of this insurrection . . . is the quenes maryage with the prynce of Spayn.” 3 6. J o h n P r o c t o r , The historie of Wyates rebellion with the order and maner of resisting the same (London, 1555), sig. 53–54. Nichols, Chronicle of Queen Jane, 35–36, adds to this account, “their pretense was this only and none other, and partly for moving certain councillors from about the queen.” January 27, 1554, CalStP-Spanish, 12:51–53; W. P. M. Kennedy, “The Imperial Embassy of 1553/4 and Wyatt’s Rebellion,” English Historical Review 38 (1923): 253. 3 7. N i c h o l s , Chronicle of Queen Jane, 38–39. See chapter 7 of this volume for a further discussion of Wyatt’s Rebellion. 38 . Dr. Wotton to the Council, December 23, 1553, SP 69/2/110, printed in Patrick Fraser Tytler, England under the Reigns of Edward VI and Mary with the Contemporary History of Europe (London: Richard Bentley, 1839), 2:269. For some accounts of French intrigue in England, see Renard’s letter to Philip, October 3, 1553, Archivo General de Simancas, Secretaría de Estado, E807, ff. 2–3; same to same, October 29, 1553, E807, f. 6. The story of French antagonism to the marriage has been well documented in Elmore Harris Harbison, Rival Ambassadors at the Court of Queen Mary (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1940). 39 . “A Description of England and Scotland, by a French Ecclesiastic, in the 16th Century,” in The Antiquarian Repertory: A Miscellaneous Assemblage of Topography, History, Biography, Customs, and Manners: Intended to Illustrate and Preserve Several Valuable Remains of Old Times , ed. Francis Grose, Thomas Astle, and Edward Jeffery, vol. 4 (London: Edward Jeffery, 1809), 505. 40 . During the fall of 1553, Mary entertained suits for her hand in marriage from other foreign princes, including the Archduke Ferdinand, son of Charles V’s brother Ferdinand, king of the Romans; Emanuele Filiberto, Duke of Savoy; and Don Luis, Prince of Portugal. 41 . See Doran, “Religion and Politics,” and Doran, Matrimony and Monarchy , 213. 4 2. L o a d e s , Two Tudor Conspiracies, 15. 43 . See, for example, David M. Loades, The Reign of Mary Tudor: Politics, Government, and Religion in England, 1553–58 , 2nd ed. (London: Longman, 1991), 60–61. 44 . Renard’s letter to Charles V, October 12, 1553 (CalStP-Spanish , 11:289). 45 . SP 69/4/212. Lena Cowen Orlin has examined Elizabeth I’s similar ref- erences to fellow monarchs as siblings: “By means of a sibling trope Elizabeth was initiated into the ancient fellowship of monarchs, and she readily adopted the reciprocal custom of terming herself ‘sister’ to foreign princes.” See Lena Cowen Orlin, “The Fictional Families of Elizabeth I,” in Political Rhetoric, Power, and Renaissance Women, ed. Carole Levin and Patricia A. Sullivan (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), 208 Notes

94. Elizabeth would later adopt the role of mentor to King James VI of Scotland, who would refer to her as both sister and mother, just as Mary had referred to Charles V as both brother and father. See Orlin, “Fictional Families,” 98–99. 46 . SP 11/2/9, Instructions to Sir Edward Hastings, master of the horse, and Sir Thomas Cornwallis. 47 . Renard observed of Mary that “she is great-hearted, proud and mag- nanimous. If she married an Englishman, and had children, her posterity would not have as much renown as if her husband were a foreign prince capable of assisting and protecting her.” Renard to the Bishop of Arras, August 7, 1553 (CalStP-Spanish , 11:154). 48 . Susan Doran has argued that many of Elizabeth’s foreign courtships failed to develop into marriages because her suitors would not bring sufficient prestige, wealth, or foreign alliances to be considered beneficial. Though they might be able to sire an heir, they would be a drain on the country’s resources and bring enemies rather than friends. See Doran, Monarchy and Matrimony , 211. 49 . Charles anticipated that “France could be strangled out of existence.” Quoted in Karl Brandi, The Emperor Charles V: The Growth and Destiny of a Man and of a World-Empire (London: J. Cape, 1963), 631. It would also benefit his son, Philip: he would make an important alliance, gain political experience ruling a foreign kingdom, potentially father heirs to control his inheritances; and increase his reputation. In fact, at one point Charles wrote that “the advantages of this course are so obvious that it is unnec- essary to go into them.” Charles to Philip, July 30, 1553 (CalStP-Spanish , 11:127). 50 . Even the chief critic of the alliance, Gardiner, after having viewed the marriage articles, was willing to admit that “the match is more advanta- geous than any other in all Christendom could be.” Renard to the Emperor Charles V, December 8, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish , 11:416). 5 1. C a r o l e L e v i n , The Heart and Stomach of a King: Elizabeth I and the Politics of Sex and Power (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), 121–48; Marie Axton, The Queen’s Two Bodies: Drama and the Elizabethan Succession (London: Royal Historical Society, 1977), 38–39. 5 2. E d m u n d P l o w d e n , Commentaries or Reports (London: S. Brooke, 1816), 212a, concerning a Duchy of Lancaster court case tried in the fourth year of the reign of Elizabeth I; quoted in Ernst Hartwig Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957), 7. For the development and popular- ization of the theory during Elizabeth I’s reign, see Axton, Queen’s Two Bodies. 53 . Leah S. Marcus, Jane M. Mueller, and Mary Beth Rose, eds., Elizabeth I: Collected Works (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 52. 54 . He continued, “As the Carowes in the west and Wyat, Harper and Colpepper in Kent.” January 28, 1554, Lambeth Palace Library, Talbot Papers, MS 3194, f. 5; printed in Edmond Lodge, Illustrations of British History, Biography, and Manners , 2nd ed. (London: J. Chidley, 1838), 1:231. Notes 209

5 5. S P 1 1 / 2 / 9 ; S P 6 9 / 2 / 9 5 . 56 . Leah S. Marcus has pointed out of the word “prince” that its “most basic sixteenth-century meaning was ruler, especially male ruler; it was also applied to the eldest son of a reigning monarch.” See Marcus, “Shakespeare’s Comic Heroines, Elizabeth I, and the Political Uses of Androgyny,” in Women in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance: Literary and Historical Perspectives , ed. Mary Beth Rose (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1986), 135–53, esp. 139–40. Carole Levin also discusses the use of “prince” as gender-specific in Elizabeth’s reign: Heart and Stomach, 121–24. 5 7. H o l i n s h e d , Holinshed’s Chronicles, 16–17. 58 . Princess Elizabeth to Queen Mary, March 17, 1554 (SP 11/4/2). Elizabeth was, of course, well known for speaking of herself as king or prince on numerous occasions, yet reference to queens as princes or kings was not necessarily limited to Elizabeth or Mary. Northumberland, trying to clear himself of the charge of treason, claimed he only acted against Mary “by authority of the prince’s council,” even though it is clear he was speaking of Queen Jane’s council (SP 11/1/8). 5 9. N i c h o l s , Chronicle of Queen Jane, 123. 60 . Grace, Countess of Shrewsbury to the Earl of Shrewsbury, September 3, 1553, Lambeth Palace Library, MS 3206, P, f. 223. She also imparted the news that the same day Courtenay was created Earl of Devon. 61 . In fact, early modern Europeans conceived of the body as being “one sex”: according to the prevalent scientific theory, the sexes were essentially the same; because female genitals mirrored those of men, women were considered to be deformed men rather than a different sex. See Thomas Walter Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), esp. 134–42. Constance Jordan has pointed out that Renaissance authors who produced literature in defense of women “envisage gender not only as distinct from sex but also as flexi- ble. Gender is androgynous.” See Constance Jordan, Renaissance Feminism: Literary Texts and Political Models (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990), 309. The fluidity of conceptions of sex and gender led to anxieties about patriarchy and patriarchal power: see, for example, Judith Richards, “‘To Promote a Woman to Beare Rule’: Talking of Queens in Mid- Tudor England,” Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 1 (1997): 101–21; Susan Dwyer Amussen, “‘The Part of a Christian Man’: The Cultural Politics of Manhood in Early Modern England,” in Political Culture and Cultural Politics in Early Modern England: Essays Presented to David Underdown, ed. Susan Dwyer Amussen and Mark A. Kishlansky (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1995), 213–33. 62 . Renard to Charles V from London, November 17, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:363–64). 63 . For example, in 1539, after Henry VIII had betrothed himself to Anne of Cleves, Duke Philip of Bavaria, son of the elector palatine, appeared in England as a prospective bridegroom for Mary. Although the duke’s Lutheran religion did not appeal to her and she admitted that “she would 210 Notes

prefer never to enter that kind of religion,” she submitted herself to her father’s will. For a time the duke appeared to be making progress, even going so far as to kiss the Lady Mary, according to the French ambassador, and in fact a treaty had been drawn up before Henry decided to reject it. The duke visited England two more times, in 1543 and in 1546, before giving up. See Philip, Duke of Bavaria, to Henry VIII, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, 1509–1547, vol. 14, ed. John Gairdner and J. S. Brodie (London: Longmans, 1875), pt. 2, p. 658; Mary to Cromwell, December 17, 1539 (ibid., 14:696); Marillac to Francis I, December 27, 1539 (ibid., 14:744); see also Loades, Mary Tudor, 127–29. 64 . Elizabeth likely profited from Mary’s insistence on this point. Although she conveyed a similar sentiment during her own reign in response to requests that she marr y, she didn’t need to be as forceful: “But in this I must commend you, that you have not appointed me an husband. For that were unworthy the majesty of an absolute princess, and the discretion of you that are born my subjects” (Marcus, Mueller, and Rose, Elizabeth I, 59). 65 . Ambassadors in England to Charles V, August 16, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:171). Mary reiterated this in September; see Renard to Charles V, September 8, 1553 (11:213). She also made a similar statement years earlier, in 1547, when Thomas Seymour asked for her help in wooing her widowed stepmother, Queen Katherine Parr. Mary declined to help, saying that because she was only “a maid” she was “nothing cunning” in the affairs between men and women. British Library, Lansdowne MS, 1236, fol. 26, quoted in Antonia Frasier, The Wives of Henry VIII (New York: Knopf, 1992), 401. 66 . Ambassadors in England to Charles V, August 2, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:132); Renard to the bishop of Arras, September 8, 1553 (11:212). 67 . This took some persuasion on Mary’s part. She requested this of Charles V’s ambassadors in late September; then she had Paget make the same request of Renard in early October and finally requested them again herself a few days later. By that time, the emperor had “followed Paget’s advice,” and the letters were on their way. See the letters from Renard to Charles V dated September 23, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:255); October 6 (11:270); October 12 (11:290); and Charles V to Renard, October 10, 1553 (11:283). 68 . Renard to Charles V, October 23, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:313). 69 . Re n a r d t o C h a r l e s V, N o v e m b e r 4 , 1 5 5 3 (CalStP-Spanish , 11:336); same to same, November 21, 1553 (11:381); same to same, December 3, 1553 (11:408). 70 . Haus-Hof-und Staatsarchiv, Kart 17 (I–IV Berichte Carl V 1554), f. 3v. When Renard had given the articles to Mary the previous month, she had “read them from beginning to end and found them acceptable, but said that she knew her Council would better be able to judge.” Renard to Charles V, December 3, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:409). 71 . Renard to the bishop of Arras, September 9, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:228). 72 . Elizabeth Russell, “Mary Tudor and Mr. Jorkins,” Historical Research 63 (October 1990): 273. Russell argues that Mary showed considerable Notes 211

political skill in the marriage negotiations and in her negotiations with Rome to return England to the Catholic Church. 73 . Renard to Charles V, November 17, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:364). 74 . She had used this same tactic on an earlier occasion, when Edward VI’s councillors were pressuring her on the subject of her Catholicism. See the introduction to this volume. 75 . Renard to Charles V, October 31, 1553 (CalStP-Spanish , 11:328). Magdalena S. Sánchez has explored some of the ways in which both men and women used illness and melancholy “as a political ploy and as a negotiating tool.” See Magdalena S. Sánchez, The Empress, the Queen, and the Nun: Women and Power at the Court of Philip III of Spain (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 157–58, 171; see also Magdalena S. Sánchez, “Melancholy and Female Illness: Habsburg Women and Politics at the Court of Philip III,” Journal of Women’s History 8, no. 2 (1996): 81–102. 76 . In 1563, Elizabeth claimed that “though I be a woman yet I have as good a courage answerable to my place as ever my father had. I am your anointed queen.” Marcus, Mueller, and Rose, Elizabeth I, 97. 77 . Dr. Wotton to the Council, December 23, 1553 (SP 69/2/110). 78 . The Council to Dr. Wotton, December 23, 1553 (SP 69/2/109). 79 . The Council to Dr. Wotton, December 7, 1553 (SP 69/2/95). The council had received the marriage articles by then, so they could be sure of their statement to the French ambassador. In his letter to Charles V on December 20, 1553, Renard wrote that the nobility and people of England were aware that the council had united behind the queen in support of her marriage to Philip and that they were aware of the beneficial terms of the treaty. Archivo de Simancas, E90, f. 126: “Come las nobleza y gente popular han entendido que todos los del consejo unanimes y conformes han consentido y resuelto el matrimonio del principe nuestra señor con la Serenissima Reina . . . y que se ha publicado el contesto delos articulos del tractado por el qual se ha comprehendido la ventaja y utilidad que el Reyno recebira.” 8 0. S P 1 1 / 2 / 8 . 8 1. L a w r e n c e J o s e p h S t o n e , The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500– 1800 , abridged ed. (New York: Harper and Row, 1979), 135. 82 . Mary’s language upholding her right to a husband of her own choice was echoed in John Christopherson’s publication, An Exhortation to All Menne to Take Hede and Beware of Rebellion . . . (London: Cawood, 1554) (STC 5207). 8 3. H o l i n s h e d , Holinshed’s Chronicles , 16; Marcus, Mueller, and Rose, Elizabeth I, 79. 84 . Charles V’s ambassadors to the emperor, August 2, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:132). For other examples of this statement, see same to same, August 16 (11:171); Renard’s letter to the bishop of Arras, September 8 (11: 213); Renard to Charles V, October 5 (11:270); same to same, October 15 (11:295). See also “Queene Maries Oration in Guildhall,” in Holinshed, Holinshed’s Chronicles , 16. 85 . Marcus, Mueller, and Rose, Elizabeth I , 170. 212 Notes

86 . Re n a r d t o C h a r l e s V, S e p t e m b e r 8 , 1 5 5 3 (CalStP-Spanish , 11:213). On contemporary views about the virtues of chastity, see Jordan, Renaissance Feminism, 29. 87. Holinshed, Holinshed’s Chronicles, 4:16–17. 8 8. J o h n N . K i n g , Tudor Royal Iconography: Literature and Art in an Age of Religious Crisis (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 197–99. 8 9. T h o m a s P a r k e t a l . , The Harleian miscellany; a collection of scarce, curious, and entertaining pamphlets and tracts, as well in manuscript as in print , 10 vols. (London: John White, 1813), 10:253–54. 9 0. A u g u s t 2 7 , 1 5 5 3 (CalStP-Spanish , 11:187). 91 . Re g i n a l d P o l e t o M a r y , A u g u s t 1 3 , 1 5 5 3 (CalStP-Venetian , 385). In a later memorial to Mary, written in December, he wrote, “Had the Lord wished it so to be, He would have established the reign of Northumberland. But such a government was not pleasing in His sight, and His hand destroyed it without the act of any man, and gave the crown into the hands of a virgin, because she was religious, pious, beloved of the Lord, and had placed all her trust in him” (CalStP-Spanish , 11:420). 92 . Marcus, Mueller, and Rose, Elizabeth I, 57. 9 3. N o v e m b e r 8 , 1 5 5 3 (CalStP-Spanish , 11:349). Likewise, in her Guildhall speech, she assured her subjects that “nothing was done herein by herself alone, but with consent and advisement of the whole Council” (Proctor, Historie of Wyates Rebellion , sig. 53v). 9 4. P r o c t o r , Historie of Wyates Rebellion , sig. 54r. 95 . Marcus, Mueller, and Rose, Elizabeth I , 59. Elizabeth echoed this statement to the Scottish ambassador, William Maitland, Laird of Lethington, in 1561 when she said, “So many doubts of marriage in all hands that I stand awe myself to enter in marriage, fearing the controversy. Once I am married already to the realm of England when I was crowned with this ring, which I bear continually in token thereof” (65). 96 . Renard to Charles V, October 15, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:297); Mary spoke of this again to Renard in early November, same to same, November 4 (11:334); and pointed it out to her council later that month (11:364). She spoke of having married her realm already to the ambassadors who arrived in January 1554 to complete the last phase of the negotiations and pointed to her ring; see Haus-Hof-und Staatsarchiv, Kart 17, f. 3v. She also spoke of her coronation ring when she addressed the Londoners in her Guildhall speech; see Procter, Historie of Wyates Rebellion , sig. 54r, and the version in Holinshed, Holinshed’s Chronicles, 16–17. 9 7. S P 6 9 / 2 / 9 5 . 9 8. P r o c t o r , Historie of Wyates Rebellion, sig. 53v; SP 11/2/9; see also Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol. 2, The Later Tudors, ed. Paul Hughes and James F. Larkin (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1969), 28. 99 . Renard to Charles V, October 12, 1553 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:289). 100 . SP 69/2/109. 1 0 1. Q u o t e d i n J o r d a n , Renaissance Feminism, 60–61. Juan Luis Vives had included similar advice in his book, The Education of a Christian Woman , also commissioned by Queen Catherine for Mary’s education: “For those thynges that Notes 213

be againste the lawes of god she ought not to do, thoughe hyr husbande commaunde hir neuer so muche. For she muste aknowlage one for better than hyr husbande, and haue more in pryce, that is Chryst” (sig. Y). 1 0 2. M a t t i n g l y , Catherine of Aragon , 293, 326; Maria Dowling, Humanism in the Age of Henry VIII (Dover, NH: Croom Helm, 1986), 225. 1 0 3. H o l i n s h e d , Holinshed’s Chronicles , 16–17. The report given to Cardinal Pole also referred to Mary’s self-presentation as “mother”: “On the day of her coronation, when the ring which she wears was put on her finger, she purposed accepting the realm of England and its entire population as her children; and thenceforth she never intended to do anything but what was for their benefit.” Pole to Cardinal Christoforo di Monte, February 8, 1554 ( CalStP-Venetian, 459). 104 . Marcus, Mueller, and Rose, Elizabeth I , 59, 72. 1 0 5. S P 1 1 / 1 / 2 0 . 106 . 1 Mary, st. 3, c.1, Statutes of the Realm, Volume 4, Part 1 [1547–1585] (London: Record Commission, 1819), 222; J. R. Tanner, ed., Tudor Constitutional Documents, A.D. 1485–1603, with an Historical Commentary (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1948), 123–24; Carole Levin has argued that the act “may be suggesting that when a woman is on the throne she is both king and queen” ( Heart and Stomach of a King, 122). See J. D. Alsop, “The Act for the Queen’s Regal Power, 1554,” Parliamentary History 13 (1994): 261–78, for the argument that the act was passed to limit Mary’s powers: because, as sole queen, her powers were undefined, she could in effect rule as a tyrant. The act might also be a reply to the report that two English lawyers had been “prompted to say that by English law, if his Highness marries the Queen, she loses her title to the Crown and his Highness becomes King, so that if children are born to the couple, the oldest will not be King but his Highness will continue in that position.” Renard to bishop of Arras, January 7, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish , 12:15). 107 . “Parliament would eventually insist that the political authority of a queen regnant over her husband would be as over any of her subjects” (Jordan, Renaissance Feminism, 106). 108 . James Melville, Memoirs of Sir James Melville of Halhill, 1535–1617 , ed. A. Francis Steuart (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1930), 94, quoted in Levin, Heart and Stomach of a King, 132. 109 . Dr. Wotton to the Council, December 23, 1553 (SP 69/2/110). 1 1 0. L e v i n , Heart and Stomach of a King, 121. 1 1 1. S P 6 9 / 2 / 1 1 0 .

4 The Marriage of a Queen: Mary’s Consort, Philip of Spain, and the Royal Marriage Ceremony 1 . See, for example, Haus-Hof-und Staatsarchiv, Kart 17 (I–IV Berichte Carl V 1554), f. 3v; Calendar of Letters, Despatches, and State Papers Relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain Preserved in the Archives at Simancas and Elsewhere , ed. Royall Tyler et al., 13 vols. (London: His Majesty’s 214 Notes

Stationery Office, 1862–1954), 11:409. [Series hereafter cited as CalStP- Spanish .] 2 . In marital alliance formation, “women were exchanged to serve a patriarchal sociopolitical system.” John Carmi Parsons, “Mothers, Daughters, Marriage, Power: Some Plantagenet Evidence, 1150–1500,” in Medieval Queenship , ed. John Carmi Parsons (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1993), 63; Garrett Mattingly, Catherine of Aragon (London: Jonathan Cape, 1944), 57–58. Although young princes were also used as diplomatic pawns, their situations were somewhat different in that they were not required to leave their family and country. 3 . Charles to Philip, April 2, 1553, from Brussels ( CalStP-Spanish , 11:27–29). Philip sent Ruy Gómez de Silva to Portugal to treat with the Portuguese in his name, and in spite of disagreements over the dowry, the negotiations were nearing conclusion when Philip was informed of the situation in England. See James M. Boyden, The Courtier and the King: Ruy Gómez de Silva, Philip II, and the Court of Spain (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 40 and 40n2, for Ruy Gómez’s role in the Portuguese negotiations. 4 . Charles to Philip, July 30, 1553 (CalStP-Spanish , 11:127); Philip to Charles V, August 22, 1553 (11:178). Philip did not completely abandon the Portuguese negotiations at this time, and Juan Vázquez de Molina was writing to one of Charles V’s secretaries, Francisco de Eraso, as late as mid-November that the Portuguese matter was still being left open until the English negotiations were definitively settled; CalStP-Spanish , 11:362–63. 5 . The relationship between Philip and his father has been well documented. For Philip’s role as dutiful son, see Geoffrey Parker, The Grand Strategy of Philip II (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998) 42, 77–82; Boyden, Courtier and the King, 43; for a different assessment of this relationship, see M. J. Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire: Charles V, Philip II and Habsburg Authority, 1551–1559 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 7–8. Although the historian Alexander Samson has pointed out that “Philip’s mayordomo mayor, Diego de Azevedo was continually in London from as early as May 1553,” it is not clear that he played any role in the negotiations other than acting as a conduit of information for Philip. Alexander Samson, “Power Sharing: The Co-Monarchy of Philip and Mary,” in Tudor Queenship: The Reigns of Mary and Elizabeth, ed. Alice Hunt and Anna Whitelock (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 163. 6 . Charles V may have omitted any Spanish representatives to forestall Spanish objections to the limitations on Philip’s power concluded in the marriage contract (State Papers Foreign, Mary, and Philip and Mary, SP 69/2/84). Lord William Howard, who had taken four armed vessels to accompany the ambassadors across the English Channel, wrote on December 28, 1553, to inform the council of their arrival in Canterbury on the previous day (SP 69/2/114). In another example of Philip’s subordinate role, it was Charles V who decided that a number of the English councillors and courtiers should receive pensions, although the sums would need to be paid out of Philip’s household, “so that the recipients may realise that Notes 215

they come from you, whom it behoves them to serve and follow.” Charles V to Philip, March 13, 1554, from Brussels (CalStP-Spanish , 12:149). 7 . Philip to Charles V, January 6, 1554 (CalStP-Spanish , 12:6). Francisco de Eraso, the emperor’s secretary, had earlier informed Philip, “For our sins no Spaniard is going; I am very zealous for our nation’s honor, but as long as the negotiation succeeds it does not matter by whom it is conducted” (November 21, 1553, CalStP-Spanish, 11:383–84). 8 . 1 Mary, st. 3, c. 2, Statutes of the Realm, Volume 4, Part 1 [1547–1585] (London: Record Commission, 1819), 222–26. For draft articles of the marriage contract, see SP 11/1/20. Mary’s role also differed from that of traditional royal brides in that she did not bring a dowry. Although Charles had intended that the queen’s dowry would be “her kingdoms and dominions,” Mary’s councillors had rejected this suggestion on the grounds that according to English custom “a kingdom might not be spoken of as a dowry” ( CalStP- Spanish , 11:415). Philip was still required to provide a dower, however, and Charles accepted this situation because the political advantages of the marriage for the Habsburgs greatly outweighed any material disad- vantages, particularly if a child was born to the union. See Paula Sutter Fichtner, “Dynastic Marriage in Sixteenth-Century Habsburg Diplomacy and Statecraft: An Interdisciplinary Approach,” American Historical Review 81, no. 2 (April 1976): 245, 247–48, 254. 9 . An abstract of the marriage treaty summed up Philip’s role succinctly: “1. First he to be intituled kinge duringe the matrimony. 2. But she to have the disposicion of all benefices etc. She to be intituled to his dominions duringe the marriage” (SP 69/3/128). Charlene Villaseñor-Black, “Love and Marriage in the Spanish Empire: Depictions of Holy Matrimony and Gender Discourses in the Seventeenth Century,” Sixteenth Century Journal 32, no. 3 (2001): 637–67, has observed that “honor, along with authority over family, formed the basis of Hispanic masculinity” (659). 10 . “Se les ha de entregar hasta parecer, que es el hombre de la tierra de su muger,” January 6, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish, 12:8). 1 1. CalStP-Spanish , 12:249–50; for Renard’s rationale to Charles, see ibid, 12:309. Although Philip had been awarded the title of king in the contract by the time he wrote these letters in May, he did not enjoy the full regal style until the marriage ceremony, in July. Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol. 2, The Later Tudors, ed. Paul Hughes and James F. Larkin (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1969), 45–46. Assuming the mantle of kingship would have seemed appropriate to Philip, according to the customs of Spain, as when a “daughter, in default of sons, bears the title,” then “her husband takes it by courtesy, as her consort.” Julian Pitt-Rivers, “Honour and Social Status,” in Honour and Shame: The Values of Mediterranean Society, ed. J. G. Peristiany (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966), 68. 1 2. Calendar of Letters and State Papers, Relating to English Affairs, Preserved Principally in the Archives of Simancas , ed. Martin A. S. Hume (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1892), 1:23. [Hereafter CalStP-Simancas .] 13 . Philip had empowered Count d’Egmont to ratify the treaty on his behalf so that the marriage could be contracted in March ( CalStP-Spanish, 12:138). 216 Notes

For Philip’s ratification of the marriage articles and oath to observe their contents before the English ambassadors in June, see SP 69/4/241; Andrés Muñoz, Sumaria y verdadera relación del buen viaje que el . . . Príncipe . . . don Felipe hizo a Inglaterra (Zaragoza, 1554), reprinted in Viaje de Felipe Segundo á Inglaterra, por Andrés Muñoz (impreso en Zaragoza en 1554), y relaciones varias relativas al mismo suceso, ed. Pascual de Gayangos (Madrid: Imprenta de Rivadeneyra, 1877), 50–51. See CalStP-Spanish , 12:4–5, for Philip’s rejection of the treaty months earlier, in January. Samson has argued that the ad cautelam “is the Spanish equivalent of the “Act for the Queen’s Regal Power” (“Power Sharing,” 164). 14 . Samson, “Power Sharing,” 164. 15 . For Mary’s unhappiness at lack of news from Philip about his arrival, see René Aubert de Vertot, ed., Ambassades de Messieurs de Noailles en Angleterre, 5 vols. (Paris: Leyde, 1763) 4:248: June 16, 1554, “elle est mal contante dudict prince, de tant que despuis son mariage conclud ne luy a escript de ses nouvelles.” Charles reproached Philip at one point for fail- ing to respond more quickly to his letters: see Philip’s defense of himself to Charles, May 11, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish, 12:244). By June, Charles was complaining to the Duke of Alva that Philip was not responding to his communications (Archivo General de Simancas, Estado 508, f. 155). For a review of the widespread contemporary beliefs that Philip was purposely procrastinating, see Tyler’s preface to CalStP-Spanish, 11:x–xii, and the cal- endared documents cited there. See Rodríguez-Salgado, Changing Face of Empire , 83, for the argument that the delays were not intentional. 16 . See Retha M. Warnicke, The Marrying of Anne of Cleves: Royal Protocol in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 107. In fact, gifts and tokens were an important part of courtship rituals for all classes of early modern society: see Diana O’Hara, Courtship and Constraint: Rethinking the Making of Marriage in Tudor England (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2000), 57–98; Ralph Houlbrooke, “The Making of Marriage in Mid-Tudor England: Evidence from the Records of Matrimonial Contract Litigation,” Journal of Family History 10, no. 4 (1985): 339–352, esp. 344. 17 . “Que assi mismo conviene que su alteza embie a Inglaterra, un cavallero, o persona principal y acepto con algun presente para la serenissima Reina por las arras del casamiento fecho el desposorio, y seria menester que esto fue se algun anillo y joya de qualidad porque en Inglaterra se mirara en ello.” Charles V to Philip, November 30–December 16, 1553, AGS, Estado 90, 129(2); Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España (Madrid, 1842–95) [hereafter cited as CODOIN], 3:488; CalStP-Spanish , 11:407. 18 . Philip to Renard, February 16, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish , 12:105). 19 . Mary was pleased with the gift, which she showed to everyone present, including her council and the emperor’s ambassadors. French transcrip- tion of Renard’s letter to Charles V, March 8, 1554, in Patrick Fraser Tytler, England under the Reigns of Edward VI and Mary with the Contemporary History of Europe (London: Richard Bentley, 1839), 2:327–28. 2 0. CalStP-Spanish , 11:403. Notes 217

21 . D’Egmont was told, however, to conclude his remarks by saying, in Charles’s words, “we hold her to be our daughter.” Charles V’s instructions to d’Egmont, February 18, 1554, Louis-Prosper Gachard, Collection des Voyages des Souverains des Pays-Bas (Brussels: M. Hayes, 1882), 4:345. “Vous présenteerez à ladicte Dame, de nostre part, la bague que vous trou- verez ausi audit pacquet, l’accompaignant de beaux motz et courtois, que jugerez convenir pour lui faire entendre que c’est une souvenance et bien de la partaicte amitié que lui portons, la tenant en lieu de propre fille.” See also CalStP-Spanish , 12:115. 22 . Joanna Woodall, “An Exemplary Consort: Antonis Mor’s Portrait of Mary Tudor,” Art History 14, no. 2 (June 1991): 213–14. See Muñoz, Viaje de Felipe Segundo , 13–14, for a list of the additional jewels and other gifts Philip sent to the queen and her ladies at this time; see also Ambassades de Noailles , 3:247–48 for a report of the arrival of the Marquis de las Navas. 23 . Archivo General de Simancas, Estado 508, 107 (“Duque por amor de dios que en la manera que mi hijo dea de haber sea tal qual convincente porque si el no lo haze assy digo que querir no haber entendido en este negocio”); CalStP-Spanish , 12:185. Although Philip was 27 years of age, the tone of the emperor’s request conveys the impression that Charles still viewed Philip as a youth rather than a man, in spite of the fact that he had been regent of Spain since 1543. 2 4. R e n a r d t o P h i l i p , J a n u a r y 8 , 1 5 5 4 (CalStP-Spanish , 12:19). CalStP-Spanish, 12:245; Mattingly, Catherine of Aragon , 25; Warnicke, Anne of Cleves, 107. 25 . Renard to Philip, February 19, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish , 12:121). 26 . Charles to Philip, March 21, 1554 (CalStP-Spanish , 12:164). 27 . Mary to Philip, April 20, 1554, British Library (BL), Cotton MS, Vespasian F.iii, no. 21; printed in Mary Anne Everett Wood, ed., Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies of Great Britain, from the Commencement of the Twelfeth Century to the Close of the Reign of Queen Mary: Edited Chiefly from the Originals: Illustrated with Facsimile Autographs, vol. 3 (London: Henry Colburn, 1846), 290–91. 28 . Philip to Charles V, from Valladolid, May 11, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish, 12:245). 29 . According to Ralph Houlbrooke, marriages in England were “convention- ally supposed to rest on mutual love or affection . . . declarations of love were an element of courtship often described by witnesses.” See “Making of Marriage,” 346. 30 . The different steps leading to the conclusion of a marriage included negotiating a contract, exchanging vows in the future tense, reading the banns, celebrating the nuptials with vows sworn in the present tense, and sexual consummation. See Jack Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 147; Warnicke, Anne of Cleves, 2. 31 . Charles V to Philip, February 16, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish , 12:100); Philip to Charles, January 6, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish, 12:6–7). According to Eric Josef Carlson, Marriage and the English Reformation (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994), 20, “Contracts by future words which had not been completed could be enforced by the courts, but they were reluctant to do so since judges noted 218 Notes

that forcing people into marriage often had unpleasant results.” See also James A. Brundage, Sex, Law, and Marriage in the Middle Ages (Aldershot: Variorum, 1993), 72–74. 3 2. T y t l e r , Reigns of Edward VI and Mary, 4:326–28. 3 3. CalStP-Spanish , 12:6. 3 4. W a r n i c k e , Anne of Cleves, 105. 35 . Many of the fears stemmed from the fact that although Philip did bring soldiers with him to England, none were allowed to set foot on shore, not only because the English had objected to their inclusion in Philip’s reti- nue but also because Charles had ordered his son to send him the troops who had accompanied him there. Juan de Varaona [Barahona], “Viaje de Felipe II á Inglaterra en 1554 cuando fué á casar con Reina Doña María,” in CODOIN, 1:566; Vertot, Ambassades de Noailles , 3:283–284. For rumors that Philip needed to be rescued, see AGS, Estado 103(2), 289. For hos- tages, see Noailles to Henry II, 18 Dec. 1553, Vertot, Ambassades de Noailles, 2:321–22: “Dadvantaige, sire, je suis certain que ledict empereur faict faire instance à ceste royne de luy bailler quarante ou cinquante jeunes millords qui seront & demoureront ostage & seureté de son filz durant le temps qu’il sera par-deça, pour le peu d’asseurance qu’il y a à ceste nation.” 36 . Anne J. Duggan, Introduction, Queens and Queenship in Medieval Europe: Proceedings of a Conference Held at King’s College London, April 1995, ed. Anne J. Duggan (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 1997), xviii. 37 . According to Renard, “Incredible preparations are being made at Southampton and Winchester for his arrival,” as early as April 1554 ( CalStP- Spanish , 12:214). On June 3, a letter was sent to the mayor and city dignitar- ies of Southampton to “putt themselves in redines to receave the Prince of Spaine and to cause such boates as they shall thinke meete for the purpose to be trimed . . . in the seemlieste and richeste maner they canne” (BL, Harleian MS 643, ff. 26(v)–27). The French ambassador Noailles reported that everything was ready in early June, including “tous les honneurs & triumphes qu’ilz pensent luy debvoir estre agreables.” Vertot, Ambassades de Noailles, 3:245. 38 . Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, Osborn MSS fb 162, Manual of Court duties for gentlemen of the chamber, f. 125; another version exists in the British Library, Cotton Vespasian MSS CXIV (vol. 1), ff. 274–87. A printed version of these instructions can be found in John Gough Nichols, ed., “Ceremonies and Services at Court in the Time of King Henry the Seventh,” in Collection of Ordinances and Regulations for the Royal Household, Made in Divers Reigns, from King Edward III to King William and Queen Mary. Also Receipts in Ancient Cookery (London: Society of Antiquaries, 1790), 121–26. For similar greetings given to foreign brides, see Caroline Hibbard, “Translating Royalty: Henrietta Maria and the Transition from Princess to Queen,” Court Historian 5, no. 1 (May 2000): 18; Warnicke, Anne of Cleves, 128–30. 39 . SP 69/4/241, Mary’s Council to Dr. Wotton, July 25, 1554; William Douglas Hamilton, ed., A Chronicle of England during the Reigns of the Tudors from A.D. 1485–1559, by Charles Wriothesley (New York: Johnson Reprints, 1965), 2:113. Notes 219

40 . SP 11/4/17; SP 69/241; CODOIN, 1:566–67. According to Noailles, on July 19, 1554, the Marquis de las Navas along with six young English courtiers who had been appointed to Philip’s new English household joined the prince on board his ship, while the following day, the Earl of Arundel accompanied by the Earls of Derby and Shrewsbury “met him upon the water” and brought him to shore. Ambassades de Noailles , 3:284–85. The Spanish noblemen who joined him on shore at this time included the Counts of Feria and Olivares, Ruy Gómez de Silva, Don Pedro de Córdoba, Gutierra Lopez de Padilla, and Don Diego de Acevedo. Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 65. 41 . SP 69/4/241. The George, a gold medal depicting St. George, was hung around his neck on a chain or ribbon, while Arundel tied the garter around the prince’s left leg. Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 65–66; John Elder, The Copie of a Letter Sent in to Scotlande of the arivall and landynge, and moste noble marryage of the moste Illustre Prince Philippe, Prynce of Spaine, to the most excellente Princes Marye Quene of England (London: John Waylande, 1555) (STC 7552), sig. Aiii. I discuss Philip’s role in the Order of the Garter further in chapter 5 . 42 . CODOIN, 1:568; Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 67. 4 3. G a y a n g o s , Viaje de Felipe Segundo , 66; CODOIN, 1:567. 44 . For the jewel, clothing, horses, and cloak, see Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 68, 89, 92. One of the suits was of rich brocade embroidered with gold thread and covered with pearls and diamond buttons, the other a suit of crimson brocade. For the cloak, see Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 95; CODOIN, 1:572. 45 . Charles V’s ambassadors had reported to him that “on Saturday, the Chancellor came to his Highness and brought him a diamond as a token from the Queen, after the custom of the country. The same day, the Earl of Arundel returned to the Queen, carrying to her from his Highness another token in the shape of a diamond,” although they noted it was “considerably smaller than the first one.” M. de Courrières and Renard to Charles V, July 26, 1554 (CalStP-Spanish , 13:1). Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo , 91. 46 . Don Juan de Figueroa to Charles V, July 26, 1554 (CODOIN, 3:521). 47 . Although in early modern English society women could and did give gifts and tokens as a part of courtship rituals, gift giving was predominantly a male ritual: according to Diana O’Hara, “The unevenness of the exchange assigned to women the primarily passive and more obligated role of recipient.” See O’Hara, Courtship and Constraint, 65; see also Houlbrooke, “Making of Marriage,” 344. 4 8. M a t t i n g l y , Catherine of Aragon, 36–37. 4 9. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, 1509–47: Preserved in the Public Record Office, the British Museum and Elsewhere in England , ed. J. Brewer, J. Gairdner, and R. Brodie, 21 vols. (London, 1862– 1920), vol. 13, pt. 1, 56; CalStP-Spanish , 5.2:213. 5 0. W a r n i c k e , Anne of Cleves, 53. This proposal, however, was met with deri- sion by the French. 220 Notes

51 . Her rejection of Courtenay, her English suitor, was based at least in part on his immature behavior. 5 2. Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, vol. 14, pt. 2, 658; David M. Loades, Mary Tudor: A Life (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), 127–29. It was perhaps her experience with the duke, who had taken the opportunity of kissing Mary during one of their meetings, that led Mary to expect similar romantic behavior from Philip. 5 3. S u s a n D o r a n , Monarchy and Matrimony: The Courtships of Elizabeth I (London: Routledge, 1996), 186–87; Victor von Klarwill, ed., Queen Elizabeth and Some Foreigners: Being a Series of Hitherto Unpublished Letters from the Archives of the Hapsburg Family (London: John Lane, 1928), 186. See Warnicke, Anne of Cleves , 54, for examples of the Spanish court requiring foreign suitors to travel to Spain in order to win approval for their betrothals with Spanish infantas. 5 4. H e n r y , K i n g o f E n g l a n d , Instructions Given by King Henry the Seventh to His Embassadors, When He Intended to Marry the Young Queen of Naples: Together with the Answers of the Embassadors (London: T. Becket, and P. A. De Hondt, 1761); Warnicke, Anne of Cleves, 51. 5 5. CalStP-Spanish , 11:290, 297. 56 . Renard to Philip, October 29, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:326). 5 7. CalStP-Spanish , 11:367. 58 . See John Wyndham Pope-Hennessy, The Portrait in the Renaissance (New York: Bolingen Foundation, 1966); Marianna Jenkins, The State Portrait: Its Origins and Evolutions (New York: College Art Association of America, 1947); Lorne Campbell, Renaissance Portraits: European Portrait-Painting in the 14th, 15th and 16th Centuries (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990). 5 9. CalStP-Spanish , 11:355. The English were said to have been pleased with Philip’s appearance when he arrived in England, “for a very different portrayal of him had been supplied for them by the French painters” (CODOIN, 3:520). He was described as being “well favored, with a brod forhead, & gray iyes, streight nosed, and manly countenaunce.” He had “a yeallowe head, and a yeallowe berde,” and was “so wel proporcioned of bodi, arme legge and every other limme to the ame, as nature cannot work a more parfite paterne.” Elder, Letter , sig. Fv. 60 . See Joanna Woodall, “An Exemplary Consort: Antonis Mor’s Portrait of Mary Tudor,” Art History 14, no. 2 (June 1991): 192–224, esp. 197. 61 . Again, this was a reversal of gender roles. According to Campbell, Renaissance Portraits , “When a marriage between princes was being negoti- ated, a portrait of the lady was often sent to the man so that he might have some advance knowledge of her appearance . . . The lady was not expected to take so strong an interest in her future husband’s appearance but often did receive a portrait as marriage negotiations went forward” (197). 6 2. W a r n i c k e , Anne of Cleves , 48–49, discusses this convention; see also Martin Warnke, The Court Artist: On the Ancestry of the Modern Artist (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 219. 6 3. CalStP-Spanish , 11:357. Notes 221

6 4. W a r n i c k e , Anne of Cleves , 47–57, 131–38. 6 5. H a m i l t o n , Wriothesley’s Chronicle , 1:109. 6 6. W a r n i c k e , Anne of Cleves, 134. 6 7. CalStP-Simancas , 1:73, quoted in Ilona Bell, “Elizabeth I—Always Her Own Free Woman,” in Political Rhetoric, Power, and Renaissance Women, ed. Carole Levin and Patricia A. Sullivan (New York: State University of New York Press, 1995), 64. 6 8. W i l l i a m T h o m a s W a l s h , Philip II (London: Sheed and Ward, 1937), 67–75; John Lynch, Spain 1516–1598: From Nation State to World Empire (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991), 72; C. A. Marsden, “Entrées et Fêtes Espagnoles au XVI Siècle,” in Fêtes et Cérémonies au Temps de Charles Quint, ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1960), 411; CalStP- Spanish , 5.2:226; William Hickling Prescott, History of the Reign of Philip the Second, King of Spain , 4 vols. (New York: AMS Press, 1968), 3:431. 6 9. J e a n d e V a n d e n e s s e , Journal des voyages de Philippe II, de 1554 à 1569, in Gachard, Collection des Voyages , 17. 70 . Although Mary did not disguise herself, she clearly maintained control of all aspects of the meeting as the dominant partner, and thus the ceremony maintained its function, in Retha Warnicke’s words, as a “ritual sign of dominance.” 71 . SP 69/4/241; Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo , 69–71; Elder, Letter , sig. Aiiii. 7 2. C h a r l e s t o P h i l i p (CalStP-Spanish , 11:404); ibid., 12:295–96. Gardiner thought that Philip’s inability to speak English would be a potential problem if the marriage did take place ( CalStP-Spanish, 11:339). 7 3. G a y a n g o s , Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 71. 74 . CODOIN, 1:569; CODOIN, 3:522; Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 92–93; Elder, Letter , sig. Aiiii(v)–Av. 7 5. CalStP-Spanish , 11:388, 391. 7 6. C O D O I N , 3 : 5 2 0 . 7 7. G a y a n g o s , Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 71: “Con la gorra en la mano, las recebia besándolas á todas, por no quebrantar el uso de la tierra.” 78 . Don Juan de Figueroa to Charles V, July 26, 1554 (CODOIN, 3:520). Figueroa reported that Philip received them graciously: “Recibió gra- ciosamente á los que llegaron á besar la mano.” For the custom of besa- manos, see Teofilo F. Ruiz, “Unsacred Monarchy: The Kings of Castile in the Late Middle Ages,” in Rites of Power: Symbolism, Ritual, and Politics since the Middle Ages, ed. Sean Wilenz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 125–27. 79 . See Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 43–48. 8 0. G a y a n g o s , Viaje de Felipe Segundo , 72, 92; CODOIN, 1:569. 8 1. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Av. 8 2. CalStP-Spanish , 13:1. At the time, Philip still had to discover “when he was to leave Southampton for Winchester.” 83 . Beinecke Library, Osborn MS fb 162, f. 125. 8 4. I b i d . ; R e n a r d t o C h a r l e s V (CalStP-Spanish , 13:1): “It was decided . . . that the marriage should take place . . . after the manner observed in royal 222 Notes

weddings in England, publicly and without any change in the ceremony.” The public nature of the ceremony was in contrast to Philip’s 1560 marriage to Isabel of Valois; see Relaciones Históricas de los Siglos XVI y XVII (Madrid: M. Tello for Sociedad de Bibliófilos Españoles, 1896), 54–59. 85 . Judith M. Richards, “Mary Tudor as ‘Sole Quene’? Gendering Tudor Monarchy,” Historical Journal 40, no. 4 (December 1997): 895–924; see 909. 8 6. M a t t i n g l y , Catherine of Aragon, 106; Eric W. Ives, Anne Boleyn (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986), 202. 8 7. I v e s , Anne Boleyn, 413; Warnicke, Anne of Cleves, 149. See also Nicole Belmont, “The Symbolic Function of the Wedding Procession in the Popular Rituals of Marriage,” in Ritual, Religion, and the Sacred: Selections from the Annales—Èconomies, Sociètes, Civilisations , vol. 7, ed. Robert Forster and Orest Ranum (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982), 1–2. 8 8. J . J . S c a r i s b r i c k , Henry VIII (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), 429–30. 8 9. M a t t i n g l y , Catherine of Aragon , 39–42. Few details survive of Henry VII’s own marriage to Elizabeth of York, other than the fact that it included magnificent festivities. Henry VII also postponed the marriage because he wanted his own claim to the throne to take precedence so that “there would be no possibility that his title to the Crown might be considered as devolving through the Queen.” He therefore did not marry her until five months after he had won the crown at Bosworth Field in 1485 and three months after his own coronation; see Sydney Anglo, “The Foundation of the Tudor Dynasty: The Coronation and Marriage of Henry VII,” Guildhall Miscellany 2, no. 1 (September 1960): 3–11. 90 . Corporation of London Record Office, Journal 16, f. 295(v). Judith Richards has conjectured that Mary’s distrust of the Londoners’ loyalties after Wyatt’s Rebellion may have been another reason the marriage took place in Winchester. 91 . In London, the prince’s safe arrival and subsequent marriage to Mary were also celebrated with bonfires, feasting, processions, Te Deums, and ringing of church bells. See Henry Machyn, The Diary of Henry Machyn: Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London from A.D. 1550–1563, ed. John Gough Nichols (London: Printed for the Camden Society, 1848), 66; John Gough Nichols, ed., The Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, Camden Society Publications 53 (London: Printed for the Camden Society, 1852), 90–91. The participation of the nobility in the marriage ceremony may also have served to strengthen their allegiance to Mary, just as Jennifer Loach, “The Function of Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII,” Past and Present 142 (February 1994): 43–68, has suggested that important ceremonies, such as coronations and funerals, were intended to “bind together the ruler and his most important subjects” (44). 9 2. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Av(v). 93 . CODOIN, 1:569; CODOIN, 3:523; Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 93. Philip had officially received the ambassadors the night before the Notes 223

wedding. Most of the Spanish personnel who had accompanied Philip to England had not been allowed to disembark with him at Southampton; instead, they were instructed to land at Portsmouth, and from there they made their way to Winchester. See SP 11/4/17. Some of the Englishmen who took part in Philip’s procession to the cathedral were said to be ser- vants of Lord William Howard (see CODOIN, 3:523). 9 4. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Av(v); BL, Additional MS 4712, f. 79. 95 . BL, Additional MS 4712, f. 79. According to one Spanish account, Philip left his seat and went to greet Mary and all of her ladies: see CODOIN, 1:570. 96 . BL, Harleian MS 643, f. 28. Again, these matters were accomplished according to precedents: “At Richmond the xiiij day of June anno 1554. A letter to John Norrise gentleman usher signefienge the Lorde Chamberlene hath given order for the hanginges he wrotte for, and that he should cause convenyente . . . stages to be made in the Trinity Church for the marryage after such forme as shalbe declarede unto him by Garter Kinge at Armes, who is sente thether therfore to instruct him therin.” 9 7. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Bi(v). This was echoed by Spanish accounts; see Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo , 93; CODOIN, 1:572. 98 . C. V. Malfatti, ed. and trans., The Accession, Coronation, and Marriage of Mary Tudor as Related in Four Manuscripts of the Escorial (Barcelona: Sociedad Alianza, 1956), 87; Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 74; CODOIN, 1:572, adds that she also wore a ruby the prince had given to her. One Italian account recorded that Mary wore a white silk kirtle under her gown. According to Alison J. Carter, “Mary Tudor’s Wardrobe,” Costume: The Journal of the Costume Society 18 (1984): 9–28, Mary “clearly recognized the power of clothes to influence and impress” (11). 9 9. G a y a n g o s , Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 73, 95; CODOIN, 1:572. At the time of Mary’s death, it was recorded that Philip had left some of his wedding attire behind, including a “French robe of cloth of gold adorned with crimson velvet and thistles of curled gold, lined in crimson satin, with twelve buttons made of four pearls each on each sleeve, making twenty-four in all.” See CalStP-Spanish , 13:442. 100 . “Que tiraba más al trage de allá que al de España” (Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 73). 101 . Samson, “Changing Places: The Marriage and Royal Entry of Philip, Prince of Austria, and Mary Tudor, July–August 1554,” Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 3 (2005): 765. Mary had also given Philip a “French robe of cloth of gold, with the roses of England and pomegranates embroidered on it, adorned with drawn gold beads and seed pearls,” which he attested was a gift from Mary “to wear on our wedding day in the afternoon, but I do not think I wore it because it seemed to me ornate.” CalStP-Spanish, 13:442. 102 . See Abby Zanger, “Fashioning the Body Politic: Imagining the Queen in the Marriage of Louis XIV,” in Women and Sovereignty, ed. Louise Olga Fradenburg (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992), 101–21, in which she discusses the import of clothing for infanta María Teresa’s 224 Notes

image as bride and queen consort of Louis XIV. Curiously, Philip’s gar- ments matched the color traditionally worn by English queen consorts as they processed to their coronations. 103 . BL, Additional MS 4712, f. 79(v); CODOIN, 3:523–24. 104 . CODOIN, 3:522–23. Philip may have planned this all along: he could assert his independence from Charles while at the same time pleasing his wife, who in all likelihood would agree to the public presentation at the wedding because it increased her own status to marry a king rather than a prince. 105 . CODOIN, 1:571. He records that the bishop asked the same questions and used the same ceremonies as were used in Spain: “Luego el obispo hizo el desposorio con las mismas preguntas y solenidad que hacen en España.” The wedding between Mary and Philip, who were cousins, had also required a special dispensation from the pope, which Mary had requested. According to Varaona, it was read in front of a few witnesses just prior to the ceremony. 106 . BL, Additional MS 4712, f. 79(v). 107 . Richards, “Mary Tudor as ‘Sole Quene’?,” 912–13. 108 . See chapter 3 of this volume. Normally, the bride would be given away by her father: according to David Cressy, this “giving” of the bride was “a tacit and public demonstration of his consent for her to be married. It sig- nalled permission rather than possession.” David Cressy, Birth, Marriage, and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 339. 109 . BL, Additional MS 4712, f. 79(v). 1 1 0. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Avi(v). It was later reported by the Venetian ambassador in November that “on her finger the Queen has two rings, with which she was espoused twice, first on her accession when she was crowned and secondly when she became the wife of the present King of Spain.” Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating to English Affairs, Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice, and in Other Libraries of Northern Italy , ed. Rawdon Brown, 39 vols. (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1864–1947), 5:593. She had processed to the cathedral between two unmarried lords before the wedding, just as when she returned afterward she walked between two married lords as custom demanded. Beinecke Library, Osborn MS fb 162, ff. 123–23(v); CODOIN, 1:571. 111 . Samson, “Changing Places,” 763, quoting Bodleian MS Wood F33, f. 49r. 112 . Samson, “Changing Places,” chapter 2. 113 . BL, Harleian MS 643, f. 30: “A letter to Lawrence Bradshawe surbayore of the Workes, signefyinge that the Queenes highnes mindeth to dine a broade the daye of her maryage” (Elder, Letter , sig. Aviii). 1 1 4. G a y a n g o s , Viaje de Felipe Segundo , 95; Osborn MS fb 162, f. 124(v). The removal of the royal couple after the wedding ceremony from the church to the palace also demonstrated visually the reversed positions both bride and groom held. Normally on her wedding day, a bride was conveyed from her father’s home to the church for the wedding and then conducted to the home of her new spouse, symbolizing the change in her condition: her Notes 225

status as a possession, “like an object that is handed from one owner to another,” remains the same, however. In Mary and Philip’s case, the bride processed from her lodgings in her subject’s palace to the cathedral and then returned there once again in the company of her new husband. It was Philip who was conveyed to his wife’s home after the marriage, demonstrating the changed nature of his status rather than hers. See Belmont, “Symbolic Function of the Wedding Procession,” 2. 1 1 5. G a y a n g o s , Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 75. 1 1 6. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Avi, Avii; BL, Additional MS 4712, f. 80. See also Hamilton, Wriothesley’s Chronicle, 120. The latter account, 119–20, also states that Mary had placed herself to the right of Philip at their first public meeting when she left the dais to greet him and conduct him into her chamber of presence. 117 . Samson, “Changing Places,” 762, quoting Muñoz’s account in Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 75. 118 . CODOIN, 1:570, 571: “El Rey á la mano derecha y la Reina á la izquierda.” 1 1 9. C O D O I N , 1 : 5 7 0 . 1 2 0. G a y a n g o s , Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 94. This account, as well as Muñoz’s account, were both printed in Spain in 1554. 121 . BL, Additional MS 4712, f. 79(v). 122 . According to Elder, when Stephen Gardiner had earlier declared the terms of the marriage treaty to Parliament in January 1554, he declared the contract would restrict Philip’s role even further. Philip would “vouchsaff so to humble himself, as in this maryadge to take apon him rather as a subject then otherwise; and that the queen shoulde rule all thinges as she doth nowe.” “John Elder’s letter,” in John G. Nichols, ed., The Chronicle of Queen Jane and of Two Years of Queen Mary , and Especially of the Rebellion of Sir Thomas Wyat, Camden Society Publications 48 (London: Camden Society, 1850), 35. 123 . SP 69/4/241, Council to Dr. Wotton, July 25, 1554. In requiring Philip to do this, the council had achieved their aim of having Philip swear to the articles in public during the marriage ceremony; they had earlier been foiled by Philip’s refusal to have the vows sworn to per verbo de futuro. 124 . Charles responded on April 1, 1554, that he would not consider even men- tioning this to Mary or her council. Mary had pledged her word, “so her subjects wish you to do the same before landing” ( CalStP-Spanish, 13:182). 125 . BL, Harleian MS 643, f. 31(v). 126 . See Richards, “Mary Tudor as ‘Sole Quene’?,” 911, for a somewhat different account of sword symbolism during the wedding. 127 . For the proper order of sword bearing for a king, see BL, Harleian MS 1776, f. 22. 128 . See Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo , 54. 129 . BL, Additional MS 4712, f. 80; Elder, Letter , sig. Avi(v). 1 3 0. G a y a n g o s , Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 94: “Vino ésta acompañada de todos sus grandes, que llaman el Consejo, y su Espada delante y sus maceros, y lo mismo llevó el Rey, todos ingleses.” 226 Notes

131 . Another sword of state had to be sent for at the time. Tytler, “Relation of what passed at the celebration of the marriage of our prince with the most serene queen of England,” in Reigns of Edward VI and Mary, 2:432. Another Spaniard only mentioned that “the sword is carried before his Highness” but added that Mary had given Philip yet more gifts, including a richly decorated dagger studded with gems and two robes. 132 . This was when it had been made known to Mary. Hamilton, Wriothesley’s Chronicle, 2:120–21. Wriothesley also records the names of the sword- bearers, which match the other accounts: the Earl of Derby before Mary and the Earl of Pembroke before the king. For a different description of the variations in the ceremonial use of swords, see Richards, “Mary Tudor as ‘Sole Quene’?,” 911. 133 . In contrast, Alexander Samson has argued that “the fact that both Mary and Philip wore white cloth of gold to the wedding ceremony may be intended to suggest an analogy between that event and a coronation or investiture for Philip. In this sense, his wedding outfit transformed Philip symbolically into a queen consort. This was paradoxically, then, a wedding of two queens, two monarchs whose visual identification with each other may also have been intended to suggest a kind of equality between them in terms of power.” See Samson, “Changing Places,” 765. 134 . SP 69/4/241; Order was made in early June for payments to be collected “for and abowte the gylding of the Crosse in Chepeside, the makynge of pageannts and other wyse garnysshing . . . other places of the citye agaynst the cumyng in of the prynce of Spayne.” See Corporation of London Record Office Journal 16, f. 289. On this occasion, Philip wore a hat given to him by the queen, “with a little chain and a medal with diamonds and rubies, and white plumes” (CalStP-Spanish , 13:442). 1 3 5. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Bv. When Philip entered Winchester, however, he had been handed golden keys to the city by the city officials: see Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 68. 136 . Philip’s royal entry through London and the pageantry to welcome Philip have been written about extensively. See Sydney Anglo, Spectacle, Pageantry, and Early Tudor Policy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 327–39, for analysis of the pageantry and reactions to it; see David Scott Kastan, “‘Shewes of Honour and Gladnes’: Dissonance and Display in Mary and Philip’s Entry into London,” Research Opportunities in Renaissance Drama 33 (1994): 1–14, for a slightly different viewpoint. See also Gordon Kipling, Enter the King: Theatre, Liturgy, and Ritual in the Medieval Civic Triumph (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 65, 311, 347–48, 349n. 1 3 7. N i c h o l s , Chronicle of Queen Jane, 80. 138 . Both the Latin verse and English translation in Elder, Letter , sig. Bvi(v). 1 3 9. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Cii, Ciii(v)–Civ. 1 4 0. La solenne et felice intrata delli Serenissimi Re Philippo, et Regina Maria d’Inghilterra, nella regal città di Londra alli xviij. d’Agosto M.D.L.IIII. (Rome, [1554]). 1 4 1. K i p l i n g , Enter the King, 347n122. Notes 227

1 4 2. A c c o r d i n g t o K i p l i n g , Enter the King, “Heavenly Wisdom descends to place a crown on Mary’s head, thus staging the moment of epiphany which identifies ‘the Prince of God among us’” (348). He also connects this pageant to one made for Henry VI in 1432. The depiction of Philip being crowned by Mary is somewhat ironic, considering the fact that he never enjoyed the coronation in England that he had desired. 1 4 3. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Cv. Again it is not clear whether these living arrange- ments continued. I discuss this further in chapter 6 . 144 . SP 69/4/241. The Spanish account of the council’s first meeting with Philip records that the council acknowledged him as king “and asked him what order he meant to have observed in the government of the realm, justice and administration, offering to serve him faithfully” ( CalStP- Spanish, 13:1).

5 To Be the King: Defining the Roles of Queen Regnant and King Consort 1 . The use and importance of ceremony and symbolism in defining kingship during the Tudor period has been explored by, among others, David Starkey, “Representation Through Intimacy: A Study in the Symbolism of Monarchy and Court Office in Early-Modern England,” in Symbols and Sentiments: Cross-Cultural Studies in Symbolism , ed. Ioan Lewis (London: Academic Press, 1977), 187–224; Jennifer Loach, “The Function of Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII,” Past and Present 142 (February 1994): 43–68; Sydney Anglo, Images of Tudor Kingship (London: Seaby, 1992) and Spectacle, Pageantry, and Early Tudor Policy (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969); Fiona Kisby, “‘When the King Goeth a Procession’: Chapel Ceremonies and Services, the Ritual Year, and Religious Reforms at the Early Tudor Court, 1485–1547,” Journal of British Studies 40, no. 1 (January 2001): 44–75. 2 . H . F . M . P r e s c o t t , Mary Tudor (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1962), 288. 3 . Carolly Erickson, Bloody Mary (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1978), 387. 4 . David M. Loades, Mary Tudor: A Life (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), 7–8. See also Loades, The Reign of Mary Tudor: Politics, Government, and Religion in England, 1553–58 , 2nd ed. (London: Longman, 1991), 65. 5 . L o a d e s , Reign of Mary Tudor, ix. 6 . David Loades, “Philip II and the Government of England,” in Law and Government under the Tudors, ed. C. Cross, D. Loades, and J. Scarisbrick (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 194; Loades, Reign of Mary Tudor, 397. 7 . Glyn Redworth, “‘Matters Impertinent to Women’: Male and Female Monarchy under Philip and Mary,” English Historical Review 112 (June 1997): 597–613. 8 . I b i d . , 6 1 1 . 228 Notes

9 . A n g l o , Spectacle , 339; John N. King, Tudor Royal Iconography: Literature and Art in an Age of Religious Crisis (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 212, 215; David Howarth, Images of Rule: Art and Politics in the English Renaissance, 1485–1649 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 25. 10 . Judith M. Richards, “Mary Tudor as ‘Sole Queen’? Gendering Tudor Monarchy,” Historical Journal 40, no. 4 (December 1997): 895. Alexander Samson has recently followed suit, effectively demonstrating that Mary used the marriage ceremony to assure her populace she would retain sovereignty over them. See Alexander Samson, “Changing Places: The Marriage and Royal Entry of Philip, Prince of Austria, and Mary Tudor, July–August 1554,” Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 3 (2005): 761–84. See also Charles Beem, The Lioness Roared: The Problems of Female Rule in English History (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), who has pointed out that “the question of whether Mary really desired Philip’s active participation as king remains unresolved” (97). Prior to Richards, Samson, and Beem, Jennifer Loach, Parliament and the Crown in the Reign of Mary Tudor (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), and Elizabeth Russell, “Mary Tudor and Mr. Jorkins,” Historical Research 63 (October 1990): 263–76, had already begun to argue that Mary was a much more capable ruler than traditionally depicted. 11 . Linda Porter, The First Queen of England: The Myth of “Bloody Mary” (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2008); Anna Whitelock, Mary Tudor: England’s First Queen (London: Bloomsbury, 2010); Alice Hunt and Anna Whitelock, eds., Tudor Queenship: The Reigns of Mary and Elizabeth (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); Susan Doran and Thomas S. Freeman, eds., Mary Tudor: Old and New Perspectives (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011). 12 . Alexander Samson, “Power Sharing: The Co-Monarchy of Philip and Mary,” in Hunt and Whitelock, Tudor Queenship, 169. 13 . Philip to Simon Renard, February 16, 1554, Calendar of Letters, Despatches, and State Papers Relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain Preserved in the Archives at Simancas and Elsewhere , ed. Royall Tyler et al., 13 vols. (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1862–1954), 12:104. [Series hereafter cited as CalStP-Spanish .] Renard to Philip, November 23, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish, 13:103). 14 . Charles Howard McIlwain, ed., The Political Works of James I (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1918). 15 . Count d’Egmont to Philip, January 21, 1554, Archivo de Simancas, Estado 808, f. 2v: “La reyna haya hezo publicar el casimiento de vuestra alteza con ella a los gentiles hombres officiales y servidores de su corte con mandamiento de obederez a vuestra alteza como a ello.” She had also ordered the same proclaimed to the mayor, sheriff, aldermen, and people of London, “los quales han hecho demostrand déstar contentos.” See also CalStP-Spanish , 12:37–38. 16 . British Library (BL), Cotton MS, Vespasian F iii, no. 23; printed in Henry Ellis, Original Letters, Illustrative of English History, 2nd series, vol. 2 (London: Harding, Triphook, and Lepard, 1827), 252. Notes 229

17 . 1 Mary, st. 3, c. 2, Statutes of the Realm, Volume 4, Part 1 [1547–1585] (London: Record Commission, 1819). Philip himself, whether he was sincere or not, assured Mary’s Privy Council that this was the role he intended to play. He “praised their zeal in public affairs, urged them to continue in the same way, and assured them that he had come to help them to the best of his ability, but not to introduce changes” (CalStP- Spanish , 13:1). 18 . See Constance Jordan, “Woman’s Rule in Sixteenth-Century British Political Thought,” Renaissance Quarterly 40, no. 3 (Autumn 1987): 421–51, esp. 428–29. See also Redworth, “Matters Impertinent to Women,” esp. 601–3. 19 . Redworth, “Matters Impertinent to Women,” 598n2; See Peggy K. Liss, Isabel the Queen: Life and Times (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 79–80 and 96–108. Elizabeth A. Lehfeldt has written, “Ferdinand was accorded power, but much of it was confined to the realm of Aragon. He was mostly regarded as a king-consort in Castile, leaving Isabel with sig- nificant power.” See “Ruling Sexuality: The Political Legitimacy of Isabel of Castile,” Renaissance Quarterly 53, no. 1 (Spring 2000): 31–56. See also J. M. Batista I Roca, “The Hispanic Kingdoms and the Catholic Kings,” in The Renaissance 1493–1520, ed. G. R. Potter and Denys Hay, New Cambridge Modern History Series, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957), 320–21. 20 . Dr. Wotton to Mary and Philip, August 10, 1554, State Papers Foreign, Mary, and Philip and Mary, SP 69/5/249. 2 1. Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol. 2, The Later Tudors, ed. Paul Hughes and James F. Larkin (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1969), 45–46; John Elder, The Copie of a Letter Sent in to Scotlande of the arivall and landynge, and moste noble marryage of the moste Illustre Prince Philippe . . . to the most excellente Princes Marye Quene of England (London: John Waylande, 1555) (STC 7552), sig. Avii(v); John Gough Nichols, ed., The Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London , Camden Society Publications 53 (London: Printed for the Camden Society, 1852), 91; Charles L. Kingsford, ed., “Two London Chronicles from the Collection of John Stow,” in Camden Miscellany 12, Camden 3rd Series (London: Camden Society, 1910), 37. Dr. Nicolas Harpsfield had also announced the titles during his sermon at Paul’s Cross on July 29, according to Two London Chronicles, 37. The titles were proclaimed in Latin, English, and French at the wedding and printed in English and Latin and posted at various spots in the city on August 1. Elder included both Latin and English versions in his published account. 22 . A. G. Dickens, ed., “Robert Parkyn’s Narrative of the Reformation,” English Historical Review 62 (1947): 62; Richards, “Mary Tudor as ‘Sole Queen’?,” 913. 2 3. CalStP-Spanish , 12:269. 2 4. I b i d . 25 . Ibid., 202. Isabella and Ferdinand agreed that either one’s signature was valid in both kingdoms. 230 Notes

26 . BL, Harleian MS 643, f. 49. Examples of Mary’s and Mary and Philip’s Great Seals can be found at the Public Record Office, E156/36. King, Tudor Royal Iconography , 212. 2 7. L i s s , Isabel , 107. 2 8. J o h n G . N i c h o l s , e d . , The Chronicle of Queen Jane and of Two Years of Queen Mary, and Especially of the Rebellion of Sir Thomas Wyat, Camden Society Publications 48 (London: Camden Society, 1850), 82. 2 9. A supplicacyon to the quenes maiestie (London: John Cawoode, 1555), cviiir. 30 . SP 12/90/16. Jennifer Loach has described the custom of seating the queen consort on a chair “a good deal” lower than the king’s during joint coronation ceremonies “Function of Ceremonial,” 42–68, esp. 52. 31 . Richards, “Mary Tudor as ‘Sole Quene’?,” 917n109. This image was published in W. J. Petchey, A Prospect of Maldon: 1500–1689 (Chelmsford, UK: Essex Record Office, 1991), 152. See chapter 6 for a further discussion of pictorial images of Mary and Philip. 32 . See Kingsford, “Two London Chronicles,” 37–38; Nichols, Chronicle of Queen Jane, 81. For the opening of Parliament, see Henry Machyn, The Diary of Henry Machyn: Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London from A.D. 1550–1563, ed. John Gough Nichols (London: Printed for the Camden Society, 1848), 74. On this occasion, the Earl of Pembroke bore Philip’s sword while the Earl of Cumberland bore the queen’s; the Earl of Shrewsbury processed before Philip carrying his cap of maintenance, while the Earl of Arundel bore Mary’s. 33 . Count G. T. Langosco da Stroppiana to Granvelle, Bishop of Arras, November 13, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish , 13:81). 34 . Isabel of Castile had also used sword ceremony to establish her sole authority over Castile, reviving a medieval tradition in spite of opposition to her use of a masculine symbol of kingly power. See Liss, Isabel, 97–99; Lehfeldt, “Ruling Sexuality,” 34–35. 3 5. N i c h o l s , Grey Friars’ Chronicle , 92. 36 . A contemporary explanation of the historical origins of the order can be found in the “Report of England by Giacomo Seranzo,” August 18, 1554, in Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating to English Affairs, Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice, And in Other Libraries of Northern Italy, ed. Rawdon Brown et al., 39 vols. (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1864–1890), 5:547. [Series hereafter cited as CalStP-Venetian .]: “The Order of the Garter was instituted in 1350 by King Edward III, owing to the following circumstance: Whilst dancing with a lady his mistress, one of her leg-bands called in English “Garter” fell to the ground, and the King himself picked it up to give it [to] her, which causing a general laugh, and confusion to the lady, the King girt it round his own leg, saying that he would make that band, or one like it, the most honorable thing in his kingdom . . . the regulation being, that round the neck they were to wear a St. George on horseback in armour, and on the left leg below the knee a riband with a golden buckle, inscribed with a French motto, thus ‘Honi soit qui mal y pense.’” See also Elias Ashmole, The Institution, Laws and Notes 231

Ceremonies of the Most Noble Order of the Garter (1672; facsimile ed., London: Frederick Muller, 1971). 37 . See Raymond B. Waddington, “Elizabeth I and the Order of the Garter,” Sixteenth Century Journal 24, no. 1 (1993): 97–113; James L. Gillespie, “Ladies of the Fraternity of Saint George and of the Society of the Garter,” Albion 17, no. 3 (Fall 1985): 275–76. 3 8. CalStP-Venetian , 5:431. For an account of the changes made in Edward VI’s reign, see Edward Maude Thompson, “The Revision of the Statutes of the Order of the Garter by King Edward the Sixth,” Archaeologia 54 (1894): 173–98. See also Roy C. Strong, The Cult of Elizabeth: Elizabethan Portraiture and Pageantry (London: Thames and Hudson, 1977), 166. For a description of the ceremonies surrounding St. George’s Day, see Hugh E. L. Collins, The Order of the Garter 1348–1461: Chivalry and Politics in Late Medieval England (Oxford: Clarendon, 2000), 193–200. 3 9. Acts of the Privy Council of England New Series, 1542–1628 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1840–1940), 4:315. 4 0. M a c h y n , Diary , 60. According to Collins, Order of the Garter, “The magnificent ceremonies [of the Garter] served to project the majesty and power of the king” (233). Mary did not travel to Windsor, the traditional site of St. George’s Day proceedings, perhaps because she did not wish to leave London so soon after the defeat of Wyatt’s Rebellion: Wyatt himself had been hung from the gallows 11 days earlier. 4 1. M a c h y n , Diary , 60. 42 . SP 69/4/241. According to Philip himself, the Earl of Arundel had performed this ceremony onboard ship, before Philip had even set foot on English soil. The garter was decorated with “two large facetted diamonds, a large pearl, five flat diamonds set in a rose pattern, twelve flat rubies round the garter, set two by two, and twenty-four pearls set two by two.” The George comprised a “chain of fifty-eight links, each link carrying diamonds or rubies, two stones on each, together with a St. George in armour made of diamonds, and the dragon formed by a pearl.” 43 . John Carmi Parsons, “Ritual and Symbol in the English Medieval Queenship to 1500,” in Women and Sovereignty, ed. Louise O. Fradenberg (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992), 60–77. For Philip’s failure to pay homage to Edward the Confessor, see Loades, Mary Tudor , 334. 44 . Although the normal ceremonies surrounding the feast day of St. George could be held in other locations, the installation ceremony itself had to be held within the chapel of St. George at Windsor. See Collins, Order of the Garter , 195, 201–2. 4 5. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Biii(v). Simon Renard reported that Mary had ordered the costly collar made in June. Renard to Charles V, June 14, 1554, in Patrick Fraser Tytler, England under the Reigns of Edward VI and Mary with the Contemporary History of Europe (London: Richard Bentley, 1839), 2:416. The collar of the order as well as other Garter insignia remained in Philip’s possession throughout his life even though he no longer held the title of sovereign of the order after Mary’s death: see Inventarios Reales. 232 Notes

Bienes Muebles que Pertenecieron a Felipe II, ed. F. J. Sánchez Cantón 2 vols. (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 1956–59), vol. 1, 303–6. Although a number of the jewels and Garter insignia given to Philip by Mary and others remained in England, some did return with him to Spain. Philip left behind the purple velvet cloak placed on his shoulders at Windsor because he had another made without a train. See “Memorandum of the jewels that lie in a coffer at Whitehall,” November 1558 ( CalStP-Spanish, 13:441–42). 4 6. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Biii(v); College of Arms, Arundel MS, vol. 47, f. 89. See also BL, Additional MS 36768, p. 4: “The most noble Prince Philippe was installed by the Queens majesty propri personae at the Castell of Wyndsor.” 47 . BL, Additional MS 36768, p. 4; College of Arms, Arundel MS, vol. 47, f. 89. 48 . College of Arms, Arundel MS, vol. 47, ff. 89, 94. According to William Douglas Hamilton, ed., A Chronicle of England during the Reigns of the Tudors from A.D. 1485–1559, by Charles Wriothesley (New York: Johnson Reprints, 1965), Philip “kept St. George’s feast in royall estate himselfe” (2:121). 4 9. CalStP-Spanish , 13:1; Tytler, Reigns of Edward VI and Mary , 2:416; CalStP- Spanish, 12:275–76. 50 . Waddington, “Elizabeth I and the Order of the Garter,” 103. 51 . According to Ilse Hayden, Symbol and Privilege: The Ritual Context of British Royalty (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1987), “The physical intimacy required to invest the Knight transforms the Queen into the Knight’s valet, his body servant. There is no greater honor than that” (145). Personal investiture by the monarch was also a mark of proper respect for the induction of a foreign prince: see Waddington, “Elizabeth I and the Order of the Garter,” 106. It is not clear whether Philip invested the Duke of Savoy with the George and Garter at his installation on the last day of January 1555; the duke was installed by the Lords Clinton and Paget. College of Arms, Arundel MS, vol. 47, ff. 78, 89, 95. 5 2. E d m u n d H . F e l l o w e s , The Knights of the Garter, 1348–1939: With a Complete list of the Stall-Plates in St. George’s Chapel (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1947), 80. Customarily, each new knight of the Garter was issued a stall-plate “affixed to his stall displaying his coat-of- arms, his style, and achievements” to remain there even after his death: ibid., ix. 5 3. M a c h y n , Diary , 132. 54 . Marie Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas: The Hapsburgs and the Mythic Image of the Emperor (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993), 157–58. 5 5. M a c h y n , Diary , 85. 5 6. I b i d . 57 . College of Arms, Arundel MS, vol. 47, f. 96. 5 8. M a c h y n , Diary , 134; College of Arms, Arundel MS, vol. 47, f. 95. On either this occasion or the one in 1555, Mary gave Philip the gift of a dagger. 5 9. M a c h y n , Diary , 134. Notes 233

60 . See chapter 7 for a further discussion of the complexities of amalgamating Philip’s English and Spanish households. 61 . Don Juan de Figueroa to Charles V, July 26, 1554, Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España (Madrid, 1842–95) [hereafter cited as CODOIN], 3:520. 62 . “El cual [en] sacando los caballos de S. A. de la mar los hizo tomar y llevar á su caballeriza para hacerlos curar. No fué mal comienzo para si pudiera quedar con ellos á la vuelta.” Carta Primera, in Pascual de Gayangos, ed., Viaje de Felipe Segundo á Inglaterra, por Andrés Muñoz (impreso en Zaragoza en 1554), y relaciones varias relativas al mismo suceso (Madrid: Imprenta de Rivadeneyra, 1877), 90. 6 3. S P 1 1 / 4 / 2 1 . A c c o r d i n g t o N i c h o l s , Chronicle of Queen Jane , both events occurred on the same day: “Sir Anthony Brown [was] dyschardged of the mastership of the horse for the king, and so made a lorde by the name of the lorde Mountacute” (81). 6 4. S P 1 1 / 4 / 2 1 . 65 . Ibid. Philip did, however, grant Browne 500 crowns a year at this time. See Loades, “Philip II and the Government,” 183. 66 . 1 Mary, st. 3, c. 2, Statutes of the Realm , 222. See also David M. Loades, The Tudor Court (London: Batsford, 1986), 4: “Only the king could create titles of honour.” 6 7. S P 1 1 / 4 / 2 1 . 68 . For a discussion of the various meanings of the word “closet,” see Lena Cowen Orlin, “Gertrude’s Closet,” in Shakespeare Jahrbuch , ed. Wolfgang Weiss, Deutsche Shakespeare-Gesellschaft (Bochum, Germany: Verlag und Druckkontor Kamp GmbH, 1998), Band 134, 44–67. See also Simon Thurley, Royal Palaces of Tudor England: Architecture and Court Life, 1460– 1547 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993). 6 9. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Cv. 7 0. CalStP-Spanish , 13:94. 71 . J. Deleito y Piñuela has described the juego de cañas, a martial sport emphasizing equestrian skill, as “an adaptation of the tourney: several teams of horsemen competed [at the gallop] attacking each other with lances of cane or wood, which they hurled as projectiles.” José Deleito y Piñuela, El rey se divierte: recuerdos de hace 3 siglos (Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1955), 182. The tournament dates included November 25, December 4, December 18, December 29, January 24, February 12, March 19, March 25, and April 26. For further discussion of the tournaments during this period, see chapter 7. See also Richard C. McCoy, “From the Tower to the Tiltyard: Robert Dudley’s Return to Glory,” Historical Journal 27, no. 2 (1984): 425–35; Loades, Tudor Court, 103–4; Alan R. Young, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments (Dobbs Ferry, NY: Sheridan House, 1987), 30–32, 115, 200–201. 72 . The coronation ceremonies of Henry VII, Henry VIII, Edward VI, and Elizabeth I all included tournaments, although the tournament for Henry VII’s coronation was postponed from October 30 to November 13, 1485. See Sydney Anglo, “The Foundation of the Tudor Dynasty: The 234 Notes

Coronation and Marriage of Henry VII,” Guildhall Miscellany 2, no. 1 (September 1960): 9. 7 3. S e e Yo u n g , Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments , 30, and Loades, Mary Tudor, 334, for Mary’s inability to use ceremony as political propaganda. For a discussion of tournaments as royal propaganda, see Strong, Cult of Elizabeth, 161–62; Roy C. Strong, Art and Power: Renaissance Festivals 1450–1650 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 11–16. See also Richard C. McCoy, The Rites of Knighthood: The Literature and Politics of Elizabethan Chivalry (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 21–27. 74 . Juan Cristóbal Calvete de Estrella, El Felicísimo Viaje del muy alto y muy poderoso Príncipe Don Felipe (Madrid: Sociedad de Bibliòfilos Españoles, 1930), 1:137, 189, 202, 307–11; 2:404–9. Philip understood the value of tournaments as propaganda, having participated in at least one such event in 1549 when he was celebrated as Charles V’s successor in the Low Countries and presented as “a devinely ordained deliverer.” See Strong, Art and Power , 91–95. 7 5. S e e Yo u n g , Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments , esp. 101–22, “From Westminster to Whitehall,” for descriptions of the different tiltyards and their viewing sites. 76 . For example, see Machyn, Diary, 76, 79, 80, 82, 84; Kingsford, “Two London Chronicles,” 39–40; Nichols, Grey Friars’ Chronicle , 93. 77 . For the use of tournaments to “train, test and demonstrate the abilities needed on the battlefield,” see Helen Watanabe-O’Kelly, “Tournaments and Their Relevance for Warfare in the Early Modern Period,” European History Quarterly 20 (1990): 451–63. 7 8. CalStP-Spanish , 11:17. 7 9. M a c h y n , Diary , 76; Traslado de una carta que fue embiada del reyno de Inglaterra, Biblioteca Nacional (BN) R/31746, printed in Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo; College of Arms, Arundel MS, M6, ff. 59–61; BL, Harleian MS 69, ff. 23–24; BL, Harleian MS 6069, f. 26; William Segar, Honor military, and ciuill, contained in foure bookes (London: Robert Barker, 1602), 192–93. 8 0. CalStP-Spanish , 13:126; Machyn, Diary , 79, 83–84. 8 1. CalStP-Venetian , 6.1:58. Philip probably also participated in the tournaments held on December 29, January 24, and February 12. 8 2. L o a d e s , Tudor Court, 104. 8 3. Traslado de una carta, BN R/31746: “La reyna de brocado pelo, cota de un nuevo brocado, y ropilla de tercipelo carmesi mozado aforrado en lobos con gran suma de pedreria y perlas y recannado de plata de martillo y oro, y el collarico de diamentes, y en el tocado gran coasa de diamantes y rubies.” 84 . Renard to Charles V, November 30, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish, 13:108). 85 . BL, Harleian 69, f. 24v; Segar, Honor military and ciuill , 193. Just who provided the jewels for the occasion is in question; Mary, while known for her frugality, could also be quite generous: in October when Don Fernando Gonzaga departed, she gave him “a ring with a single ruby and a chain with a pendant formed by a diamond and a big pearl, valued 800 or 1,000 crowns, for the Princess, his spouse” (CalStP-Spanish , 8:75). Notes 235

8 6. CalStP-Venetian , 6:32. 87 . Eric W. Ives, Anne Boleyn (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986), 242–43. 88 . See chapter 1 of this volume. 8 9. H a m i l t o n , Wriothesley’s Chronicle, 2:105. 90 . BL, Harleian MS 6064, f. 77v. 9 1. S a n d r a B i l l i n g t o n , Mock Kings in Medieval Society and Renaissance Drama (Oxford: Clarendon, 1991), 46–50, 99–103. 92 . A. N. McLaren, “The Quest for a King: Gender, Marriage, and Succession in Elizabethan England,” Journal of British Studies 41, no. 3 (July 2002): 259–90; see 272, 289. McLaren continues: “The resulting political arrange- ment was never unproblematic. It broke down entirely in the concluding years of Elizabeth’s reign when the combination of a very aged queen, a hot-headed youthful king-figure in the person of the Earl of Essex, and a polarized political climate made it unsuitable.” 9 3. A l t h o u g h Yo u n g , Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments, 115, 201, has identified the December 29 tournament as taking place in 1557, this would not have been possible. See John Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, relating chiefly to religion . . . under King Henry VIII, King Edward VI and Queen Mary I, 3 vols. (London: J. Nichols and Son, 1823), 3:336, quoted in John Goudge Nichols, The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth (New York: B. Franklin, 1823), 1:18. 94 . For the reluctance of Mary’s council to go to war, see SP 14/190, ff. 140– 140v; Loades, Reign of Mary Tudor, 190–91. War was declared on June 7, 1557: the technical reason for this was Henry II’s support for Thomas Stafford’s rebellion in April. See Loades, Reign of Mary Tudor, 304–9. 9 5. L o a d e s , Reign of Mary Tudor, 312, has estimated the number at a little over 7,000, with 200 nobles and officers. 96 . For a discussion of Philip’s role as military leader, see also Redworth, “Matters Impertinent to Women,” 611–12. 97 . State Papers Foreign, Mary, and Philip and Mary, SP 69/13/856. For the loss of Calais and the failure to recover it, see Loades, Reign of Mary Tudor, 319–27; Redworth, “Matters Impertinent to Women,” 612. 98 . Lambeth Palace Library, Talbot Papers, MS 3195, f. 65; SP 11/11/33. 9 9. S u s a n D o r a n , Monarchy and Matrimony: The Courtships of Elizabeth I (London: Routledge, 1996), 58. 1 0 0. CalStP-Spanish , 13:442. This book remained in Philip’s possession until his death: see Archivo Documental Español, 1:306. 1 0 1. M a c h y n , Diary , 82. Loades, Tudor Court , 103–4, conflates this occasion with the March 25 tournament. 1 0 2. CalStP-Venetian , 6.1:58. It is not clear whether any tournaments were staged at Lord Maltravers’s wedding, although Philip “gave the bride a jeweled necklace, said to be worth a thousand ducats.” 1 0 3. CalStP-Venetian , 6.1:58. 104 . Additionally, Mary wore Parliamentary red robes while Philip was portrayed in lighter-colored robes. See Public Record Office, King’s Bench (KB) 27/1172, KB 27/1173; see also Erna Auerbach, Tudor Artists: A Study of Painters in the Royal Service and of Portraiture on Illuminated Documents from 236 Notes

the Accession of Henry VIII to the Death of Elizabeth I (London: University of London, Athlone Press, 1954), 98–100. Slight changes in these images were made over time. In KB 27/1175, 27/1177, 27/1178/2, and 27/1179, the queen and king consort face each other, although Mary remains to Philip’s right. See conclusion for changes from 1556 through 1558.

6 “Cruele Jesabel” or “Handemayde of God”? Mary as Jezebel and Virgin 1 . These authors and their tracts include, among others, Thomas Becon, An humble supplicacion vnto God for the restoring of hys holye woorde, vnto the churche of Englande (Strasburg, 1554); A supplicacyo[n] to the quenes maiestie (London: John Cawoode, 1555); John Ponet, A shorte treatise of politike power and of the true obedience which subiectes owe to kynges and other ciuile gouernours (Strasbourg: Printed by the heirs of W. Kopfel, 1556), (STC 20178); Laurence Saunders, A trewe mirrour or glase wherin we maye beholde the wofull state of thys our Realme of Englande (Wesel: H. Singleton, 1556); John Knox, The First Blast of the Trumpet against The Monstruous Regiment of Women (Geneva: J. Crespin, 1558); and Christopher Goodman, How superior powers oght to be obeyd of their suiects (Geneva: John Crispin, 1558). 2 . S e e A . N . M c L a r e n , Political Culture in the Reign of Elizabeth I: Queen and Commonwealth 1558–1585 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 90; See also Jennifer Loach, “Pamphlets and Politics, 1553–8,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 48 (1975): 31–44; Paula Louise Scalingi, “The Scepter or the Distaff: The Question of Female Sovereignty, 1516–1607,” Historian 41, no. 1 (1978–79): 59–75; Gerry Bowler, “Marian Protestants and the Idea of Violent Resistance to Tyranny,” in Protestantism and the National Church in Sixteenth Century England, ed. Peter Lake and Maria Dowling (London: Croom Helm, 1987), 124–43. For discussions of the Marian reaction to these printed diatribes, see David M. Loades, “The Theory and Practice of Censorship in Sixteenth-Century England,” in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, vol. 24 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1974), 141–57, and Jennifer Loach, “The Marian Establishment and the Printing Press,” English Historical Review 101, no. 398 (1986): 135–48. 3 . B e c o n , An humble supplicacion, sig. Avii. He also mentioned Queen Athalia and Queen Herodias. 4 . A supplicacyo[n] unto the queens maiestie , sig. Av. He went on: “But what was the ende both of the quene and of all those false prophets? Read the text and you shal plainly perceive that the quene was cast down out of a win- dow wher she brake her neke and was eaten up of dogs, as the prophet of god had before said, and all here false prophets and preastes were utterly distroied.” John Ponet also called attention to the example of “Dame Iesabel, a woman full of malice and mischief,” describing her variously as a tyrant, she-devil, and idolatrous witch (Shorte Treatise , sig. Fv, Hij). 5 . B e c o n , An humble supplicacion , sig. Avii. Notes 237

6 . G o o d m a n , How Superior Powers oght to be obeyd , sig. Dii, Fviii(v). 7 . M e r r y E . W i e s n e r , Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe (1993; repr., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 15, 32–33. Women, as a result of the fall from grace, were perceived to be the source of evil and sin in the world. Aristotelian beliefs included the idea that “women desire men more because imperfect things always strive after perfection.” 8 . P o n e t , Shorte Treatise , sig. Iij. 9 . G o o d m a n , How Superior Powers oght to be obeyd , sig. Fviii(v), C(v). 10 . Ernst Hartwig Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957), 218–30. 1 1. Statutes of the Realm, vol. 3, 427f; quoted in Kantorowicz, King’s Two Bodies, 228. 12 . Leah S. Marcus, Jane M. Mueller, and Mary Beth Rose, eds., Elizabeth I: Collected Works (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 96–98. 1 3. J o h n C h r i s t o p h e r s o n , An exhortation to all menne to take hede and beware of rebellion: wherein are set forth the causes, that commonlye moue men to rebellion, and that no cause is there, that ought to move any man therevnto . . . (London: Cawood, 1554) (STC 5207), sig. Lij(v); Ddiij(v). 1 4. J o h n P r o c t o r , The historie of Wyates rebellion with the order and maner of resisting the same (London, 1555), sig. 84v. 1 5. W i e s n e r , Women and Gender, 32. According to Wiesner, women were more disorderly than men “because they were unreasonable, ruled by their physical body rather than their rational capacity, their lower parts rather than upper” (307). See also Barbara F. Weissberger, Isabel Rules: Constructing Queenship, Wielding Power (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004), chapter 4, “The Neo-Gothic Theory and the Queen’s Body,” esp. 96–103 for a discussion of the corporeal concept of monarchy during the reign of Isabel of Castile. 1 6. P o n e t , Shorte Treatise , sig. Kiij(v). 17 . Ibid., sig. Kiiij(v). 1 8. J o h n S t r y p e , Ecclesiastical Memorials, relating chiefly to religion under King Henry VIII, King Edward VI and Queen Mary I , 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1822), vol. 3, pt. 2, 516. As queen, Mary’s adoption of the pomegran- ate of Aragon, the former badge of Catherine of Aragon, as her own personal device not only signaled her loyalty to her late mother but also called attention to her Spanish heritage. 1 9. The lame[n]tacion of England (Germany, 1557) (STC 10014), sig. Aiii(v). 2 0. J o h n G . N i c h o l s , e d . , The Chronicle of Queen Jane and of Two Years of Queen Mary, and Especially of the Rebellion of Sir Thomas Wyat, Camden Society Publications 48 (London: Camden Society, 1850), 38–39. 21 . State Papers Domestic, Mary, and Philip and Mary, SP 11/2/33; SP 11/3/10(ii). 2 2. Certayne questions demaunded and asked by the noble realme of England, of her true naturall chyldren and subiectes of the same (London, 1555), (STC 9981), sig. Aiii. 238 Notes

2 3. P o n e t , Shorte Treatise , sig. Hv–Hv(v). The author of A Warnyng for Englande conteynyng the horrible practices of the King of Spayne in the kingdome of Naples and the miseries whereunto that noble Realme is brought . . . (Emden: E. van der Erve, 1555), sig. A4, warned, “Unhappy is that honest woman that com- meth to the kepyng of a Spaniard.” 2 4. The lame[n]tacion of England , sig. Aiiij(v). 25 . See Rebecca W. Bushnell, Tragedies of Tyrants: Political Thought and Theater in the English Renaissance (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990), 1–36; Niccolo Machiavelli, The Prince (Rome, 1532), chapters 17–18. 26 . Conversely, Catholic writers during this period were using similar descriptions of Henry VIII’s lust for Anne Boleyn in histories of the English Reformation not only to depict the king as a tyrant but to demonstrate the corruption and decay of the body politic caused by this unnatural lust. Thomas Betteridge, Tudor Histories of the English Reformations, 1530–83 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999), 120–60, has explored how works such as Robert Parkyn’s “Narrative of the Reformation,” George Cavendish’s Life of Cardinal Wolsey, Nicholas Harpsfield’s Life of St Thomas More, and the anonymous Life of John Fisher portrayed the Reformation as a corruption upon England as a result of Henry’s transformation into “a slave to his demanding body,” which resulted “in the public sphere itself behaving like a grotesque body.” See p. 128. 2 7. W a l t e r R a l e i g h , The Discovery of the Large, Rich, and Beautiful Empire of Guiana: With a Relation of the Great and Golden City of Manoa (Wich the Spaniards Call El Dorado), Etc. Performed in the Year 1595, ed. Robert Hermann Schomburgk, Hakluyt Society, 1st series, 3 (New York: B. Franklin, 1970), 115. See also Wiesner, Women and Gender, 310. 2 8. G o o d m a n , How Superior Powers oght to be obeyd , sig. Gii(v). 29 . As Judith Richards has pointed out, “Those polemical Protestant writ- ings of the sixteenth-century religious wars, so often taken as characteris- tic of reformers’ views on the nature of women, might better be viewed as the reformers’ views on the nature of Catholic women rulers.” See Judith M. Richards, “‘To Promote a Woman to Beare Rule’: Talking of Queens in Mid-Tudor England,” Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 1 (1997): 115. 3 0. J o h n A y l m e r , An Harborowe for Faithfulll and Trewe Subiectes, Agaynst the Late Blowne Blaste, Concerninge the Gouernme[N]T of Wemen: Wherin Be Confuted All Such Reasons As a Straunger of Late Made in That Behalfe: with a Breife Exhortation to Obedience (London: John Daye, 1559) (STC 1005), sig. M4–M4(v). 3 1. C h r i s t o p h e r s o n , Exhortation , sig. Ddi(v)–Ddij. Miles Huggarde used a somewhat different tactic in The displaying of the Protestantes, [and] sundry their practices, with a description of diuers their abuses of late frequented (London: Robert Caly, 1556) (STC 13558), 130, arguing that the femini- zation of the realm was caused by Protestant believers. This would only be cured by the reunification of the kingdom under Catholicism: “Then shall we be inuincible & without feare of forein realms. Then shall we be impregnable without feare of any nacion.” 32 . Richards, “Queens in Mid-Tudor England,” 119. Notes 239

33 . Lawrence Normand, “The Miraculous Royal Body in James VI and I, Jonson and Shakespeare, 1590–1609,” in The Body in Late Medieval and Early Modern Culture, ed. Darryll Grantley and Nina Taunton (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000), 145. 34 . Diarmaid MacCulloch, ed., “The ‘Vita Mariae Angliae Reginae’ of Robert Wingfield,” in Camden Miscellany 28, Camden 4th Series 29 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1984), 251 [hereafter cited as Vita Mar. Reg.]. 35 . Antonio de Guaras, The Accession of Queen Mary: Being the Contemporary Narrative of Antonio de Guaras, a Spanish Merchant Resident in London, ed. and trans. Richard Garnett (London: Lawrence and Bullen, 1892), 96–97. 36 . See chapter 1 and R. Malcolm Smuts, “Public Ceremony and Royal Charisma: The English Royal Entry in London, 1485–1642,” in The First Modern Society: Essays in English History in Honour of Lawrence Stone, ed. A. L. Beier, David Cannadine, and James M. Rosenheim (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 78–79. 37 . William Douglas Hamilton, ed., A Chronicle of England during the Reigns of the Tudors from A.D. 1485–1559, by Charles Wriothesley (New York: Johnson Reprints, 1965), 2:95. 3 8. Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating to English Affairs, Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice, And in Other Libraries of Northern Italy, ed. Rawdon Brown et al., 39 vols. (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1864–1947), 8:115. [Series hereafter cited as CalStP-Venetian.] In the civic pageantry devised to welcome Catherine of Aragon to London in 1501, Henry VII and his son Arthur, Prince of Wales, had been depicted respectively as God the Father and Christ the Son. See John N. King, Tudor Royal Iconography: Literature and Art in an Age of Religious Crisis (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 36–37. According to King, “The spectacle had the immediate effect of approximating Tudor England to the kingdom of heaven.” 39 . See Marc Léopold Benjamin Bloch, The Royal Touch: Sacred Monarchy and Scrofula in England and France , trans. J. E. Anderson (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1973), 21–27, 51–91. According to Keith Thomas, in practice the term scrofula “was employed more loosely to comprehend a wide variety of complaints affecting the head, neck, and eyes, particularly swollen lips, tumors, sores and blisters.” Religion and the Decline of Magic (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1971), 192–98. See also Carole Levin, The Heart and Stomach of a King: Elizabeth I and the Politics of Sex and Power (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), 16, 21–22, 179. 4 0. B l o c h , Royal Touch , 53–54, 65; Levin, Heart and Stomach of a King , 22; David Starkey, “Representation Through Intimacy: A Study in the Symbolism of Monarchy and Court Office in Early-Modern England,” in Symbols and Sentiments: Cross-Cultural Studies in Symbolism , ed. Ioan Lewis (London: Academic Press, 1977), 194. 4 1. B l o c h , Royal Touch , 66. The coin was called an angel because it bore the image of St. Michael the Archangel. 42 . Raymond Crawfurd, The King’s Evil (Oxford: Clarendon, 1911), 45; Bloch, Royal Touch , 92–107; Keith Wrightson, English Society, 1580–1680 (New 240 Notes

Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1982), 198–99; Carole Levin, “‘Would I Could Give You Help and Succour’: Elizabeth I and the Politics of Touch,” Albion 21, no. 2 (Spring 1989): 192. See also Arundel MS M8, “Services of Divers Officers at Court,” College of Arms, London, ff. 26(v)– 27, for “The ordre of the kyng on good Friday touching his commyng to service halowing of the cramp riyngs and offryng of theym and crepyng to the crosse,” from the reign of Henry VIII. It includes the information that “the master of the jwell house shalbe there redy with the crampe ringes in a bason or basons of silver” while “the clerke of the closet be redy with the boke conteyning the sermone of the halowyng of the said rynges.” In addition, “the gretest lord . . . being there present shall take the bason or basons with rynges and bere them after the kyng. And there delyver theym to the kyng to offer.” 4 3. S u s a n E . J a m e s , Kateryn Parr: The Making of a Queen (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999), 321. 44 . Fortescue, quoted in Bloch, Royal Touch , 65; see also 130. 45 . Brian Robinson, The Royal Maundy (London: Kaye and Ward, 1977); Levin, Heart and Stomach of a King, 22–24. 4 6. R o b i n s o n , Royal Maundy , 25–26. 47 . Mary was apparently the first queen to celebrate the Royal Maundy: although both Elizabeth of York and Catherine of Aragon distributed money on Maundy Thursday, they did not participate in the foot washing. See Robinson, Royal Maundy, 26. 48 . Quoted in Crawfurd, King’s Evil, 45. 49 . Her sister Elizabeth I would follow Mary’s lead in touching for scrofula and participating in the Royal Maundy, although she discontinued the blessing of cramp rings and abandoned the practice of creeping to the cross within a few years of her accession. See Levin, Heart and Stomach of a King, 26–35. 5 0. L e v i n , Heart and Stomach of a King , 26. It could be argued, in addition, that the development of the more theatrical aspects of these rites after Elizabeth took power evolved over the course of her long reign. 51 . In contrast, according to Bloch, Royal Touch, 55, Henry VII did not have any fixed dates for touching for scrofula. According to Levin, “Elizabeth I and the Politics of Touch,” during Elizabeth’s reign there was no fixed season for touching, and instead “occasions were arranged according to Elizabeth’s inclinations, particularly when she felt a divine directive to do so” (199). 52 . The resident ambassador, Giovanni Michiel, had recently returned to Italy. See CalStP-Venetian , 6:428. 5 3. I b i d . , 6 : 4 3 4 – 3 5 . 5 4. I b i d . , 6 : 4 3 5 . 55 . Ibid. According to Faitta, during the last part of the ceremony, “the cho- rister chaunted the Miserere, with certain other psalms, reciting at each verse the words—‘In diebus illis mulier quae erat in civitate peccatrix.’” In 1557, the gifts included 126 yards of “russett clothe for xlii pore women that is to say to evrye of them iij yards . . . 166 ells of lynnen clothe as well for Notes 241

smocks for the said xlii pore women as also to be omployed . . . xlii paire of single solede shoos for the sayd pore women.” The gown given to the poor- est of them was of “velvett clothe . . . furred through with martrons and a paire of sleves of black satten lyned with white fustian.” Public Record Office, Lord Chamberlain’s office, miscellanea, MS 5/31, ff. 48–49. 5 6. R o b i n s o n , Royal Maundy, 25–26. Levin has pointed out that using the same number of poor as the monarch’s age, as opposed to having the original 12, placed “more emphasis on the specific monarch as Christ figure rather than simply as an anonymous representative of the church.” Levin, Heart and Stomach of a King, 34. 57 . Anne J. Duggan has called this “the paradox of Christian abnegation: ‘he who humbles himself shall be exalted’ (Lk 14:11). Either the supreme ele- vation or the supreme self-abnegation can be emphasized.” Introduction to Queens and Queenship in Medieval Europe: Proceedings of a Conference Held at King’s College London, April 1995 , ed. Anne J. Duggan (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 1997), xvi. Raymond B. Waddington, “Elizabeth I and the Order of the Garter,” Sixteenth Century Journal 24, no. 1 (1993): 107, has pointed out that the role reversal of monarch and subject not only applies to the Royal Maundy but is similar to the act required to invest a knight. 58 . The Habsburg ambassadors to Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, September 30, 1553, from London, Calendar of Letters, Despatches, and State Papers Relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain Preserved in the Archives at Simancas and Elsewhere, ed. Royall Tyler et al., 13 vols. (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1862–1954), 11:259–60. [Series hereafter cited as CalStP-Spanish.] The ambassadors reported, “We have no doubt, Sire, that some of [the councillors] put it down to timidity and fear; but however that may be, it has certainly softened several hearts and turned them away from thoughts of an evil and suspicious nature.” 59 . See Smuts, “Public Ceremony and Royal Charisma,” 81. 6 0. CalStP-Venetian , 6:436. According to Bloch, Royal Touch , 104, the original practice involved placing coins on the altar to be blessed by the king, which would later be formed into rings. In the early fifteenth century during the reign of Henry VI, rings made in advance of the ceremony replaced the coins. 6 1. Certain prayers to be used by the quenes heignes in the consecration of the crampe rynges, 1553–58 , Westminster Cathedral MS, quoted in Bloch, Royal Touch, 105–6. 6 2. CalStP-Venetian , 6:436; Bloch, Royal Touch, 106. 6 3. CalStP-Venetian , 6:436. 64 . As a final act, the rings were sprinkled with holy water. Certain prayers to be used by the quenes heignes, quoted in Bloch, Royal Touch, 106. According to Faitta, the prayer commenced, “Sanctifica, Domine, annulos istos” ( CalStP-Venetian, 6:436). 6 5. A c c o r d i n g t o B l o c h , Royal Touch , 102–3, in 1323 Queen Philippa, wife of Edward III, placed coins upon the altar and then redeemed them for 242 Notes

making medicinal rings, suggesting that at one time queen consorts also demonstrated sacral royal power. By the middle of the fifteenth century, however, “the ceremony of the cramp rings had assumed a new character, and the king’s role had become much more important than in the past,” so that “it was completely forgotten that once upon a time queens had been able fully to perform the ceremony with success.” 6 6. CalStP-Venetian , 6:436–37. Magical power had begun to be attributed to the coin itself. According to Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic , 196, many of those who had been healed by the sovereign believed that the cure would cease if they parted with the coin. 6 7. CalStP-Venetian , 6:435–37. 68 . Renard to Charles V, March 24, 1554 (CalStP-Spanish , 12:173). 69 . Same to same, March 27, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish, 12:177). 70 . SP 69/6/348. See also SP 69/6/347 for a similar letter to Sir William Petre, Mary’s principal secretary, and SP 69/6/358 for Mason’s thanks after receiving them. 7 1. W i e s n e r , Women and Gender, 21. 7 2. M a c C u l l o c h , Vita Mar. Reg. , 252. 73 . Charles V to Simon Renard, September 20, 1553 (CalStP-Spanish , 11:244). 7 4. S P 6 9 / 2 / 1 1 0 . 7 5. C h r i s t o p h e r s o n , Exhortation , sig. Eeviij(v). 7 6. R a p h a e l H o l i n s h e d , Holinshed’s Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland (London: J. Johnson, 1807–8), 4:20. Elizabeth I would later be praised for her courage in 1587 when rumors circulated of Spanish ships being sighted off the English coast, according to a Spanish informant, who recorded that “while everybody seemed much alarmed and confused . . . the Queen had shown a stouter heart than any of them.” Quoted in Levin, Heart and Stomach of a King, 140. 7 7. S P 6 9 / 3 / 1 6 1 . 7 8. C h r i s t o p h e r s o n , Exhortation , sig. Qi(v). At other times during her reign, she had referred to herself as the wife rather than the husband of the realm: see chapter 2 of this volume. 7 9. H o l i n s h e d , Holinshed’s Chronicles, 4:20. 8 0. P r o c t o r , Historie of Wyate’s Rebellion, sig. 54–54v. According to Proctor, the queen’s words “so wonderfullye inamour the heartes of the hearers, as it was a world to heare with what shoutes they exalted the honour and mag- nanimitte of Quene Mary.” 81 . Marcus, Mueller, and Rose, Elizabeth I, 326. 82 . Cardinal Pole would later also stress her English heritage in his speech to Parliament in November 1554, when he spoke of Mary as being “your lawful Quene and Governes, borne amonge you.” See John Elder, The Copie of a Letter Sent in to Scotlande of the arivall and landynge, and moste noble marryage of the moste Illustre Prince Philippe Prynce of Spaine, to the most excellente Princes Marye Quene of England (London: John Waylande, 1555) (STC 7552), sig. Dvi(v). 8 3. H o l i n s h e d , Holinshed’s Chronicles , 4:17. Elizabeth I would later call attention to her own courage in a speech to Parliament, saying that “though I Notes 243

be a woman, yet I have as good a courage answerable to my place as ever my father had.” Marcus, Mueller, and Rose, Elizabeth I, 97. 8 4. W i e s n e r , Women and Gender, 21. 8 5. P r o c t o r , Historie of Wyates Rebellion , sig. 85. 8 6. C h r i s t o p h e r s o n , Exhortation , sig. Eevi(v). Jane Dormer, one of Mary’s ladies of the bedchamber, would later recount to her biographer some of Mary’s actions on behalf of the poor when she visited Cardinal Reginald Pole’s house at Croyden. Mary “would sit down very familiarly in their poor houses, talk with the man and the wife, ask them of their manner of living, how they passed, if the officers of the Court did deal with them, as such whose carts and labours were pressed for the queen’s carriages and provisions.” On at least one occasion, she interceded with the comptrol- ler, probably Sir Robert Rochester, on behalf of a poor man who had not been paid for his services, saying that “he had ill officers who gave neither money nor good words to poor men, and that hereafter he should see it amended, for if she understood it again, he should hear it to his dis- pleasure; and that the next morning the poor men would come for their money, and that they should be paid every penny.” See Henry Clifford, E. E. Estcourt, and Joseph Stevenson, The Life of Jane Dormer, Duchess of Feria (London: Burns and Oates, 1887), 64–65. 8 7. W i l l i a m F o r r e s t , A New Ballade of the Marigolde (1553), published in The Harleian Miscellany, Vol. 10 , ed. Thomas Park (London: White, 1813), 254. 88 . Roy C. Strong, Artists of the Tudor Court: The Portrait Miniature Rediscovered, 1520–1620 (London: Victoria and Albert Museum, 1983), 55. 89 . The same slogan was also used during the reign of Elizabeth I, although its meaning would be reversed to refer to the survival of Protestantism. See King, Tudor Royal Iconography, 228–31. 9 0. W. W. G r e g , e d . , Respublica: An Interlude for Christmas 1553, Attributed to Nicholas Udall, Early English Text Society, original series, no. 226 (London: Oxford University Press, 1952), 1. Veritas emerged “owte of the earth,” ful- filling the prophecy in Psalm 85:11: “Truth shall spring out of the earth; and righteousness shall look down from heaven.” See p. 59 (V. ix), line 1705. See also Donald Gordon, “‘Veritas Filia Temporis’: Hadrianus Junius and Geoffrey Whitney,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 3, no. 4 (1940): 228–40. 9 1. G r e g , Respublica , 2–3 (prologue), lines 49–52. 92 . Ibid., 61 (V. ix), lines 1782–87. Veritas, along with Misericordia and Sapientia, also appeared as part of a pageant during Mary and Philip’s royal entry into London in 1554: “Wherein was a Quene & a king representing their highness, hauing of their right side Iusticia with a swerd in her hande, and Equitas with a payre of ballaunce. And of theyr left side Veritas with a boke in her hande, wheron was written, Verbum Dei & Misericordia with a hearte of golde.” See Elder, Letter , sig. Ciii(v). King, Tudor Royal Iconography, has suggested, “Because of the notoriety of Verbum Dei as a symbol for the free circulation of the Bible under Protestant Tudor monarchs, it is possible that the tableau referred obliquely to the restoration of the Vulgate Bible as the only acceptable version of the scriptures in 244 Notes

England; in that case, the scene would have represented an inversion of a well-known Reformation slogan” (103). 9 3. J o h n H e y w o o d , The Spider and the Flie: Reprinted from the ed. of 1556 (New York: Franklin, 1967), 453. 9 4. C h r i s t o p h e r s o n , Exhortation , sig. Mi. 95 . Ibid., sig. Eevi. In a speech to Parliament in 1576, Elizabeth I would similarly call herself God’s handmaid: “And as for those rare and special ben- efits which many years have followed and accompanied my happy reign, I attribute to God alone, the Prince of rule, and count myself no better than His handmaid.” Marcus, Mueller, and Rose, Elizabeth I, 169. 9 6. L u k e 1 : 4 8 . 97 . Miles Huggarde, A treatise declaring howe Christ by perverse preaching was banished out of this realme. And how it hath pleased God to bryng Christ home againe by Mary our mooste gracious Quene (London: Robert Caly, 1554); see also J. W. Martin, “Miles Hogarde: Artisan and Aspiring Author in Sixteenth-Century England,” Renaissance Quarterly 34, no. 3 (Autumn 1981): 359–83. 98 . Quoted in Martin, “Miles Hogarde,” 366. See chapter 4 and chapter 8 of this volume for a discussion of these comparisons. 99 . See Mary Stroll, “Maria Regina: Papal Symbol,” in Duggan, Queens and Queenship, 173–203; Marina Warner, Alone of All Her Sex: The Myth and the Cult of the Virgin Mary (1976; repr., New York: Vintage Books, 1983), 103–34; Paul Strohm, Hochon’s Arrow: The Social Imagination of Fourteenth- Century Texts (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 95–99. 100 . Duggan, introduction to Queens and Queenship, xvi–xvii. 1 0 1. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Dvi–Dvi(v). 102 . See Ian Maclean, The Renaissance Notion of Woman: A Study in the Fortunes of Scholasticism and Medical Science in European Intellectual Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 21–22, for the treatment by Renaissance writers of the paradox of strength in weakness. 1 0 3. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Dviii(v). 1 0 4. H e y w o o d , Spider and the Flie, 452. 105 . Ibid., 453. According to King, Tudor Royal Iconography, Heywood’s “transformation of a partisan epithet into the language of proverb—‘the grene new bro[o]me swepith cleene’—constitutes an implicit defense of the Marian heretical prosecutions as actions of political necessity and mercy in defense of domestic tranquility” (189). 1 0 6. P r o c t o r , Historie of Wyate’s Rebellion , sig. 84v. He added, “Haue you not seene, & daily may see, diuers eskape by pardon mercifullye remitted, and suffered to lyue in theyr accustomed wealth and pleasures that dese- rued once twise to dye, as open enemies and traitours:? Could ye desire greater mercie & lenitie in her Grace then this?” See Proctor, The Historie of Wyate’s Rebellion; with the order and maner of resisting the same . . . (January 1555), in The Antiquarian Repertory, Volume III (London, 1808), 107. 1 0 7. C h r i s t o p h e r s o n , Exhortation , sig. Av. The Venetian ambassador Giacomo Soranzo also believed that Mary was more often inclined to mercy than not, reporting on August 18, 1554, “Her Majesty’s countenance indicates Notes 245

great benignity and clemency, which are not belied by her conduct, for although she has had many enemies, and though so many of them were by law condemned to death, yet had the executions depended solely on her Majesty’s will, not one of them perhaps would have been enforced; but deferring to her Council in everything, she in this matter likewise complied with the wishes of others rather than with her own.” See CalStP- Venetian, 5:533. 1 0 8. T h o m a s D r a n t , Two Sermons preached, . . . the other at the Court of Windsor the Sonday after twelfth day being the viij of Ianuary, before in the yeare 1569 (London: John Daye, 1570), sigs. I7(v)–8, K3–4, quoted by Margaret Christian, “Elizabeth’s Preachers and the Government of Women: Defining and Correcting a Queen,” Sixteenth Century Journal 24, no. 3 (1993): 561–76. 109 . According to St. Jerome, “As long as woman is for birth and children, she is as different from man as body is from soul. But when she wishes to serve Christ more than the world, then she will cease to be a woman and will be called man.” Commentaries on the Letter to the Ephesians, book 16, cited in Wiesner, Women and Gender , 17. 110 . Louis Adrian Montrose, “The Elizabethan Subject and the Spenserian Text,” in Literary Theory/Renaissance Texts, ed. Patricia Parker and David Quint (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 303–40, esp. 314–16. Similarly, Peter Stallybrass, “Patriarchal Territories: The Body Enclosed,” in Rewriting the Renaissance: The Discourses of Sexual Difference in Early Modern Europe, ed. Margaret W. Ferguson, Maureen Quilligan, and Nancy J. Vickers (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 123–42, has argued, “The state, like the virgin, was a hortus conclusus, an enclosed garden walled off from enemies . . . As [Elizabeth] ushers in the rule of a golden age, she is the imperial virgin, symbolizing, at the same time as she is symbolized by, the hortus conclusus of the state” (129). 1 1 1. C h r i s t o p h e r s o n , Exhortation , sig. Ddvi(v)–Ddvii. 1 1 2. P r o c t o r , Historie of Wyates Rebellion , sig. 95–95v. 1 1 3. C h r i s t o p h e r s o n , Exhortation , Aii(v). Similarly, Bishop White of Winchester made reference to Mary’s healing abilities during the queen’s funeral sermon, saying, “She found the realm poisoned with heresy, and purged it.” See Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials , vol. 3, pt. 2, 546. 114 . John Proctor referred to Mary’s double-gendered role when he spoke of her as both virgin and prince while praising the Earl of Pembroke’s role in defeating Wyatt: “[God] therewith declared his special favor and pleasure towards his servant, that noble Knight, the Earl of Pembroke, in appointing him chief champion this day to defend his chosen and elect Virgin; whose faith hath not been wavering in his Catholic religion nor his faith and service doubtful at any time towards his Prince.” See A. F. Pollard and Thomas Seccombe, An English Garner: Tudor Tracts, 1532–1588 (Westminster: A. Constable, 1903), 252. A prayer for Mary’s child also referred to Mary’s dual-gendered identity: “We be not worthie to haue so gentle and mercifull a queene, so godlie a ruler, and finallie so virtuous a prince.” See Holinshed, Holinshed’s Chronicles , 4:72. 246 Notes

115 . Weissberger has argued that Isabel of Castile was portrayed in much the same way: “The rhetorical masculinization of queen Isabel is inextricable from her hyperfeminization as the Virgin’s earthy counterpart,” and she points out that “both treatments share the misogynist belief that the wor- thy woman can only be one who transcends the limitations of her gender” ( Isabel Rules , 82). 1 1 6. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Fiii–Fiii(v). According to Holinshed, Holinshed’s Chronicle , 4:176, Elizabeth I would later compare herself to Daniel during her coronation procession, when she stopped to pray at the tower, saying, “I acknowledge that thou hast delt as woonderfullie and as mercifullie with me as Thou diddest with thy true and faithfull servant, Daniell thy prophet; whome thou deliveredst out of the den from the crueltie of the greedie and raging lions.” 1 1 7. L e v i n , Heart and Stomach of a King, 18–22, has suggested that Elizabethans may have associated Elizabeth I’s powers of healing not only with her kingly predecessors but with virgin saints known for healing, such as St. Frideswide and St. Uncumber. 118 . For a published version of this portrait, see King, Tudor Royal Iconography, 187; Strong, Artists of the Tudor Court , 53. 119 . John N. King has pointed out that the use of the image of the Madonna and Child along with St. George, “a traditional Christian figure for the defeat of paganism or error,” pointed to the preparation of the manuscript “as a vehicle for implementing [Mary’s] policy of ‘Catholic revival’” ( Tudor Royal Iconography, 185).

7 “An Uncroned King out of a Straunge Lande”: Philip as Conqueror or Savior 1 . J o h n B a l e , A declaration of Edmonde Bonner’s articles, concerning the cleargye of London dyocese whereby that execrable Antyechriste, is in his righte colours reveled in the yeare of our Lord a. 1554 (London: John Tysdall, 1561), f. 68. 2 . Mary to the counties touching the Duke of Suffolk’s rebellion, Calendar of State Papers: Domestic Series, of the Reign of Mary I, 1553–1558, Preserved in the Public Record Office, ed. C. S. Knighton (London: Public Record Office [P. R. O.], 1998), 24. [Hereafter CSP Mary I .] 3 . J o h n P r o c t o r , The historie of Wyates rebellion with the order and maner of resisting the same. (London, 1555), sig. 9. 4 . C h r i s t o p h e r G o o d m a n , How superior powers oght to be obeyd of their suiects (Geneva: John Crispin, 1558), sig. Iiii(v). 5 . Rebecca W. Bushnell, Tragedies of Tyrants: Political Thought and Theater in the English Renaissance (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990), 1–36; Niccolo Machiavelli, The Prince (Rome, 1532), chapters 17–18. 6 . J o h n F o x e , The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe: With a Life of the Martyrologist, and Vindication of the Work, ed. George Townsend, 8 vols. (New York: AMS Press Inc., 1965), 6:555. Notes 247

7 . Stephen Gardiner, A Discourse on the Coming of the English and Normans to Britain , ed. and trans. as A Machiavellian Treatise by Peter Samuel Donaldson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975). For the debate about authorship, see Dermot Fenlon’s “Review of A Machiavellian Treatise by Stephen Gardiner,” Historical Journal 19, no. 4 (1976): 1019–23; Sydney Anglo, “Crypto-Machiavellism in Early Tudor England: The Problem of the Ragionamento dell’advenimento delli Inglesi, et Normanni in Britannia,” Renaissance and Reformation 14, no. 2 (1978): 182–93; Peter Donaldson, “Bishop Gardiner, Machiavellian,” Historical Journal 23, no. 1 (1980): 1–16; Glyn Redworth, In Defence of the Church Catholic: The Life of Stephen Gardiner (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1990), 308n83; and A. N. McLaren, Political Culture in the Reign of Elizabeth I: Queen and Commonwealth, 1558– 1585 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 91n49. 8 . M c L a r e n , Political Culture , 90–91. McLaren continues, “Gardiner con- cludes his Discourse by apotheosizing Philip (ambivalently now conqueror and king) as a Christian emperor whose virtue is attested by his own virility as well as the virility of his emperor father—and by the sentence of common authority” (92). 9 . R a p h a e l H o l i n s h e d , Holinshed’s Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland (London: J. Johnson, 1807–8), 4:16–17. 1 0. Calendar of Letters, Despatches, and State Papers Relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain Preserved in the Archives at Simancas and Elsewhere, ed. Royall Tyler et al. 13 vols. (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1862–1954), 11:326. [Series hereafter cited as CalStP-Spanish .] Renard also wrote to the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V in November 1553 that “the Queen is desirous of hastening on the consummation of the marriage, so your Majesty would do well to come to a decision as soon as possible on the articles, the public proposal and his Highness’ coming” (ibid., 11:331). 11 . Anne of Cleves to Mary and Philip, August 4, 1554 (P. R. O., State Papers Domestic, Mary, and Philip and Mary, SP 11/4/19). 12 . According to Leah S. Marcus, Mary “suffered from pseudocyesis—either some physical disease that triggered the signs of imminent parturition or, more probably, hysterical pregnancy, which in better-documented cases has been known to take such extreme forms.” See “Erasing the Stigma of Daughterhood: Mary I, Elizabeth I, and Henry VIII,” in Daughters and Fathers , ed. Lynda E. Boose and Betty S. Flowers (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 400–417, esp. 405. 1 3. J o h n C h r i s t o p h e r s o n , An exhortation to all menne to take hede and beware of rebellion: wherein are set forth the causes, that commonlye moue men to rebellion, and that no cause is there, that ought to move any man therevnto . . . (London: Cawood, 1554), (STC 5207). 1 4. H o l i n s h e d , Holinshed’s Chronicles , 4:72. 15 . Count G. T. Langosco da Stroppiana witnessed this event on November 24, 1554, and commented to Cardinal Granvelle, “It may well be said: exultavit infans in utero pius ,” making reference to the biblical text in Luke 1:41: “exultavit infans in utero ejus et replete est spiritu sancto Elizabeth .” See 248 Notes

CalSt P-Spanish , 13:104–5. See also Marcus, “Erasing the Stigma of Daughterhood,” 400–417, esp. 405. 16 . For Anne Boleyn, see my chapter 1, note 104; see also Helen Hackett, Virgin Mother, Maiden Queen: Elizabeth I and the Cult of the Virgin Mary (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), 29–32. For comparisons of other queen consorts to the Virgin, see Gordon Kipling, Enter the King: Theatre, Liturgy, and Ritual in the Medieval Civic Triumph (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 289–356; and John Carmi Parsons, “The Queen’s Intercession in Thirteenth-Century England,” in Power of the Weak: Studies on Medieval Women, ed. Jennifer Carpenter and Sally-Beth MacLean (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995), 147–77. 17 . According to Barbara F. Weissberger, “When Isabel’s writing subjects focus on the queen alone . . . it is virginity that proves the safest representation of her power.” See Isabel Rules: Constructing Queenship, Wielding Power (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004), 112–24. 18 . William Douglas Hamilton, ed., A Chronicle of England during the Reigns of the Tudors from A.D. 1485–1559, by Charles Wriothesley (New York: Johnson Reprints, 1965), 2:124. After the sermon ended, “Te Deum was sunge, and solemne procession was made of Salve, festa dies, goeinge the circuite of the churche,” in thanksgiving for Mary’s pregnancy. 1 9. H o l i n s h e d , Holinshed’s Chronicles , 4:71, 73. 2 0. Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating to English Affairs, Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice, And in Other Libraries of Northern Italy, ed. Rawdon Brown et al., 39 vols. (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1864–90), 5:587. [Series hereafter cited as CalStP-Venetian .] 2 1. I b i d . 2 2. F o x e , Acts and Monuments, 6:574. 2 3. CalStP-Spanish , 13:161. 24 . P. R. O., State Papers Foreign, SP 69/6/347, 69/6/358. 2 5. S e e H a c k e t t , Virgin Mother, Maiden Queen, 33–36. In addition, Mary’s enemies reversed her role as Virgin Mother to portray her as a mon- strous mother, as the woodcuts of Maria Ruyna Anglia did in depicting her as a many-breasted mother suckling Spaniards, bishops, and priests. See David M. Loades, Mary Tudor: A Life (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), 335. 2 6. H o l i n s h e d , Holinshed’s Chronicles, 4:73. 2 7. P a u l D o e , Tallis (London: Oxford University Press, 1976), 20–29. 28 . Henry Machyn recorded just such a rumor on April 30, 1555. Henry Machyn, The Diary of Henry Machyn: Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London, from A.D. 1550–1563 , ed. John Gough Nichols (London: Printed for the Camden Society, 1848), 86; another rumor circulated in early May, see British Library (BL), Cotton MS, Titus Bii, f. 142(v); Philip’s sister Juana wrote to him on July 5 that she had received the news of the queen’s delivery of a son (see P. R. O., Transcripts from Spanish Archives, Series 1, 31/11/14). 29 . See BL, Harleian MS 643, ff. 47(v)–48; Loades, Mary Tudor , 249–50; Susan Brigden, London and the Reformation (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 596. Notes 249

See also Margaret Cornfield, “A Legend Concerning Edward VI,” English Historical Review 23 (1908): 286–90. Carole Levin, The Heart and Stomach of a King: Elizabeth I and the Politics of Sex and Power (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), 91–120, has explored the links between beliefs in rumors of Edward’s survival and pretenders and the perceived lack of legitimacy of Mary I and Elizabeth I. See also Levin, “Queens and Claimants: Political Insecurity in Sixteenth-Century England,” in Gender, Ideology, and Action: Historical Perspectives on Women’s Public Lives, ed. Janet Sharistanian (New York: Greenwood Press, 1986), 41–66. In addition, a rumor surfaced during Mary’s reign that she had borne an ille- gitimate child fathered by Stephen Gardiner: see John Strype, Memorials of the Reverend Father in God, Thomas Cranmer (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1840), 456. 30 . Alexander Samson, “Changing Places: The Marriage and Royal Entry of Philip, Prince of Austria, and Mary Tudor, July–August 1554,” Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 3 (2005): 783. 3 1. Statutes of the Realm, Volume 4, Part 1 [1547–1585] (London: Record Commission, 1819), 255–56. Mortimer Levine, Tudor Dynastic Problems 1460–1571 (London: Allen and Unwin, 1973), 94. The act, however, also upheld the marriage treaties and the limitations they imposed upon Philip’s power for the duration of the minority: if the child were to die before reaching his or her majority, Elizabeth rather than Philip would succeed to the throne. 32 . Simon Renard reported to Charles V on April 21, 1555, that “the Queen has withdrawn, and no one enters her apartments except the women who serve her and who have the same duties as the court officials. This is an ancient custom in England whenever the princess is about to be confined: to remain in retirement forty days before and forty days after.” See CalStP- Spanish , 12:166. 33 . Giovanni Michiel to the Doge and Senate, June 11, 1555 ( CalStP-Venetian, 6.1:107). 34 . David M. Loades, The Reign of Mary Tudor: Politics, Government, and Religion in England, 1553–58 , 2nd ed. (London: Longman, 1991), 164–65. 35 . Renard to Emperor Charles V ( CalStP-Spanish , 13:65). On November 6, Renard reported that there was no doubt Mary was with child and that he had suggested “that she might have a proposal to crown the King brought forward during this next Parliament, and she considered it reasonable” (78). 3 6. CalStP-Spanish , 13:102. According to Renard, Philip himself felt it was “more a matter of satisfaction to him than of necessity; but the future remains to be considered.” 3 7. J o h n G o u g h N i c h o l s , e d . , Narratives of the Days of the Reformation, Chiefly from the Manuscripts of John Foxe (1859; repr., New York and London: AMS Press, 1968), 289. 38 . Charles T. Wood, “The First Two Queens Elizabeth,” in Women and Sovereignty , ed. Louise Olga Fradenberg (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992), 121–31. See p. 130. 250 Notes

39 . In the case of Katherine Howard, the French ambassador reported on September 16, 1541, that Henry VIII was “furnishing a great lodging of an old abbey” and “has had brought from London his richest tapestry, plate, and dress . . . This seems to betoken some extraordinary triumph like an interview of kings or a coronation of this Queen, which is spoken of to put the people of York in hope of having a Duke if she were to have a son.” See Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, 1509–47: Preserved in the Public Record Office, the British Museum and Elsewhere in England , ed. J. Brewer, J. Gairdner, and R. Brodie, 21 vols. (London, 1862– 1920), 16:550–51. 40 . Renard to Charles V, November 23, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish , 13:102). See Judith M. Richards, “Mary Tudor as ‘Sole Quene’? Gendering Tudor Monarchy,” Historical Journal 40, no. 4 (December 1997): 895–924, esp. 919–22, for a discussion of contemporary beliefs that a crowned king consort would be more powerful than a crowned queen consort. 41 . Renard to Charles V, November 14, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish, 13:84); CalStP- Venetian, 6.1:xxxv; Elmore Harris Harbison, Rival Ambassadors at the Court of Queen Mary (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1940), 219. 4 2. CalStP-Venetian , 6.1:299. See also Jennifer Loach, Parliament and the Crown in the Reign of Mary Tudor (Oxford: Clarendon, 1986), 194–95; Levine, Tudor Dynastic Problems , 94–95; and Loades, Mary Tudor, 257–59. 4 3. S e e L o a d e s , Mary Tudor, 233. See also David M. Loades, “Philip II and the Government of England,” in Law and Government under the Tudors, ed. Claire Cross, David Loades, and J. J. Scarisbrick (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 180. In addition, according to Loach, Parliament and the Crown, “The House of Commons . . . rarely succeeded in blocking important pieces of government legislation: even the turbulent events of 1555 did not bring about the loss in the Commons of any bill about which the queen minded passionately. Although Mary declared in late 1555 that she would have Philip crowned on her own initiative in spite of parliamentary opposition, she did not do so, nor is it likely that she was serious. She realized that parliamentary support was necessary for an act that would potentially change the course of the succession” (231). See also CalStP-Venetian , 6.1:227; Loach, Parliament and the Crown, 196. Similarly, Lady Jane Grey wrote to Mary I that after she had been declared queen, when she “was reasoning of many things with my husband, he assented that if he were to be made king, he would be made so by me, by act of parliament.” See Mary Anne Everett Wood, ed., Letters of Royal, and Illustrious Ladies of Great Britain, from the Commencement of the Twelfeth Century to the Close of the Reign of Queen Mary (London: Henry Colburn, 1846), 3:278. 44 . Anton Blok, Honour and Violence (Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2001), 223. 45 . Imperial Chancery to Thomas Danett, July 1566, Victor von Klarwill, ed., Queen Elizabeth and Some Foreigners: Being a Series of Hitherto Unpublished Letters from the Archives of the Hapsburg Family (London: Bodley Head, 1928), 263. Emperor Maximilian then clarified this statement in a September 30, 1567, letter to the Earl of Sussex: “Herein the illustrious Archduke Notes 251

does not demand aught that is repugnant to the liberties, privileges, laws, rights, statutes, decrees and customs of the glorious English realm; and although he would not unwillingly consent to what in this regard was con- ceded to the King of Spain, he yet entertains the hope that the illustrious Queen will in the proper place and at the proper time bear in mind what is due to this accession to the dignity and honor of His Highness, so that His Highness may suffer no slight from what Her Highness is able to con- cede.” Klarwill, Queen Elizabeth , 277. 4 6. L o a d e s , Reign of Mary Tudor, 164. 4 7. L . O . A r a n y e F r a d e n b u r g , Women and Sovereignty (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992), 4. 48 . Caroline Hibbard, “Translating Royalty: Henrietta Maria and the Transition from Princess to Queen,” Court Historian 5, no. 1 (May 2000): 15–28; see also 27–28. 4 9. J o h n E l d e r , The Copie of a Letter Sent in to Scotlande of the arivall and landynge, and moste noble marryage of the moste Illustre Prince Philippe, Prynce of Spaine, to the most excellente Princes Marye Quene of England . . . (London: John Waylande, 1555), (STC 7552), sig. Cii. 5 0. C h r i s t o p h e r s o n , Exhortation , Mv–vi. 51 . P. G. Matthews, “Portraits of Philip II of Spain as King of England,” Burlington Magazine 142, no. 1162 (January 2000): 13–19, esp. 18. 52 . John Heywood, “A Balade specifienge partly the maner, partly the matter, in the most excellent meeting and lyke Mariage betwene our Soveraigne Lord and our Soveraigne Lady, the Kynges and Queenes Highnes,” in The Harleian miscellany; a collection of scarce, curious, and entertaining pamphlets and tracts, as well in manuscript as in print, vol. 10, ed. Thomas Park and W. Oldys (London: John White, 1813), 255–56. Aylmer later described Elizabeth as a “lamblike lion.” 5 3. F o x e , Acts and Monuments , 6:559–60. According to the Habsburg ambassador, Simon Renard, the sermon was attended by the council, and Gardiner “so skillfully explained and expounded the errors of heretics that the sermon was found very good by an audience of over 10,000 persons.” See CalStP-Spanish , 13:67. 5 4. M c L a r e n , Political Culture , 93. 55 . Quoted in Loades, Mary Tudor, 250. 5 6. L a u r e n c e S a u n d e r s , A trewe mirrour or glase wherin we maye beholde the wofull state of thys our Realme of Englande (Wesel: H. Singleton, 1556), (STC 21777), sig. Bii. Goodman, How Superior Powers Oght to Be Obeyd, sig. Gii(v). For a discussion of the rumors of Philip’s coronation, see Richards, “Mary Tudor as ‘Sole Quene’?,” 919–22; see also Loach, Parliament and the Crown, 194–97. 5 7. A Warnyng for Englande, Conteynyng the Horrible Practises of the Kyng of Spayne, in the Kyngdome of Naples, and the Miseries Wherunto That Noble Realme Is Brought. Wherby All Englishe Men May Vnderstand the Plage That Shall Light Vpo[N] Them, Yf the Kyng of Spayn Obteyne the Dominion in Englande. Beware of Had I Wist (Emden: E. van der Erve, 1555). 5 8. L e v i n e , Tudor Dynastic Problems, 95. 252 Notes

59 . Loades, “Philip II and the Government,” 179–80. Glyn Redworth, “‘Matters Impertinent to Women’: Male and Female Monarchy under Philip and Mary,” English Historical Review 112 (June 1997): 597–613, argued that Philip wielded a great deal of power in spite of the fact that he was never crowned. 60 . The phrase “Catholic King” is that of J. H. Elliott, “Power and Propaganda in the Spain of Philip IV.” In Rites of Power: Symbolism, Ritual, and Politics since the Middle Ages, edited by Sean Wilentz, 145–74. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985. 61 . See Elliott, “Power and Propaganda,” 148–52. See Teofilo F. Ruiz, “Unsacred Monarchy: The Kings of Castile in the Late Middle Ages,” in Rites of Power: Symbolism, Ritual, and Politics since the Middle Ages, edited by Sean Wilenz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 109–44, for a discussion of other symbols of Spanish kingship. 62 . Renard to Charles V, October 13, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish , 13:64). See also Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso, October 2, 1554 (ibid., 60). 6 3. H a m i l t o n , Wriothesley’s Chronicle, 123. 6 4. M a c h y n , Diary , 72; Charles L. Kingsford, ed., “Two London Chronicles from the Collection of John Stow,” in Camden Miscellany 12 , Camden 3rd Series (London: Camden Society, 1910), 38–39. 6 5. CalStP-Spanish , 13:81. 66 . Lambeth Palace Library, Talbot Papers, MS 3206, f. 269. 6 7. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Cvi(v). 68 . Ibid.; see also Machyn, Diary , 75–76. According to a Spanish account, Philip “went out to the door leading to the landing place, where the Cardinal was already standing, whom the King welcomed, bonnet in hand, with all signs of joy and courteous hospitality, and placed on his right hand.” See CalStP-Spanish, 13:118; for the original account in Spanish, see Pascual de Gayangos, ed., Viaje de Felipe Segundo á Inglaterra, por Andrés Muñoz (impreso en Zaragoza en 1554), y relaciones varias relativas al mismo suceso (Madrid: Imprenta de Rivadeneyra, 1877), 125–39. 6 9. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Cvi(v). . 7 0. CalStP-Spanish , 13:119; Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 127–28. 7 1. CalStP-Spanish , 13:120; Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 128–29. 7 2. CalStP-Spanish , 13:120; Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo, 129–30. Pole then withdrew, along with Count Feria, the Duke of Medinaceli, and Pedro de Castro, bishop of Cuenca. Although Spaniards accompanied him, he waited for Mary and Philip in the queen’s chamber. 73 . Philip to Francisco Vargas, December 6, 1554 ( CalStP-Spanish , 13:116). The same day, “in the chapel and all the London churches a Te Deum was sung for the Queen’s pregnancy” (ibid., 120). 7 4. I b i d . , 1 3 : 1 2 1 . 75 . A. G. Dickens, “Robert Parkyn’s Narrative of the Reformation,” English Historical Review 62 (1947): 58–83. 7 6. CalStP-Spanish , 13:116. For the absolution, see Elder, Letter , sig. Eiii–Ev; Foxe, Acts and Monuments , 6:571–72. Notes 253

77 . Dickens, “Robert Parkyn’s Narrative,” see 83. Pole pronounced November 30 the Feast of the Reconciliation, to be celebrated as a holy day from that point onward: it was celebrated, however, only for the duration of Mary’s reign. See Jaspar Godwin Ridley, The Tudor Age (London: Constable, 1988), 210. 78 . Rex H. Pogson, “Reginald Pole and the Priorities of Government in Mary Tudor’s Church,” Historical Journal 18, no. 1 (1975): 3–20, esp. 11. 7 9. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Ev; CalStP-Spanish, 13:122. 8 0. CalStP-Spanish , 13:122, 112. 8 1. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Ev(v); CalStP-Spanish , 13:112, 122; Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo , 137. See also Machyn, Diary, 77. 8 2. CalStP-Spanish , 13:112, 122; Machyn, Diary , 77; Elder, Letter , sig. Evii. 8 3. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Eviii(v). 84 . Count G. T. Langosco da Stroppiana to the bishop of Arras, December 3, 1554 (CalStP-Spanish , 13:112). Elder, Letter , sig. Fi(v). 85 . Renard to Charles V ( CalStP-Spanish, 13:108). 86 . Charles V ordered “solemn processions and thanksgiving services held . . . in recognition of the divine guidance vouchsafed to the affairs of the realm of England.” See CalStP-Spanish , 13:118, 137. See also CalStP- Venetian, 6:32. 87 . Geoffrey Parker, “The Place of Tudor England in the Messianic Vision of Philip II of Spain (The Prothero Lecture),” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 6th series, 12 (2002): 182. 88 . Luis Vanegas to the King of the Romans, November 14, 1554 ( CalStP- Spanish , 13:86). 89 . Renard to Charles V ( CalStP-Spanish, 13:108). 9 0. F o x e , Acts and Monuments, 6:574. The connection of Philip to Christ had been used before. According to Geoffrey Parker, some five years earlier, in 1549, Nicholas Mameranus “offered the prince a presentation copy of a book with a binding that juxtaposed the names of Philip and Christ in gold letters and called upon the prince to bring peace to Christendom, extirpate heresy and wrest Constantinople and Jerusalem from the Turks.” See Parker, “Place of Tudor England,” 180–81. In addition, Marie Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas: The Hapsburgs and the Mythic Image of the Emperor (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993), has pointed out that during Philip’s triumphal entry into Augsburg in 1549, “appearing to the emperor and the prince are two nearly identical, symmetrically placed figures of Christ and God the Father ruling in tandem” (136). 91 . Likewise, Philip was compared to Jason during the 1549 entry in Augsburg; see Tanner, Last Descendant of Aeneas, 137. 92 . Pole’s speech was printed in Elder, Letter, sig. Dvii(v)–Dviii; Foxe, Acts and Monuments, 6:570. 9 3. T a n n e r , Last Descendant of Aeneas, 131–35. See 143–45, and Parker, “Place of Tudor England,” 181–82, for the continuation of Philip’s appropriation of the Solomonic theme throughout his reign. 254 Notes

94 . Elizabeth I would later also be compared to Solomon. See John N. King, Tudor Royal Iconography: Literature and Art in an Age of Religious Crisis (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 254–57. 9 5. E l d e r , Letter , sig. Dvii. See also Foxe, Acts and Monuments, 6:570. 96 . John Mason to the Council, December 25, 1554 (State Papers Foreign, SP 69/5/309). 9 7. CalStP-Venetian , 6:56. In addition, both the sword and the rose “signify that whether when inflicting punishment or bestowing reward, the sovereign has always need of the blessing of God.” 98 . Lois L. Huneycutt, “Intercession and the High-Medieval Queen: The Esther Topos,” in Carpenter and MacLean, Power of the Weak , 126–46; Parsons, “Queen’s Intercession,” 147–77; Paul Strohm, Hochon’s Arrow: The Social Imagination of Fourteenth-Century Texts (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 95–119. 9 9. S t r o h m , Hochon’s Arrow, 95. 1 0 0. CalStP-Venetian , 2:385. 1 0 1. J . J . S c a r i s b r i c k , Henry VIII (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), 67. 1 0 2. P r o c t o r , Historie of Wyates rebellion (1555), sig. Kv(v)–Kvi(v). 103 . Renard to Emperor Charles V ( CalStP-Spanish, 13:175). 1 0 4. W o o d , Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies, 3:294. 105 . M. J. Rodríguez-Salgado and Simon Adams, eds., “The Count of Feria’s Dispatch to Philip II of 14 November 1558,” in Camden Miscellany 28 , Camden 4th Series 29 (London: Offices of the Royal Historical Society, 1984), 302–44, see 330. See also Henry Clifford, E. E. Estcourt, and Joseph Stevenson, The Life of Jane Dormer, Duchess of Feria (London: Burns and Oates, 1887), 88. 1 0 6. H a m i l t o n , Wriothesley’s Chronicle, 2:125. 1 0 7. R e v . D r . G i l e s , e d . , The Whole Works of Roger Ascham, Now First Collected and Revised, with a life of the author, vol. 1 (London: John Russell Smith, 1865), 414–29. 1 0 8. CalStP-Venetian , 6.1:31. Philip apparently replied “that he was to write in French or Latin, that his Majesty might not have to employ an interpreter, but hear from himself without having to confide his letters to any one, thus showing that he did him the favour to bear him the same good will as demonstrated by his Majesty towards all the others who had recourse to him.” Michieli to the Doge and Senate, March 26, 1555. Courtenay was released in April, “during Holy Week”; see CalStP-Spanish , 13:165, Simon Renard to Charles V, April 21, 1555. 1 0 9. CalStP-Venetian , 5:320, quoted in Loades, Reign of Mary Tudor , 210. CSP Mary I, 153. Loades has noted that “it would be interesting to know how much of the queen’s supposed clemency was due to this kind of interested pressure.” 1 1 0. L o a d e s , Mary Tudor , 279. 111 . Lambeth Palace Library, Talbot Papers, MS 3206 [P], ff. 279–80. 1 1 2. S t r y p e , Historical Memorials, relating chiefly to religion under King Henry VIII, King Edward VI and Queen Mary I , 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1822), 3:208. Notes 255

113 . Lambeth Palace Library, Talbot Papers, MS 3194 [C], f. 211. Loades, Reign of Mary Tudor , has pointed out that “with the exception of the promotion of Lord Paget to the office of lord privy seal, Philip had no demonstrable influence upon the personnel of either the government or the court” (210). 114 . See David M. Loades, “The English Church during the Reign of Mary,” in Reforming Catholicism in the England of Mary Tudor: The Achievement of Friar Bartolomé Carranza , ed. John Edwards and Ronald Truman (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), 34; Judith M. Richards, Mary Tudor (London and New York: Routledge, 2008), 192–93. 1 1 5. F o x e , Acts and Monuments , 12:2098. For a discussion of the blackening of Mary’s reputation from the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries, see Richards, Mary Tudor, 4–9. 1 1 6. CSP Mary I, 66. 1 1 7. R i c h a r d s , Mary Tudor, 198. 1 1 8. A n n a W h i t e l o c k , Mary Tudor: England’s First Queen (London: Bloomsbury, 2009), 265. 1 1 9. E a m o n D u f f y , Fires of Faith: Catholic England under Mary Tudor (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), 7. 120 . James Brooks, A sermon very notable, fruicteful, and godlie made at Paules crosse the xii daie of Noue[m]bre (London: Robert Caly, 1554), (STC 3839.3), sig. Kiiv–kiiiv. 1 2 1. H y d e r E . R o l l i n s , e d . , Old English Ballads, 1553–1625, Chiefly from Manuscripts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1920), 14. See also my chapter 2 and King, Tudor Royal Iconography, 216–19. 1 2 2. J o h n A n g e l , The agrement of the holye fathers, and doctors of the churche, vpon the cheifest articles of Christian religion (London: William Harford, 1555), Aiii. The identification of Mary as Judith also showed up in the miniature portrait of Mary blessing cramp rings in Certain prayers to be used by the quenes heignes in the consecration of the crampe rynges : in addition to the images of the Virgin Mary and St. George, in the left border of the portrait, a woman holding a severed head, probably Judith, is depicted. King, Tudor Royal Iconography, 187. 1 2 3. J a m e s C a n c e l l a r , The pathe of obedience (London: John Waylande, 1556), (STC 4565), f. Cii. 124 . Ibid., ff. Aiiiv. See also Angel, Agreement of the holye fathers, who wrote “that we haue nowe oure olde and true religion brought home agayne: and are cured again through God by her, of oure olde blyndenes that we were in, by the medecyne of veritie” (f.Aiiiv). 1 2 5. C a n c e l l a r , Pathe of obedience, f. Cviii; Miles Huggarde, The displaying of the Protestantes [and] sundry their practises, with a description of diuers their abuses of late frequented (London: Robert Caly, 1556), (STC 13558), p. 61v. 1 2 6. H u g g a r d e , Displaying of the Protestants , 59v, 61. 1 2 7. I b i d . , 1 2 7 . 1 2 8. A commyssion sent to the bloudy butcher byshop of London (London, 1557). 1 2 9. A supplicacyo[n] to the quenes maiestie (London: John Cawoode, 1555), 17. 130 . Susan Doran, “A ‘Sharp Rod’ of Chastisement: Mary I through Protestant Eyes during the Reign of Elizabeth I,” in Mary Tudor: Old and 256 Notes

New Perspectives , ed. Susan Doran and Thomas S. Freeman (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 28–31. 131 . Ibid., 35. 132 . Thomas S. Freeman, “Inventing Bloody Mary: Perceptions of Mary Tudor from the Restoration to the Twentieth Century,” in Doran and Freeman, Old and New Perspectives, 78. 133 . See Joseph Pérez, L’Espagne de Philippe II (Paris: Librairie Artheme Fayard, 1999), 42–43. 134 . See Jennifer Loach, “The Marian Establishment and the Printing Press,” English Historical Review 101, no. 398 (1986), 135–48; Jennifer Loach, “Pamphlets and Politics, 1553–8,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 48 (1975), 31–44; David M. Loades, “The Theory and Practice of Censorship in Sixteenth-Century England,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, vol. 24 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1974), 141–57. 135 . See James M. Boyden, The Courtier and the King: Ruy Gómez de Silva, Philip II, and the Court of Spain (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 46–52. Boyden points out that in the fall of 1554, numerous rumors were in circulation about Charles V’s imminent intention to abdicate (47). 136 . Loach, “Marian Establishment,” 147. Loach adds that Mary’s government “seems to have considered that printed propaganda could do little to change its reputation at home.”

Conclusion: The Queen Is Dead, Long Live the Queen 1 . The lame[n]tacion of England (Germany, 1557), (STC 10014), 10. 2 . A . N . M c L a r e n , Political Culture in the Reign of Elizabeth I: Queen and Commonwealth, 1558–1585 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 97–98. 3 . J o h n H e y w o o d , The Spider and the Flie: Reprinted from the Ed. of 1556 (New York: Franklin, 1967), 455. 4 . Miles Huggarde, The displaying of the Protestantes, [and] sundry their practices, with a description of diuers their abuses of late frequented (London: Robert Caly, 1556), (STC 13558), sig. Li(v)–Lii. 5 . See chapter 5, this volume. 6 . Judith M. Richards, “Mary Tudor as ‘Sole Quene’? Gendering Tudor Monarchy,” Historical Journal 40, no. 4 (December 1997): 917. See also Alexander Samson, “Changing Places: The Marriage and Royal Entry of Philip, Prince of Austria, and Mary Tudor, July–August 1554,” Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 3 (2005): 761–84, who has commented, “As the reign progressed Philip edged his way into the symbolically superior position” (782). 7 . See Public Record Office (P. R. O.), King’s Bench 27/1182/2, 27/1185/2. See also Erna Auerbach, Tudor Artists: A Study of Painters in the Royal Service and Notes 257

of Portraiture on Illuminated Documents from the Accession of Henry VIII to the Death of Elizabeth I (London: University of London Athlone Press, 1954). 8 . See Peggy K. Liss, Isabel the Queen: Life and Times (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 106–7. 9 . The situation was not entirely analogous, in that Isabel and Ferdinand were rulers of two countries bound by geography and similar histories and cultures. Moreover, Isabel held proprietorship of the crown of Castile, larger and more powerful than Ferdinand’s kingdom of Aragon. 10 . For Mary’s letters to the emperor urging Philip’s return, see Calendar of Letters, Despatches, and State Papers Relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain Preserved in the Archives at Simancas and Elsewhere, ed. Royall Tyler et al., 13 vols. (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1862– 1954), 13:259–60, 267, 271, 276. [Series hereafter cited as CalStP-Spanish .] See also Barrett Beer and Sybil M. Jack, eds., The Letters of William, Lord Paget of Beaudesert, 1547–1563 (London: Offices of the Royal Historical Society, 1974), 115–17. For Philip’s unwillingness to return without a coronation, see Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating to English Affairs, Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice, And in Other Libraries of Northern Italy, ed. Rawdon Brown et al., 39 vols. (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1864–1890), 6:212, 227, 299–300. [Series hereafter cited as CalStP- Venetian .] 11 . Giacomo Soranzo, ambassador in France, to the doge and senate, April 14, 1556 (CalStP-Venetian , 6:410). 12 . State Papers Domestic, Mary, and Philip and Mary, SP 11/7/66. See also SP 11/7/37. 13 . Elizabeth Russell, “Mary Tudor and Mr. Jorkins,” Historical Research 63 (October 1990): 262–76, esp. 264; CalStP-Venetian, 6:283. 1 4. D a v i d M . L o a d e s , Mary Tudor: A Life (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), 259. 15 . See Philip to Cardinal Pole, January 21, 1558 ( CalStP-Spanish , 13:340–41) and “A Report from Pedro de Ocaña,” February 25, 1558 (ibid., 13:362–63). 16 . For a copy of Mary’s will, see British Library, Harleian MS 6949. A printed version of Mary’s will can be found in Loades, Mary Tudor , appendix 3, 370–83. 17 . Philip understood the English desire to have a resident king. When deciding whether or not to commence marriage negotiations with Elizabeth I, Philip acknowledged that “it is difficult for me to reconcile my conscience to it as I am obliged to reside in my other dominions and consequently could not be much in England, which apparently is what they fear,” as well as “the urgent need for my presence in Spain, which is greater than I can say here, and the heavy expense I should be put to in England by reason of the costly entertainment necessary to the people there.” See Philip to Count de Feria, January 10, 1559, Calendar of Letters and State Papers, Relating to English Affairs, Preserved Principally in the Archives of Simancas, ed. Martin A. S. Hume (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1892), 1:22. 1 8. I b i d . , 1 : 2 2 – 2 3 . 258 Notes

19 . It is not clear what finally caused Mary’s death after a reported months- long sickness. Loades has suggested several possible causes, including a cancerous tumor or an ovarian cyst or simply influenza. See Loades, Mary Tudor, 310–11. 20 . Henry VIII’s funeral, as well as the traditional nature of Tudor funerals, has been described and analyzed in great detail by Jennifer Loach. See Loach, “The Function of Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII,” Past and Present 142 (February 1994): 43–68, esp. 62. 21 . “The Entierment of the Most Highe, most Puysant, and most Excellente Princess Mary the first of that Name,” in John Leland, Joannis Lelandi Antiquarii De Rebus Britannicis Collectanea, ed. Thomas Hearne, 6 vols. (London: J. Richardson, 1770), 5:307–23, esp. 308. Another printed account of Mary’s funeral can be found in the “Appendix to Preface,” Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, of the Reign of Elizabeth, Preserved in the State Paper Department of Her Majesty’s Public Record Office , vol. 2, 1559–1560 , ed. Joseph Stevenson (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1865), CXV–CXXIX. 2 2. Leland’s Collectanea, 5:308. 23 . In the case of Henry VIII’s death, the ceremonies taking place in the chapel went on for ten days before the coffin was removed to Windsor. See Loach, “Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII,” 56. 2 4. Leland’s Collectanea, 5:314. 25 . Henry Machyn, The Diary of Henry Machyn: Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London, from A.D. 1550–1563 , ed. John Gough Nichols (London: Printed for the Camden Society, 1848), 183. 2 6. Leland’s Collectanea, 5:314; Machyn, Diary, 182. The dragon was the badge of Owen Tudor, the greyhound was a Lancastrian symbol, and Henry VIII had adopted the image of the lion as his own standard. See Loach, “Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII,” 57. According to Loach, the same three standards also appeared at Edward VI’s funeral. Machyn’s account of the standards substitutes “the Faucon and the [Hart]” for the dragon and reverses the order of the greyhound and lion (182). 2 7. M a c h y n , Diary , 182; Leland’s Collectanea, 5:314. For a list of the executors of Mary’s will, see P. R. O., Lord Chamberlain’s department, office of robes and special events, LC 2/4/2, “The accompte of the Buryall of the Late Quene Mary.” 28 . Loach, “Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII,” 58. 2 9. Leland’s Collectanea , 5:316; Machyn, Diary, 182–83. 3 0. Leland’s Collectanea, 5:315; Machyn, Diary, 182. The account in Leland’s Collectanea records that the four banners of saints included those of the Trinity, the Virgin, and St. George, which had also appeared at the funeral of Henry VIII (although not that of her brother Edward VI), just as they had been used at even earlier funerals. Henry VIII’s fourth banner of Henry the Saint, however, was replaced by one of Mary Magdalene for Mary’s funeral, perhaps simply because she was Mary’s namesake saint; it also could have identified her with the devotional example of Mary Magdalene as exhibited, for example, in the anointing of God’s feet at Notes 259

the supper of Bethany (John 12:1–8). Seven horses were used to pull the chariot in the funerals of both Henry VIII and Edward VI; see Loach, “Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII,” 58 and n89. 3 1. M a c h y n , Diary , 182. 32 . Dale Hoak, “The Iconography of the Crown Imperial,” in Tudor Political Culture , ed. Dale Hoak (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 99; Judith M. Richards, “Mary Tudor: Renaissance Queen of England,” in “High and Mighty Queens” of Early Modern England: Realities and Representations, ed. Carole Levin, Jo Eldridge Carney, and Debra Barrett- Graves (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 27–44, esp. 37. 3 3. M a c h y n , Diary , 182–83. In addition, 100 poor men also bore torches, and “all the way chandlers [having] torchys, to gyffe them that had ther torchys [burnt out].” 3 4. I b i d . , 1 8 3 . 3 5. Leland’s Collectanea, 5:318. According to the OED, a principal was “an upright pillar or stem having branches to bear tapers, formerly used on a catafalque or hearse.” 3 6. Leland’s Collectanea, 5:318–19. 3 7. M a c h y n , Diary , 183. According to Hoak, “Iconography,” “Essentially the royal hearse (whether standing or wheeled) was a torch-lit, temporary pavilion for the display of the king’s ‘Arms of all his Dominions, titles, genealogies’, etc., in the centre of which was a bier for the recumbent figure of the royal person, an effigy of plaster, wood which lay atop the coffin” (98). Henry VIII’s hearse, similarly, was a double-storied domed structure that rose 35 feet high. See Hoak, “Iconography,” 98–99; Loach, “Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII,” 59. 3 8. M a c h y n , Diary , 183. 3 9. Leland’s Collectanea , 5:321; Machyn, Diary , 183. 4 0. M a c h y n , Diary , 183–84. 41 . Ernst Hartwig Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957), 420–21. 42 . Loach, “Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII,” 60. 4 3. M a c h y n , Diary , 184. 44 . Ibid., 145. Apparently an effigy was not made for Anne of Cleves’s funeral; one was constructed, however, for Jane Seymour after her death. See A. E. Harvey and Richard Mortimer, The Funeral Effigies of Westminster Abbey (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell, 2003), 8. 45 . Loach, “Ceremonial in the Reign of Henry VIII,” 60. 4 6. L o a d e s , Mary Tudor, 370–71. 4 7. CalStP-Spanish , 12:210. 48 . The Count de Fería reported to Philip II in November 1558 that Elizabeth “is highly indignant about what has been done to her during the queen’s lifetime.” M. J. Rodríguez-Salgado and Simon Adams, eds., “The Count of Fería’s Dispatch to Philip II of 14 November 1558,” in Camden Miscellany 28, Camden 4th Series 29 (London: Offices of the Royal Historical Society, 1984), 320–29. 260 Notes

4 9. J e n n i f e r W o o d w a r d , The Theatre of Death: The Ritual Management of Royal Funerals in Renaissance England, 1570–1625 (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 1997), 80. Woodward estimates the costs at £321 14s. 6d., while Peter Sherlock asserts the entire funeral costs totaled £1,371 5s. 8d. See Sherlock, “The Monuments of Elizabeth Tudor and Mary Stuart: King James and the Manipulation of Memory,” Journal of British Studies 46, no. 2 (April 2007): 263–89, esp. 268. In contrast, the cost for Mary I’s funeral in 1558 was £7,763. For Mary I’s funeral expenditures, see SP 12/1/32–33; Loades, Mary Tudor, 313. 5 0. W o o d w a r d , Theatre of Death, 80–81. Woodward adds, “In staging the Peterborough obsequies, Elizabeth herself demonstrated that she recognized the social significance and propaganda potential of funeral” (86). 51 . Elizabeth, unlike Mary, did not specify the order of proceedings for her own funeral in 1603, but James I ordered that it would be conducted “with as much solemnitie as hath been used to any former prince, and that by the kings owne direction.” P. R. O., SP 14/1/21, quoted in Woodward, Theatre of Death , 97. Woodward argues that there were political considerations for the new king’s support for the use of traditional procedures to stage Elizabeth’s funeral: “Fulfilment of his duties to the dead Queen demonstrated his family or lineal association with her and thus the rightness of his succession” (97). 52 . Bishop White’s entire speech can be found in John Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials (London: J. Nichols and Son, 1823), vol. 3, pt. 2, 537–50. White was put under house arrest after his sermon for allegedly comparing Elizabeth to Mary and slandering the new queen, by quoting from Ecclesiastes 9:4: “Better a live dog than a dead lion.” See Oxford Dictionary of National Biography: In Association with the British Academy: From the Earliest Times to the Year 2000 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), s.v. “White, John.” 5 3. M a r j o r i e C h i b n a l l , The Empress Matilda: Queen Consort, Queen Mother, and Lady of the English (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), 191. 5 4. S t r y p e , Eccesliastical Memorials , vol. 3, pt. 2, 546. 5 5. I b i d . 5 6. I b i d . , 5 4 7 . 5 7. I b i d . , 5 4 6 . 5 8. I b i d . , 5 4 5 . 5 9. I b i d . , 5 4 8 . 60 . “The Epitaphe upon the death of the most excellent and oure late virtuous Quene, Marie, deceased” (London: Richard Lante, 1558), printed in Old English Ballads, 1553–1625, Chiefly from the Manuscripts, ed. Hyder E. Rollins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1920), 23–26. See also Thomas Park et al., ed., The Harleian miscellany; a collection of scarce, curious, and entertaining pamphlets and tracts, as well in manuscript as in print, vol. 10 (London: John White, 1813), 259–60. 6 1. P a r k , Harleian miscellany, 260. 6 2. S t r y p e , Ecclesiastical Memorials , vol. 3, pt. 2, 548. 6 3. I b i d . ; P s a l m 1 2 8 : 6 . Notes 261

6 4. P a r k , Harleian miscellany, 260. 6 5. S t r y p e , Ecclesiastical Memorials , vol. 3, pt. 2, 546. 6 6. J o h n A y l m e r , An Harborowe for Faithfulll and Trewe Subiectes, Agaynst the Late Blowne Blaste, Concerninge the Gouernme[N]T of Wemen: Wherin Be Confuted All Such Reasons As a Straunger of Late Made in That Behalfe: with a Breife Exhortation to Obedience (London: John Daye, 1559) (STC 1005), C4v. 67 . See D. R. Woolf, “The Power of the Past: History, Ritual and Political Authority in Tudor England,” in Political Thought and the Tudor Commonwealth: Deep Structure, Discourse and Disguise, ed. Paul A. Fideler and T. F. Mayer (London: Routledge, 1992), 19–49, esp. 21–22. Woolf gives the example of Polydore Vergil, “whose Anglica Historia was almost certainly commissioned by Henry VII about 1506 to provide an account of national history which would lead up to the accession of his own line and, by making that accession seem inevitable and providential, enhance its legitimacy” (22). One of the pageants in Elizabeth I’s coronation procession used language to legitimize her position as true heir to the throne by referring to her direct descent from Henry VII and Elizabeth of York with these lines: “Both heires to both their bloodes, to Lancastre the king / The Queene to Yorke, in one the two houses did knit, / Of whom as heire to both, henry the eyght did spring, / In whose seat his true heire thou quene Elsabeth dost sit.” See J. M. Osborn, ed., The Quenes Maiesties Passage through the Citie of London to Westminster the Day before her Coronacion, Anno 1558 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1960), sig. Bi(v). 6 8. C h r i s t o p h e r G o o d m a n , How superior powers oght to be obeyd of their suiects (Geneva: John Crispin, 1558), sig. i(v). 6 9. P a r k , Harleian miscellany, 260. 70 . M. L. Metzger, “Controversy and ‘Correctness’: English Chronicles and the Chroniclers, 1553–1568” Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 2 (1996): 442. 71 . Frances A. Yates, “Foxe as Propagandist,” in Ideas and Ideals in the North European Renaissance: Collected Essays (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1984), 30. 7 2. C h r i s t o p h e r H a i g h , English Reformations: Religion, Politics, and Society under the Tudors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 233–34. 7 3. J u d i t h M . R i c h a r d s , Mary Tudor (London and New York: Routledge, 2008), 201. 7 4. F r o m E d w a r d R i s h t o n ’ s Continuation of Nicolas Sanders, Rise and Growth of the Anglican Schism, quoted in Richard L. Greaves, Elizabeth I, Queen of England (Lexington, MA, and London: D. C. Heath and Co., 1974), 26. 75 . I have explored this question in more detail elsewhere: see Sarah Duncan, “‘Most Godly Heart Fraight with Al Mercie’: Queens’ Mercy during the Reigns of Mary I and Elizabeth I,” in Queens and Power in Medieval and Early Modern England, ed. Carole Levin and Robert Bucholz (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2009), 31–50. 76 . Leah Marcus, “Shakespeare’s Comic Heroines, Elizabeth I, and the Political Uses of Androgyny,” in Women in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance: Literary and Historical Perspectives , ed. Mary Beth Rose (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1986), 147. 262 Notes

7 7. A y l m e r , Harborowe , sig. N4v. 78 . Woolf, “Power of the Past,” 34. 7 9. W i l l i a m B a l d w i n , The last part of the Mirour for magistrates wherein may be seene by examples passed in this realme, vvith howe greenous [sic] plagues, vyces are punished in great princes & magistrates (London: Thomas Marsh, 1578), sig. 175. 80 . Ibid., sig. 175(v). 81 . The first edition—W. Baldwin et al., A Memorial of Suche Princes as since the Tyme of King Richard the Seconde have been Unfortunate in the Realme of England (London: J. Wayland, 1555)—was suppressed in 1555. According to D. R. Woolf, “Both its contents and subject, long part of de casibus literature, would have escaped suspicion but for its appearance in the year following Wyatt’s rebellion” (“Power of the Past,” 34). 8 2. L o a d e s , Mary Tudor, 382.

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I NDEX

Act Concerning Regal Power 58–9 , Castro, Fray Alonso de 163 1 7 3, 1 7 8 Catherine de Medici, Dowager Acts and Monuments of the English Q u e e n o f F r a n c e 1 1 Martyrs 1 5 9, 1 6 2, 1 8 0 Catherine of Aragon, 1 st Queen of The agrement of the holye fathers 1 6 1 H e n r y V I I I 3 , 3 9, 4 2, 1 1 5 ; a d v i c e Alba, Fadrique Alverez de Toledo, t o M a r y 5 6 ; a s b r i d e o f A r t h u r 7 0, 3r d D u k e o f 6 6, 7 6, 8 4 7 5, 7 9 ; c o r o n a t i o n o f 2 3, 1 4 3 – 4 ; A n g e l , J o h n 1 6 1 d i v o r c e f r o m H e n r y V I I I 7 ; Anne of Austria, fourth wife of e d u c a t i o n 3 – 4 ; a s r e g e n t 5 ; r o l e i n P h i l i p I I 7 5 Evil May Day 156; role in Mary’s Anne of Cleves, 4 th Queen of Henry education 4; wedding to Henry V I I I 2 5, 3 2, 7 2, 7 5, 7 9, 1 3 8, 1 7 4 V I I I 7 9 A r t h u r , P r i n c e o f W a l e s 7 0, 7 5, 7 9 C e c i l , W i l l i a m 4 1 A r u n d e l , H e n r y F i t z a l e n , E a r l o f 7 6, Ceremonies, for arrival of foreign 8 2, 9 9, 1 0 0, 1 0 2, 1 0 7, 1 0 9 p r i n c e s s e s 6 9 – 7 0, 7 2, 7 5 ; f o r a r r i v a l Ascham, Roger 157 of Philip of Spain 68–70 , 75–8; of An Ave Maria in Commendation of our b l e s s i n g c r a m p r i n g s 1 1 9 – 2 0, 1 2 3 – 4, most Vertuous Queene 1 6 1 1 2 6 ; o f c o r o n a t i o n p r o c e s s i o n s 2 3, A y l m e r , J o h n 3 6, 1 1 7, 1 7 8 2 5 – 9 ; o f c o r o n a t i o n s 2 1 – 3, 2 9 – 3 6, 4 7, 5 4, 1 0 5, 1 0 7, 1 2 0 – 2, 1 2 4, Badoer, Federico, Venetian 1 3 9, 1 4 2 – 7, 1 6 1, 1 6 6, 1 6 9, 1 7 8 ; o f a m b a s s a d o r 1 5 8 c o u r t s h i p 6 4 – 8, 7 0 – 2 ; o f c r e a t i n g B e c o n , T h o m a s 3 8, 1 1 2 knights of the Bath 23–4; of the B e d f o r d , J o h n R u s s e l l , 1s t E a r l o f 8 2 creation of Viscount Montague Boleyn, Anne, 2nd Queen of Henry 1 0 2 – 4 ; o f f u n e r a l s 1 7 1 – 5 ; o f t h e V I I I 3 , 1 8, 2 3, 7 9, 1 0 6, 1 3 9, 1 4 3 Order of the Garter 99–102; of Bonner, Edmund, Bishop of r e c o n c i l i a t i o n w i t h R o m e 1 5 0 – 3 ; o f L o n d o n 1 6 2 r o y a l e n t r i e s i n t o L o n d o n 1 7 – 2 0, 2 2, Bourne, Sir John 103 8 6 – 8 ; o f t h e R o y a l M a u n d y 1 2 0 – 2 ; Bray, Lady Ann 158 o f s w o r d s 4 , 1 9, 2 3 – 5, 2 8 – 3 3, B r a y , J o h n 1 5 8 8 5 – 6, 9 8, 1 0 3, 1 5 2 ; o f t o u c h i n g f o r Brooks, James 161 k i n g ’ s e v i l 1 1 9 – 2 0, 1 2 2, 1 2 4 – 5 ; Browne, Sir Anthony 69 , 102–3 o f t o u r n a m e n t s 1 0 4 – 9 ; o f w e d d i n g s 7 8 – 8 6 C a l a i s , l o s s o f 1 0 8 Certaine Questions Demanded and Asked Cancellar, James 161 by the Noble Realm of England 1 6 5 Carew, Sir Peter 44 , 158 Charles, Archduke of Austria 145 284 Index

Charles I, King of England 145 D u d l e y , G u i l f o r d 4 0 – 2 Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor 41 , D u d l e y , R o b e r t 1 0 7, 1 0 9 4 6, 5 5, 1 2 4, 1 2 6, 1 6 4 ; a b d i c a t i o n Duwes, Giles 4 o f 1 6 9 ; e n g a g e m e n t t o M a r y D y m o c k e , E d w a r d 3 4 Tudor 43; and England’s r e c o n c i l i a t i o n w i t h R o m e 1 5 2 – 4 ; Edward (the Confessor), King of i n f l u e n c e o n M a r y 4 5 ; a n d E n g l a n d 3 0, 3 1, 3 3 – 4, 1 0 0, 1 1 9, 1 2 1 m a r r i a g e a r t i c l e s 5 1 ; a n d Edward III, King of England 87 , 146 P h i l i p 6 4, 6 6, 7 7, 8 1, 8 5, 1 0 0, 1 0 4 ; Edward IV, King of England 120 r o l e i n m a r r i a g e n e g o t i a t i o n s 5 0, E d w a r d V I , K i n g o f E n g l a n d 1 , 1 2, 1 3, 6 1 – 2, 6 8, 7 1 2 1, 3 7 – 9, 4 1, 4 5, 1 1 4 – 1 5, 1 2 9, 1 4 3, 1 5 0, C h r i s t o p h e r s o n , J o h n 1 1 3, 1 2 6, 1 2 8, 1 8 0 ; b i r t h o f 3 ; c o r o n a t i o n o f 2 2 – 3, 1 3 2, 1 3 8, 1 4 6 3 0, 3 3 ; c o r o n a t i o n p r o c e s s i o n Clifford, Margaret, Lady o f 2 6 – 7 ; d e a t h o f 1 3 – 1 4 ; f u n e r a l Cumberland 109 o f 1 7 4 – 5 ; a n d M a r y 7 – 1 1 ; a n d C l i n t o n , E d w a r d F i n e s , L o r d 1 0 3 Order of the Garter 99; rumors of C o r o n a t i o n s 3 , 5 , 1 2 ; o f A n n e s u r v i v a l 1 4 2 ; a s S o l o m o n 1 5 4 B o l e y n 1 8, 2 3 ; o f C a t h e r i n e o f E g m o n t , C o u n t d e 5 1, 6 2, 6 4, 6 6 – 7 A r a g o n 2 3 ; o f E d w a r d V I 2 2 – 3, E l d e r , J o h n 9 5 33; of Elizabeth I 34–6; of Henry Elizabeth, Princess, later Queen V I I I 2 2 – 3 ; o f M a r y I 1 7, 2 1 – 3, 2 9, E l i z a b e t h I 1 – 2, 7 , 1 0, 1 1, 1 9, 3 1 – 7 ; p a g e a n t r y 2 5 – 9 ; r o y a l 1 7, 2 9, 3 8, 3 9, 1 0 7, 1 0 8, 1 2 3, 1 3 1, 1 5 7, 2 3, 2 9 – 3 1 1 5 8, 1 6 2, 1 6 8, 1 7 1 ; b i r t h o f 3 ; C o u r r i è r e s , A m b a s s a d o r 5 1, 6 2 c o r o n a t i o n o f 3 4 – 6 ; a s h e a d o f C o u r t e n a y , E d w a r d 4 1, 1 5 7 the body politic 113 , 117; as heir C r a m p r i n g s 1 1 8 – 2 1, 1 2 3 – 4, 1 3 3, 1 4 1 a p p a r e n t 4 0, 4 2 ; i l l e g i t i m a c y Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of o f 3 7 ; i m a g e o f a s q u e e n 4 7, 5 2, C a n t e r b u r y 1 8 0 5 7, 5 8, 1 1 9 ; m a r r i a g e n e g o t i a t i o n s C r o f t , S i r J a m e s 4 4 o f 4 1, 4 5, 6 3, 7 1, 7 5, 1 4 5, 1 7 0 ; a t C r o m w e l l , T h o m a s 7 9 M a r y ’ s c o r o n a t i o n 2 3, 2 5, 3 2 ; a n d M a r y ’ s e n t r y i n t o L o n d o n 1 8, 2 2 ; D a r c y , S i r T h o m a s 1 0 3 a n d M a r y ’ s f u n e r a l 1 7 4 – 5 ; a n d De Quadra, Bishop Alvarez, O r d e r o f t h e G a r t e r 1 0 1, 1 0 9 ; A m b a s s a d o r 7 5 p r a i s e o f 1 7 7 – 8 ; a s p r o v i d e n t i a l D e r b y , D u k e o f 7 6, 8 5, 1 0 0, 1 0 9 r u l e r 1 7 9 ; r e p u t a t i o n a s r u l e r Discoverie of Guiana 1 1 6 9 0 – 1 ; s u c c e s s i o n o f 1 7 8 – 8 2 ; a n d The Displaying of the Protestantes, [and] theory of king’s two bodies 47–9; sondry their practices 1 6 6 T i l s b u r y s p e e c h 1 2 7, 1 3 2 ; a n d Don Carlos, son of Philip II of touching for the king’s evil 121 , S p a i n 6 2 1 2 6 ; v i e w s o n m a r r i a g e 5 3 – 5 ; a n d D r a n t , T h o m a s 1 3 1 W y a t t ’ s R e b e l l i o n 4 4 D u c h e s s o f L o r r a i n e 1 2 4 Elizabeth of York, Queen of Henry Dudley, Sir Ambrose 157 V I I 2 5, 1 4 3 Dudley, Elizabeth Tailboys, 4th E l y , B i s h o p o f 1 2 1 B a r o n e s s T a i l b o y s 1 5 7 Enrique IV, King of Castile 4 Index 285

E r a s m u s , D e s i d e r i u s 4 , 5 6 H e n r y I I , K i n g o f F r a n c e 4 5, 5 2, 1 0 7 An exhortation to all menne to take hede Henry VII, King of England 18 , and beware of rebellion 1 1 3, 1 3 8, 1 4 6 2 3, 2 5, 7 0, 7 1, 7 9, 9 9, 1 1 9, 1 2 0, 1 4 3, 1 7 1, 1 7 9 Faitta, Marco Antonio 121–2 Henry VIII, King of England 13 , 21 , F e r d i n a n d I I , k i n g o f A r a g o n 4 , 5 , 1 1, 3 8, 3 9, 1 1 3, 1 3 7, 1 5 0, 1 5 2, 1 5 6, 1 7 6 ; a n d 9 3 – 5, 1 6 8 C a t h e r i n e o f A r a g o n 5 , 7 , 5 6, 1 4 3 ; Feria, Gómez Suárez de Figueroa, c o r o n a t i o n o f 2 2 – 3, 2 6 ; f u n e r a l C o u n t o f 6 3, 7 6, 1 5 7, 1 7 2 o f 1 7 1 – 3, 1 7 5 ; l a s t w i l l o f 3 , 1 1 ; F i g u e r o a , J u a n d e 8 1, 1 5 7 m a r r i a g e s o f 4 1, 7 0, 7 2, 7 5, 7 9 ; a n d Fitzwalter, Thomas Radcliffe, M a r y 1 – 3, 9 , 4 2 – 3, 4 9, 5 7, 7 1 ; a n d V i s c o u n t 1 0 1, 1 0 3, 1 0 6, 1 0 9 Order of the Garter 99; the Royal Flodden Field, Battle of 5 M a u n d y 1 2 0 ; a s S o l o m o n 1 5 4 ; a n d F o r r e s t , W i l l i a m 5 4 tilting 106 F o r t e s c u e , S i r J o h n 1 2 0 – 1 H e y w o o d , J o h n 1 2 8, 1 3 0, 1 3 1, 1 4 6, 1 6 6 F o x e , J o h n 1 , 1 3 7, 1 5 1, 1 5 9, 1 6 2, 1 8 0 Historical Narration 1 7 Francis, Duke of Anjou and The Historie of Wyate’s Rebellion 1 1 4 A l e n ç o n 7 1 How Superior Powers ought to be obeyd F u n e r a l s , o f E d w a r d V I 1 7 4 – 5 ; o f of their subjects 3 5 H e n r y V I I I 1 7 1 ; o f M a r y I 1 7 1 – 5 ; Howard, Catherine, 5th Queen of of Mary, Queen of Scots 175; H e n r y V I I I 7 9 n o b l e 1 7 4 ; r o y a l 1 7 1, 1 7 4 Howard, Lord William, 1st Baron Howard of Effingham 67 , 100 , 103 G a g e , S i r J o h n 7 6, 8 0, 1 0 3 H u g g a r d e , M i l e s 1 2 9, 1 6 2, 1 6 6 Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of H u g h e s , J o h n 1 4 W i n c h e s t e r 2 5, 1 0 3, 1 3 7, 1 4 6, 1 5 9, An humble supplicacion vnto God 1 1 2 1 6 2 ; a t M a r y ’ s c o r o n a t i o n 42–3; and Mary’s marriage I s a b e l I , Q u e e n o f C a s t i l e 3 , 4 , 5 , 7 , n e g o t i a t i o n s 4 0, 4 2 – 3 ; a t P h i l i p ’ s 1 1, 9 3 – 5, 1 3 9, 1 6 8 a r r i v a l 6 9, 7 7 ; a n d r e c o n c i l i a t i o n Isabel of Valois, third wife of Philip w i t h R o m e 1 5 0 – 2, 1 5 9 ; a t r o y a l I I 7 5 w e d d i n g 8 1 – 2, 8 4 – 6 G i l l a m , J o h n 1 4 7 J a m e s V, K i n g o f S c o t l a n d 1 1 Gómez de Silva, Ruy 70 Juego de cañas 1 0 5 – 6, 1 0 9 G o o d m a n , C h r i s t o p h e r 3 5, 1 1 2 – 1 3, J u l i u s I I I , P o p e 1 4 0, 1 5 2, 1 5 3 1 3 6, 1 4 7, 1 7 9 G r e y , L a d y J a n e 1 2, 1 3, 1 4, 1 8, 3 7, 3 8 K i n g ’ s e v i l , t o u c h i n g f o r 1 1 1, 1 1 8 – 2 1, G r e y , L o r d 1 0 1 1 2 3 – 5, 1 7 8 G u a r a s , A n t o n i o d e 4 3, 1 1 9 K i n g ’ s t w o b o d i e s , t h e o r y o f 1 2, 1 7, 2 1, 4 7, 1 1 3, 1 7 3 H a m p t o n C o u r t 1 0 1, 1 0 9, 1 4 1 – 2, 1 4 8 K n i g h t s o f t h e B a t h 2 3 – 5, 3 1, 3 4, 1 0 7 An Harborowe for Faithfull and Trewe K n i g h t s o f t h e G a r t e r 3 3, 3 4, 9 9 – 1 0 2 Subiectes 1 1 6, 1 7 8 Henrietta Maria, Queen 145 L a l a i n g , C o u n t d e 5 1, 6 2 Henry I, King of England 11 The lame[n]tacion of England 1 1 6 286 Index

L a s N a v a s , M a r q u i s d e 6 4, 6 6 a n d f a l s e p r e g n a n c i e s 1 3 6 – 4 2, L a t i m e r , B i s h o p H u g h 3 9 1 4 5 – 8, 1 6 3, 1 7 0 ; f i r s t m e e t i n g s w i t h Lennox, Margaret Douglas, Countess P h i l i p 7 6 – 8 ; f u n e r a l 1 7 1 – 5 ; f u n e r a l o f 1 7 2 oration and epitaph for 175–8; as Liber regalis 2 3, 2 5, 3 0 head of the body politic 114–15 , L i n c o l n , B i s h o p o f 1 5 3 1 1 7 – 1 8 ; h i s t o r i o g r a p h y 1 – 2, 8 9 – 9 2 ; L o n d o n 7 , 1 2, 1 4, 1 6 – 1 9, 2 3, 2 5 – 6, a s J e z e b e l 1 1 2 – 1 3, 1 6 2 ; a s J u d i t h 2 8, 2 8, 3 5, 3 7 – 8, 4 1, 4 4, 4 8, 5 1, 5 4, 6 7, 1 3 8 – 9, 1 6 0 – 1 ; m a n i p u l a t i o n o f 7 8 – 8 0, 8 6 – 8, 9 4, 9 8, 1 0 7, 1 0 9, 1 1 9, i m a g e 5 3 – 8, 1 1 1 ; m a r r i a g e t o 1 2 3, 1 2 7, 1 3 6, 1 4 0, 1 4 5, 1 4 8 – 5 2, 1 5 6 – 8, P h i l i p o f S p a i n 7 8 – 8 3 ; a s m i l i t a r y 1 6 2, 1 7 6 c o m m a n d e r 1 5 – 1 6, 2 9, 1 0 8 – 9, 1 2 7 – 8 ; Longosco da Stroppiana, Count a s m o d e l f o r E l i z a b e t h 3 4 – 5, 1 7 8 – 9 ; G . T . 1 4 9 and Order of the Garter 99–102; L y o n , J o h n 1 0 7 a s P a l l a s A t h e n a 2 7 ; a n d P h i l i p ’ s c o r o n a t i o n 1 4 2 – 5 ; p i c t o r i a l M a c h y n , H e n r y 2 6 d e p i c t i o n s o f 2 9, 9 5 – 7, 1 1 0, Maltravers, Henry FitzAlan, 1 6 6 – 8 ; p r a i s e o f v i r t u e s , 1 2 6 – 9 ; L o r d 1 0 9 p r o c l a i m e d q u e e n 1 6 ; a s M a n r i q u e d e L a r a , J u a n 6 3 p r o v i d e n t i a l q u e e n 1 , 1 2 9, 1 3 8, 1 7 7, Maria, Duchess of Viseu, Princess of 1 7 9 ; a s q u e e n 1 – 3, 9 3 – 4, 1 1 0, 1 6 5 – 7 0 ; P o r t u g a l 6 1 and reconciliation with Rome Maria Manuela, Princess of Portugal, 1 4 9 – 5 4 ; r e p u t a t i o n o f 1 , 1 7 9 – 8 2 ; 1s t w i f e o f P h i l i p I I, 6 2 – 3, 7 5 r e t u r n e d t o t h e s u c c e s s i o n 7 ; r o l e i n Mary, Queen of Scots 175 m a r r i a g e n e g o t i a t i o n s 4 9 – 5 3, 6 1 – 2 ; Mary I, Queen of England, and Act royal entry into London with Philip Concerning Regal Power 58–9; 86–8; and the Royal Maundy 121–2; a n d A n g l o - H a b s b u r g m a t c h 4 3 – 7 ; a s s a c r e d m o n a r c h 1 1 8 – 2 0, 1 4 8 ; a r g u m e n t s a g a i n s t h e r r u l e 3 7 – 9, s y m b o l s o f a u t h o r i t y 8 3 – 6, 9 4 – 9 ; 1 1 5 – 1 7 ; b i r t h 3 ; b l e s s i n g c r a m p and theory of king’s two bodies 12 , r i n g s 1 2 3 – 4, 1 2 6 ; a s “ B l o o d y 4 7 – 9 ; a s To m y r i s 2 8 ; t o u c h i n g f o r M a r y ” 1 , 1 5 9, 1 6 2 – 3, 1 8 1 ; a n d t h e k i n g ’ s e v i l 1 2 0, 1 2 4, 1 4 8 ; a n d C a t h e r i n e o f A r a g o n 5 ; c o m p a r e d t o u r n a m e n t s 1 0 5 – 7 ; a n d t r e a t m e n t t o b i b l i c a l w o m e n 1 3 8 – 9, 1 6 0 – 2 ; of Protestants 159–63; as Virgin c o r o n a t i o n 2 1 – 3, 2 9 – 3 4, 3 5 – 6 ; M a r y 2 8, 1 2 9 – 3 3, 1 3 9 – 4 2, 1 6 1 – 2 ; a s a n d c o r o n a t i o n p r o c e s s i o n 2 5 – 9 ; w i e l d e r o f j u s t i c e 1 3 0 – 3, 1 5 5 – 9 ; a n d and courtship rituals 64–75; Wyatt’s Rebellion 44 and creation of Knights of the M a r y o f H u n g a r y 6 4, 7 2 Bath 23–4; and the creation of M a s o n , S i r J o h n 1 2 6, 1 4 1, 1 5 4, 1 6 9 V i s c o u n t M o n t a g u e 1 0 2 – 4 ; a s Matilda, heir to Henry I 11 , 176 D a n i e l 1 3 3 ; d e c l a r e d i l l e g i t i m a t e 7 ; Maximilian II, Holy Roman d e f e a t o f N o r t h u m b e r l a n d 1 1, Emperor 145 1 3 – 1 5 ; d i s a g r e e m e n t s o v e r p o t e n t i a l Medinaceli, Juan de la Cerda, Duke m a r r i a g e p a r t n e r s 3 9 – 4 2 ; d u r i n g o f 7 6 E d w a r d ’ s r e i g n 7 – 1 0 ; e d u c a t i o n Melville, Sir James 58 3 – 4 ; e n t r y i n t o L o n d o n 1 7 – 2 0 ; M i c h i e l i , G i o v a n n i 1 4 2, 1 5 7 Index 287

The Mirror for Magistrates 1 8 1 n e g o t i a t i o n s w i t h M a r y I 4 3 – 6, M o r , A n t o n i s 7 2 5 0, 6 1 – 3 ; m a r r i a g e n e g o t i a t i o n s More, Sir Thomas 4 w i t h E l i z a b e t h I 6 3, 1 7 0 ; a s M u ñ o z , A n d r é s 8 3 Mary’s second husband 56 , 58; a s m i l i t a r y l e a d e r 1 0 8 ; a s m o c k A New Ballade of the Marigolde 1 2 8 k i n g 1 0 7 – 8 ; a n d n e g o t i a t i o n s N i g r i , P h i l i p 5 1, 6 2 with Maria, Duchess of Viseu of N o a i l l e s , A n t o i n e d e 5 3 P o r t u g a l 6 1 – 2 ; o b j e c t i o n s t o 5 2, Norfolk, Elizabeth Howard, Duchess 58; and Order of the Garter 69 , o f 2 5, 3 2 99–102; pictorial representations Norfolk, Thomas Howard, Duke o f 9 5 – 7, 1 1 0, 1 4 6, 1 6 6 – 8 ; a s o f 3 3, 4 0, 9 9 potential marriage candidate 40; Northumberland, John Dudley, 1 st p r o p o s e d c o r o n a t i o n o f 1 4 2 – 7 ; D u k e o f 1 1 – 1 6, 2 8, 2 9, 4 1, 1 0 5, 1 0 7, a n d P r o t e s t a n t h e r e t i c s 1 5 9 – 6 0 ; 1 0 8, 1 1 8, 1 2 6, 1 6 1 a n d r e c o n c i l i a t i o n w i t h R o m e 1 3 6, 1 4 9 – 5 3 ; r e t u r n t o E n g l a n d 1 7 0 ; P a g e t , L o r d W i l l i a m 5 1, 9 9, 1 4 9, 1 5 9 r o l e a s k i n g c o n s o r t 9 2 – 4, 9 9, Parr, Katherine, 6th Queen of Henry 1 0 9 – 1 0, 1 6 3 – 6, 1 6 8 ; r o y a l e n t r y i n t o V I I I 5 , 1 2 0, 1 7 0 L o n d o n 8 6 – 8 ; a s S o l o m o n 1 5 3 – 5 ; The pathe of obedience 1 6 1 and son Carlos 62; succession to Pembroke, William Herbert, Earl S p a n i s h k i n g d o m s 1 6 9 ; s y m b o l s o f 6 7, 7 6, 8 2, 8 6, 1 0 0, 1 0 8, 1 5 9 o f a u t h o r i t y 8 3 – 6, 9 4 – 8 ; a n d Petre, Sir William 8 , 141 t o u r n a m e n t s 1 0 4 – 7 ; a n d “ w r i t i n g Philip, Duke of Bavaria 71 a d c a u t e l a m ” 6 3 Philip II, King of Spain 2–3 , 115 , P o l e , C a r d i n a l R e g i n a l d 5 4, 1 2 1, 1 3 0, 1 3 5, 1 7 1 – 2, 1 7 5, 1 7 9, 1 8 2 ; 1 2 4, 1 3 0, 1 4 0, 1 5 4 ; a r r i v a l i n absence from England 169–70; E n g l a n d 1 3 9, 1 4 9 ; a n d e x e c u t i o n a p p e a r a n c e o f 7 1 – 2 ; a r r i v a l i n o f h e r e t i c s 1 5 9 – 6 0 ; a n d E n g l a n d 6 8 – 7 1, 7 5 ; a s C a t h o l i c r e c o n c i l i a t i o n w i t h R o m e 1 5 0 – 2, K i n g 1 4 8 – 9 ; a n d C h a r l e s 6 1 – 4, 1 5 4, 1 5 5 6 6 – 8 ; a s c o n q u e r o r 1 1 5 – 1 7, P o l l a r d , S i r J o h n 4 0, 5 2, 5 7 1 3 6 – 7 ; a n d c o u r t s h i p r i t u a l s 6 4 – 7 ; P o n e t , J o h n 1 1 2, 1 1 4, 1 1 6 and creation of Viscount P r o c t o r , J o h n 1 1 4, 1 2 8, 1 3 2, 1 5 6 M o n t a g u e 1 0 2 – 4 ; a s f a t h e r o f h e i r 1 3 8, 1 4 0 – 2 ; f i r s t m e e t i n g s Ragionamento dell’advenimento delli w i t h M a r y 7 5 – 8 ; h i s t o r i o g r a p h y inglesi et normanni in Britannia 8 9 – 9 2 ; a s i n t e r c e s s o r 1 5 7 – 9 ; a n d 137, 146 juego de cañas 1 0 5 – 6, 1 0 9 ; a n d R a i n s f o r d , G e o r g e 1 3 7 l o s s o f C a l a i s 1 0 8 ; m a d e K i n g R a l e i g h , S i r W a l t e r 1 1 6 o f N a p l e s 8 1 ; a n d m a r r i a g e R e n a r d , S i m o n 3 3 – 4, 4 2 – 3, 4 5, 5 0 – 2, a r t i c l e s 5 0 – 1 ; m a r r i a g e t o A n n e o f 5 4 – 6, 6 1, 6 3 – 4, 6 6 – 7, 7 1 – 2, 7 9, 9 2, Austria 75; marriage to Isabel of 9 5, 1 2 4, 1 3 8, 1 4 3 – 4, 1 4 8, 1 5 2 – 3, 1 5 7, V a l o i s 7 5 ; m a r r i a g e t o M a r y I 1 6 3, 1 7 5 78–83; marriage to Maria R i c h , L a d y 1 7 4 M a n u e l a 6 2, 7 5 ; m a r r i a g e Rich, Richard Rich, 1 st Baron 8 288 Index

Richard III, King of England 23 , T a l l i s , T h o m a s 1 4 1 1 7 9, 1 8 1 T h r o c k m o r t o n , J o h n 1 6 9 Ridley, Nicholas, Bishop of T i t i a n , p o r t r a i t o f P h i l i p 7 2 L o n d o n 3 8 T o u r n a m e n t s 8 9, 9 2, 1 0 4 – 9 R i s h t o n , E d w a r d 1 8 0 A treatise declaring howe Christ by R o c h e s t e r , R o b e r t 9 , 4 2, 1 0 1 perverse preaching was banished 1 2 9 R o y a l M a u n d y 1 1 1, 1 1 8, 1 2 0 – 2, 1 3 3, 1 4 1 U d a l l , N i c h o l a s 1 2 8 S a u n d e r s , L a u r e n c e 1 4 7 Savoy, Emanuele Filiberto, Duke V a n e g a s , L u i s 1 5 3 o f 1 0 0 V a n n e s , P e t e r , A m b a s s a d o r 1 2 6 S c h e y f v e , J e a n , A m b a s s a d o r 4 1 V i v e s , J u a n L u i s 4 Seymour, Jane, 3 rd Queen of Henry V I I I 3 , 7 0, 7 9, 1 4 3 W a l g r a v e , S i r E d w a r d 4 2 Seymour, Thomas, 1st Baron W h a r t o n , S i r T h o m a s 2 4 Seymour of Sudeley 120 White, John, Bishop of A shorte treatise of politike pouuer 1 1 6 W i n c h e s t e r 1 7 3, 1 7 5 – 8 Shrewsbury, Francis Talbot, 5th Earl W h i t e , T h o m a s 1 0 7 o f 3 2, 4 0, 4 7 – 8, 1 5 9 Winchester, William Paulet, 1 st Shrewsbury, Grace (Shakerley) M a r q u e s s o f 3 3, 8 0, 8 2 T a l b o t , C o u n t e s s o f 4 8 – 9 Wingfield, Sir Anthony 8 S o u t h w e l l , S i r R i c h a r d 4 2 Wingfield, Robert, Vita Mariae The Spider and the Flie 1 2 8, 1 3 0, 1 6 6 1 3 – 1 6, 3 5, 1 1 8 – 1 9, 1 2 6 S t a f f o r d , T h o m a s 1 1 5 Worcester, William Somerset, 3rd Stope, Leonard 161 E a r l o f 1 0 3 S t r a n g e , H e n r y S t a n l e y , L o r d 1 0 3, 1 0 9 W o t t o n , N i c h o l a s 4 4, 5 2, 8 5, 9 3, 1 2 6 Suffolk, Henry Grey, 1 st Duke Wriothesley, Charles 119 o f 4 4, 4 8 W y a t t , S i r T h o m a s 3 6, 4 4, 4 7 – 8, A supplicacyo[n] to the queens 5 3 – 4, 1 0 8, 1 1 5, 1 2 6 – 7, 1 3 0, 1 3 6, maiestie 1 1 2, 1 6 2 1 4 0 – 1, 1 5 6 – 7 S u s s e x , H e n r y R a d c l i f f e , E a r l o f 9 9, 1 0 0, 1 0 7, 1 0 9 Yo r k , A r c h b i s h o p o f 1 5 9, 1 7 2