News, Vol. 10, No. 6

http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.nuzn197811

Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education.

The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law.

Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Zimbabwe News, Vol. 10, No. 6

Alternative title Zimbabwe News Author/Creator Zimbabwe African National Union Publisher Zimbabwe African National Union (Harare, Zimbabwe) Date 1978-11-00 - 1978-12-00 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe, Southern Africa (region), United Kingdom Coverage (temporal) 1978 Source Northwestern University Libraries, L968.91005 Z711 v.9-10 Rights By kind permission of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front. Description Editorial: The Last Phase. Letters: Letters to the Editor National Affairs: Our Socialist Program will come from the People. Manpower Survey - Another Milestone in Zimbabwe's Onward March to Freedom. ZANU Intensifies Police Training for Civilian Tasks. November 25 - Rededication Day. All Parties Conference Declared Dead by the British Government. Testimony of People's Final Victory. The War: Inside Free Zimbabwe by Justin Nyoka, Part One. Part Two. Part Three. Blowing Power to the People. Statement Released by Comrade , the President of ZANU and Co-Leader of the Patriotic Front. More than 80,000 Settler Whites Fleeing Racist - Radio Report, Voice of Zimbabwe, 20.12.78. Diplomatic Struggle: Liberation Movements from Southern Africa Strengthen Solidarity with Italian People. ZANU Calls for Stronger Solidarity with Socialist Countries. Yugoslavia Pledges Aid to Armed Struggle in Zimbabwe. The United Nations Resolution on Zimbabwe. Patriotic Front Statement to the O.A.U. Liberation. Committee's Standing Committee. Zimbabwean and Palestinian Peoples - One Struggle. National Enemies: Chimurenga Forces Smith to Call-Off Bogus Independence. Traitors Muzorewa and Sithole and

http://www.aluka.org their "Private Armies." "Proposals" for a Banana Republic. Ideological and Revolutionary Education: Political Commissariat Lecture Series. The People's War. Foundation of a New Mentality - By Comrade Dzingayi Mutumbuka, ZANU's Secretary for Education and Culture. Format extent 64 page(s) (length/size)

http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.nuzn197811

http://www.aluka.org ZANU FOREIGN MISSIONS MOZAMBIQUE Headquarters Zimbabwe African National Union C.P. 743 Maputo People's Republic of Mozambique EAST AFRICA The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union P.O. Box 20762 Dar es Salaam United Republic of Tanzania ZAMBIA The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union P.O. Box 2331 Lusaka Republic of Zambia NORTH AFRICA AND MIDDLE EAST The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union 3 Ahmed Hishmat Street Zamalek Cairo Arab Republic of Egypt BOTSWANA The Chief Representative P.O. Box 813 Francistown Botswana WEST AFRICA The Representative Zimbabwe African National Union 4 Balewa Hall University Hall University of lbadan lbadan Nigeria UNITED KINGDOM The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union 21 Caledonian Road London, N.I. United Kingdom CANADA The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union P.O. Box 415 Cote des Neiges Station Montreal H3S 2S7 Canada AUSTRALIA AND FAR EAST The Representative Zimbabwe African National Union 51 Beddon Avenue Clayton Victoria Australia SCANDINAVIA The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union Tulegatan 49 P.O. Box 19553 10432 Stockholm Sweden UNITED STATES OF AMERICA The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union 211 East 43rd Street 902 New York, N.Y. 10017 United States of America ROMANIA The Representative Zimbabwe African National Union Sectorul Florese Str. Av. Protopopescu Nr. I I Apartment 24 Bucaresti Romania LIBYA The Representative Zimbabwe African National Union Box 4491 Tripoli Libya Arab Jamahiriya ZIMBABWE NEWS Contents Editorial Letters National Affairs The War Diplomatic Struggle National Enemies Ideological and Revolutionary Education Vol. 10 No. 6 November - December 1978 I ...... The Last Phase I ...... Letters to the Editor 3 ...... Our Socialist Program will come from the People 10 ...... Manpower Survey - Another Milestone in Zimbabwe's Onward March to Freedom 12 ...... ZANU Intensifies Police Training for Civilian Tasks 13 ...... November 25 - Rededication Day 14 ...... All Parties Conference Declared Dead by the British Government 16 ...... Testimony of People's Final Victory 18 ...... Inside Free Zimbabwe by Justin Nyoka Part One 21 ...... Part Two 24 ...... Part Three 29 ...... Blowing Power to the People Statement Released by Comrade Robert Mugabe, the President of ZANU and Co- Leader of the Patriotic Front 29 ...... More than 80000 Settler Whites Fleeing Racist Rhodesia - Radio Report, Voice of Zimbabwe, 20.12.78 30 ...... 33 ...... 34 ...... 35. 38 ...... 39 ...... Liberation Movements from Southern Africa Strengthen Solidarity with Italian People ZANU Calls for Stronger Solidarity with Socialist Countries Yugoslavia Pledges Aid to Armed Struggle in Zimbabwe The United Nations Resolution on Zimbabwe Patriotic Front Statement to the O.A.U. Liberation Committee's Standing Committee Zimbabwean and Palestinian Peoples - One Struggle 41 ...... Chimurenga Forces Smith to Call-Off Bogus Independence 41 ...... Traitors Muzorewa and Sithole and their "Private Armies" 43 ...... "Proposals" for a Banana Republic 48 ...... Political Commissariat Lecture Series The People's War 54 ...... Foundation of a New Mentality - By Comrade Dzingayi Mutumbuka, ZANU's Secretary for Education and Culture ZIMBABWE NEWS is the OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE ZIMBABWE AFRICAN NATIONAL UNION (ZANU), component of the Patriotic Front, and is produced on the authority of the Central Committee by the Department of Information and Publicity, ZANU Headquarters, Caixa Postal 743, People's Republic of Mozambique. © 1978 - World Copyright, Central Committee, ZANU VOICE OF ZIMBABWE - PROGRAMME Monday - Sunday Monday - Friday Saturday Sunday 8.00-8.15 pm 8.15 - 8.30 pm 8.15 - 8.30 pm 8.15 - 8.30 pm News in English Commentary Chimurenga Request Programme Zimbabwe News Round-up VOICE OF ZIMBABWE is a special programme presented by the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) from Maputo on behalf of the Patriotic Front and the Zimbabwe People's Army. The broadcast is aired every night starting at 8 o'clock on 25, 31, 41, 49, 60 and 90 metres on short wave and 407 metres on medium wave. Listen to your programme - VOICE OF ZIMBABWE.

Editorial The Last Phase ZANLA's repeated bombardment of Umtali during 1978 has cowed and silenced the once vociferous and loud-mouthed racist white farmers in and around the Eastern capital of Zimbabwe. Salisbury has been shelled twice and the petrol tanks - the lifeline of the regime - have gone up in smoke. That was ZANLA's Christmas message to the puppet regime. In case they cannot read, what we say is: WE ARE NOW IN SALISBUR Y, BULA WA YO, GWELO, UMTALI, FORT VIC- TORIA, QUE-QUE, GA TOOMA, SHAMVA, SHABANI, SELUKWE, MT. DARWIN, MARANDELLAS, CHIREDZI. We are now truly everywhere. No one can drive us out. We can strike anywhere, anyone at any time. We have won the war of nerves. We now say - "surrender or die. " As the year of the People ends, we can remind friend and foe what we said it meant, and how we lived-up to our set-goals. We spread out into every corner of the country during 1978. We conquered power inch by inch and we established people's power committees through-out. We exiled the enemy to urban areas. Now, we have followed him into the urban areas. 1979 ushers-in the last phase. We now gird our loins as we briskly move forward to seize the power now scattered everywhere, on the streets and bushes of Zimbabwe. PAMBERI NE CHIMURENGA! A LUTA CONTINUA! Letters to the Editor Caixa Postal 743, Maputo, People's Republic of Mozambique Box Phirima 1844, Orlando West, Soweto, South Africa. Dear Comrades, Greetings to my brothers who are struggling deep down in the bushes of TO Zimbabwe. I wish to pay compliments and gratitude to these brothers who are struggling and suffering to free Zimbabwe from the chains of colonialism. I am one of your regular readers and must say that I am grateful for the information which has helped me understand who are the real enemies of the people of Zimbabwe. It is Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau who are the true enemies of the people. Smith is now a happy devil because he has a bishop and a reverend on his side. They bless all his massacres and tortures of the people of Zimbabwe. They bless the fascist regime for their inhuman actions. Smith and his puppets are living in a fool's paradise by thinking they can establish a lasting regime without true representatives of the people, the Patriotic Front. That is an impossibility. There will never be a ceasefire and peace in that country until the Patriotic Front comes to power. Yours faithfully, Velaphi Mhlongo. 86 Uhuru Street Mtwara Tanzania. Dear Comrades, I am thrilled to have this opportunity to communicate with all the Comrades who are serning in the revolution of Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe News I Editorial

Primarily I blame all the brutal atrocities in that country on the fascist called Smith and his puppets, Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau and the British and American Imperialists. I believe that the main reason why Smith is attacking Mozambique is to try and divide the people and the Government of Mozambique and the people of Zimbabwe. I therefore appeal to the Comrades in the two countries to realize that this is the main purpose of Smith's attacks on Mozambique. I appeal to the people of the two countries to remain together. The only solution to the problems of Zimbabwe is to intensify the armed struggle. The People of Zimbabwe are hungry for independence. The Muzorewa, Sithole, Chirau kind of independence will not satisfy the people. These three puppets only want high positions for themselves in the government. They do not have one revolutionary idea inside their heads. I wish everybody in the Zimbabwe struggle good luck. I also urge them to keep on until final victory. I also wish to congratulate all those countries which supply the combatants with the arms that they use. Yours faithfully, Valentine Kiondo. TO THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE ZIMBABWE AFRICAN NATIONAL UNION MAPUTO few months, they have killed more innocent people than the Smith army. During the next few months, these goons will be on rampage. The Muzorewa armed clique will be out to annihilate the Sithole armed clique in a bid to get votes at the so-called elections to be held on April 20th. We know that the election is a futile excercise. The Zimbabwean masses are behind you 100 per cent. They know that you are the ones who have been fighting the settlers for 15 years. They know that you will continue to fight these enemies of the people until true independence and freedom are achieved. We urge you to fight on and to fight harder than you have done before. You should smash Smith and his forces, you should smash Muzorewa and his forces, you should smash Sithole and his forces and you should smash the so-called April 20 elections. These are the enemies of the people. They are criminals who are fighting for beautiful houses and money. I would have long run away and come to Mozambique to join you but I can not. I have a wife and ten children. Besides I am an old man now. I do not have much strength left although I am a brave man. I wish and hope that I can live to see Zimbabwe free. Let me die the day after liberation. I would die a very, very happy man. My dreams and prayers are with all of you, brave sons and daughters of Zimbabwe. Yours J.M.M. Shumba Mufakose, Salisbury Dear Comrades, I write this letter with much reluctance and hesitation. Life is very hard here in Salisbury and in the country as a whole. If my letter lands in the wrong hands, I am finished. There are many enemies now. Only a few years ago, we had one enemy Smith and his forces to worry about. Today we have Sithole and Muzorewa as well. Each of them has been allowed by Smith to have a private army or rather, a collection of murderers, thieves, spires and criminals. They terrorise the people every day. Now Comrades, can you not do something about these so-called Muzorewa and Sithole armies? During the last c/o Selukwe Peak Mine Railway Block Makusha. The Editor, ZANU Publicity and Information, C.P. 743, Maputo, Mozambique Dear Comrades, I am writing you this letter because I always read the Zimbabwe News. To begin with I would like to mention that I was so thrilled when I learnt that your ZANLA Forces had hit the fuel storage depot in Salisbury. The boers here are all packing and moving out since then. May you hit them harder in 1979. Coming to the propaganda by the Smith regime I would like to say what I feel. In the early days of the war of our liberation, Smith and his followers widely used radio and even aircraft to paint into our minds a distorted picture of what ZANU and ZANLA are. What we heard was not what we saw in what Smith termed as terrorists. In Selukwe I am a worker receiving a wage only sufficient to make me survive. I have gone to the rural areas where my home is. Several times I have met many groups ZANLA Comrades. The groups of the fighters I have met are shining stars in the country. They have the love to free all the oppressed in Zimbabwe at heart. Their culture and discipline moved me whenever I met them. During the first days I still had that fear of weapons. But this subsided because I found out that the people carrying them are not like Smith's (royal forces). Sitting with the Comrades in their bases in the bush on several occasions I was brought up to my small level of politics. ZANLA Comrades are simple but behind these characters is hidden principle, politically orientated and dedicated saviours of our fatherland. In my village the administration is run by the local old men and women with comrades helping in the farming, schooling, building and everything that makes one live. The Comrades bring medicines, clothes, hoes, on their cross-country marches to help the oppressed. It is crystal clear that ZANLA fighters have the people's welfare at heart compared to the private armies here who are sex hungry, unprincipled and who go about raping, burning down homes, starving and mercilessly killing innocent people. I am so glad because Comrade President Robert Mugabe and the entire leadership of ZANU are aware of this and send ZANLA to protect the people of Zimbabwe and start a new society. Let the whole world know that ZANU is a people's party. To those Comrades working in the Information Department may I say work harder to give us the revolutionary message in 1979. Yours Faithfully, Mabhunu Muchapera. Letters to the Editor 2 Zimhqbwe News

National Affairs Our Socialist Program will come from the People The Zimbabwe African National Union (PF) is the Zimbabwe peoples vanguard Party waging a popular struggle whose objectives are People oriented. The People are the basic instrument of our struggle for liberation. Through ZANU, all the forces within and among the People are being harnessed and directed determinedly and purposefully in a common and united fight for the achievement of national independence. ZANLA, ZANU's military wing is relentlessly delivering crippling blows to the enemy in military operations spread over 85 per cent of the total area of the country; enemy administration and military bases have been demolished and neutralised; the rural areas have been cleared of enemy and enemy settler supporters leaving free many farmlands which have been and continue to be placed into the hands of the people. Day by day, more and more political power is being consolidated amongst the People as the demise of the Smith-Sithole-Muzorewa-Chirau regime irreversibly draws near. It is with this background, that the President of the Zimbabwe African National Union (PF), Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe gave an exclusive in-depth interview to David Martin of the London Observer and Phyllis Johnson from the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation on the 7th of October, 1978, in Maputo, People's Republic of Mozambique. Excerpts from the interview: Question: What political system do you advocate for an independent Zimbabwe? Would you elaborate a bit more? You have been quoted as saying that Zimbabwe should be a one-party Marxist state. Answer: Yes. What we have said in the past is that we should like to establish a socio-economic system which is based on Marxism-Leninism. When we said that, we didn't mean we are going to impose that system. We are going first to derive authority for it from the People and if the People accepted our Party, naturally they would have accepted our principles. We adopted, as a Party, scientific socialism as far back as 1973. So, this is the basis, on which we would like to operate politically and socio-economically. Question: What would your economic policies be in terms of land distribution, bank institutions, essential services and private enterprise? Answer: Well, you would have to have definite programmes of development of course. But you cant't start off by nationalising everything. You have got to take into account the realities of the situation. However, the genuine policy would be one of socialising industry. In respect of agriculture, we have no difficulty because our own traditional system is identical with the Marxist-Leninist approach: at least, in so far as ownership of land is concerned. Land has never belonged to individuals, neither has it belonged to the chiefs as in West Africa. It has always belonged to the People as a whole. We must go back to that traditional position which as I have said, coincides also with our present scientific thinking. Question: Forty per cent of the land, I know, is in the hands of the white minority. Companies like LONRHO own several million acres of land. How would you deal with this? Answer: The principle is the same whether land is owned by multinationals or by just local companies. It doesn't make very much difference really. What we would like to see established is a system which brings land into the ownership of the People as a whole. This means the state will act as the custodian for the whole People. And all land owned by foreigners, some of it is really not managed by their owners or by its owners. Some of it is run from capitals like London and so on. Such land whose owners are absent must come into the first category of land that is taken over almost immediately. I don't know whether that answers your question but this is what we have been talking about. We haven't worked out a definite system as to the various stages of the takeover but the main principle is that eventually all land must be owned by the People as a whole. Question: It's one thing to vest all the land in the people but another in terms of who exploits that land. I understand Comrade President Robert Mugabe. Zimbabwe News 3 National Affairs

This is how the land colonialists stole from the People of Zimbabwe is divided. that will belong to the People. But, how do you deal with problems such as 40 percent of that land can't be occupied by the minority? Sure, you will have to nationalize? Answer: The Land Tenure Act will have to go. That's our first target. You just can't run the country when that iniquitous piece of legislation stands in your way. It will obstruct all your programmes. It is the white man's Magna Carta as the Rhodesian Front has called it. And since you have overthrown the colonial system, you should also ensure that you have absolutely nothing to do with the Land Tenure Act as it is. You have to amend it radically. Which means you should never allow the position where the minority own or possess most of the land per capital. Question: Would there be a role for private investors in Zimbabwe? Answer: Once again that's a question which we cannot answer categorically. At the first stage, you will have to cope with the system that has private investment anyway. And you are not going to start by seizing everybody's property. That would be unpractical. You must proceed however towards a system where there is far much more collective control than private control. And all the time you are eliminating the area of private control in favour of that of control by the People as a whole. But I do not rule out co-operation in future. A kind of partnership between foreign enterprise and the state on the basis of your wanting to derive the technical knowhow. Or should you feel that a certain product can best be manufactured by a company in a capitalist country, you can strike an agreement between that company and the state of the nature that Italy struck with the Soviet Union when Fiat went into the Soviet Union to produce cars. It was, I know, unpopular in some circles but that type of agreement you cannot really rule out where you would like to import technology as quickly as possible Question: As far as the banks are concerned, they control the direction of most of the money flow within a state such as in agricultural industry, commercial farmer or peasant. Now what will your first actions be in dealing with this problem? Will you leave the status quo and want to compete with your own state banks, will you want to nationalize banks entirely in the process of being able to direct your money in the areas where you want it to go? Answer: I think the banking system is a very vital sector which must receive immediate attention from the government. If you are not in control of your money by centralising the control, then you How the land is divided 4 Zimbabwe News might very well run the risk of money leaving the country and your being sabotaged by bankers and accountants who do not belong to you. This has happened in many several African States and we don't want it to happen in our own country. And so, my own view is really that we should seize the banks as quickly as possible. Question: You mean nationalising? Answer: Yes, nationalise them as quickly as possible. But I can't see you nationalise other commercial banks which might have been established in the country in totto, but the major ones you certainly have got to take control of. Mozambique did allow the other commercial banks to continue but they took control of the central bank. Question: What changes do you want to see in the country's social structure, in terms of education, health services, law and ? Answer: Lots of changes in that area. To take education alone, the present system is racial as you know. You have schools which are intended for whites and there is a system for blacks, another system in between for coloureds, sometimes coloureds are admitted into European schools. We will not be content with a position where these schools will be exclusive, no. They have got to be all placed on a par. And admission to them must be on the non-racial basis, aUowing children to attend them perhaps because they come from the particular area in which the school is situated. That type of consideration, yes, we are prepared to reckon with but certainly the racial character has got to go. In respect of other social amenities, the various other institutions, of course, the same principle must apply. We must establish a non-racial society and this also goes for the residential areas. You are not going to allow people to reside in a particular area merely because they are white and others to be excluded because they are blacks from those areas. That type of privilege has got to go almost immediately. Question: In terms of health, does that mean a lot more in the rural areas? Answer: In terms of health, oh yes, of course, you have got to send more hospitals to the rural areas, literally. Just now we have an artificial position of unemployment, in respect of nurses and yet the health services in the rural areas are so bad. You have to bring about a position where almost every part of the country can boast of a clinic, a village National Affairs boast of a dispensary and the whole region boast of a good hospital. Question: What would you like to see change in terms of particular laws in the present situation? Answer: The field of legislation is a difficult one to handle Our laws derive in part from the Roman-Dutch system, in part from the British system, criminal law and the procedure, the criminal procedure; and also in part from the African law, that's the law which applies to the African Community. It's necessary to have one legal code for everybody. You can't have a set of laws applying purely to blacks and not taking other races into its armpit and then another codefor the whites. That kind of legal has got to go. But you can't see us divert our legal system of some principles that we have derived from either Roman-Dutch law or British law in that they will not differ very much from the principles that you might want to see established and deriving from your espousal of Marxist philosophy. Morality is morality, a murderer remains a murderer whether he is in the socialist or capitalist system. But the forms of punishment of course, might differ, and you may therefore have to consider such forms of punishment as you feel are more effective. What is lacking in the present legal system is the corrective aspect. This is the punitive aspect - people are punished. I have been to prison and so I know what obtains, this is a punitive system. Now you have got to have a kind of corrective system, not that a punitive system is not corrective, but what I mean is that you have got to educate people, you see, to reform so that they acquire better habits, acquire a better attitude to life. Question: What would your stand be on capital punishment? Answer: I am one of those who believe that capital punishment is really not a happy event, but this is not to say our Party accepts that view point. I would be happier if it were abolished really. Question: In terms of human rights what would you like to see entrenched in the constitution? Answer: I would like to see a constitution enshrining the usual liberties, , freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of irreligion and the right of people to assemble as they wish. You know the usual civil liberties. Those have got to be in a constitution. But you cannot at the same time as your are enshrining the civil liberties, also enshrine privileges based on a racial togetherness of certain communities. That would cut across the principle of non-racialism which we would like to see cut across the society and all our socio-economic system, and so we cannot have rights for minorities. Let anyone ask us to have rights for the majorities if one can talk of them, - rights for the whole people - sure, but not for minorities. Who are the minorities in our particular case: people of British, German, American, French extraction. Why can they not integrate? We would like to see them integrate. Not that they should lose their culture as such, oh no. The cultural heritage of a people, as long as that doesn't work against the heritage of others, we can enshrine in a constitution. But the right of a minority to be treated in a special manner, politically, through the assignment of an exclusive number of seats in parlament, that one no, certainly no! Question: The settlers appear to fear the possibility of your coming to power. What assurance can you offer them? Answer: I am really their best friend. I don't see anything that they should hate about me. This is an unfortunate thing that they have decided to call me a bad name. Give a dog a bad name and hang it. But I stand for the rights of the majority of the people and not just for the rights of all the blacks, of all the people and what we say in respect of our people, we also say in respect of the British, the Americans, the Germans, the Coloureds and Indians provided they are prepared to be seen as one with the majority of the people. Well this is it. If their fear derives from the fact that they would like to preserve their privileges, then there is nothing we can do about it. It's a fear that derives from their desire to perpetuate an evil system and you can't pity them, you can't sympathise with them. Question: Would you try Mr. Smith and other principals for war crimes? Answer: Mr. Smith is a criminal, he has committed all kinds of very serious crimes. The massacres he has committed here upon Zimbabwean refugees in Mozambique, upon the civilian population here in Mozambique, in Zambia, in Botswana, all these put together warrant very stern judgement by the people. They call for the death penalty in my opinion, but again I am not the person to pronounce it. I can only judge that this type of evidence merits the passing of capital punishment, but we will have him tried by the people if by the time we take over he will still be around. Question: Mr. Smith says you are a criminal. You have to be tried and if you should be tried, how do people outside, people who are not involved in this Our socialist program comes from the people. National Affairs Zimbabwe News 5 thing, how do they tell the difference, how do they judge these two accusations? Anwer: Well, first it is common knowledge, isn't it, that Smith declared unilateral independence - that's the illegality, that's treason in itself. In the context of this illegality, he has continued to enact vicious laws of the nature that is intended to protect his position of illegality and has used laws as a means of committing atrocities against the people. How many people has he sent to illegal detention? How many people has he hanged without fair trial und using his political legal code as it were, a legal code which is intended to entrench his political position? We have taken up arms to fight illegality, not that we would have not fought, but that the illegality which Smith committed made assume a greater intensity than it would have assumed if Rhodesia had continued as a British colony without the phenomenon of illegality being brought into it. Those of us who have taken up arms to fight the criminal regime, surely must be seen as lovers of peace because we want to remove a criminal from the scene. He and his criminal code must go. He and his whole settler system which is now sustained by this illegality has to go. And so we expect the outside world to judge us as people who have taken up arms in order to establish peace. Question: Do you share the fear of the Western Press that there could be civil war between ZANU and ZAPU after indepencence? Answer: No, I dont't share that fear at all. I don't see any possibility of this happening really. We are constantly discussing our relationship in the Patriotic Front, and one thing we have agreed to do is to merge our two Parties immedeately we get back home and fight elections as one, and when we say this, we of ZANU are very sincere about it. We have nothing to fear. We would like to merge, starting from grass-root. If in one area you 'have a ZANU and ZAPU branch, the two branches must be brought together and the people choose a new executive, and we proceed that way throughout the country, up to the district level, then to the provincial level, then you go to the congress. You have got to bring the two people who are members of the two parties together, and you cannot do it from Mozambique or Zambia. You can only do it from Zimbabwe. Now once that has been done, we do not see the possibility Dollars 5000. 4800 4600. 4400, 4200 4000, 3800 3600. 3400 3200 300u 2800 2600 2400 2200 2000 1800 1600 1400 1200 1000. 800, 600 400 200 0 Minin & AVERAGE ANNUA Quarring EARNING FOR 191 Q i PER EMPLOYEE Agriculture & forestry Manufacturin I t Distributionl Restaurants & Hotels ,L7 Africans - European, Asian & Coloured Public Administration Education Health National Income in $million Item 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 Wages and Salaries: European, AsianandColoured.412,0 462,2 529,5 607,7 664,3African ...... 284,2 316,2 367,7 431,4 480,0 Companies (Non-financial) ..... 338,9 411,0 528,4 527,5 509,7 Indirect Taxes ...... 106,6 118,4 129,2 139,9 165,3 (Supplement to the Monthly Digest of Rhodesia Statistics, July 1977) This table clearly shows the disparity of wages that Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau want to perpetuate in the interest of racists and their imperialist multi- national companies. In order to save ourselves from the continuation of this vicious exploitation of our labour we must unite and fight against capitalism. N.B. Despite the Rhodesian colonial regime's efforts to try and misrepresent the true degree of exploitation of the African People by classifying the Asians and Coloureds as Europeans, the figures still defeat the lie by the marked disparity of wages they still reflect. of two armies existing, there would then be one army and we reckon this will eliminate what other people fear as a real civil war possibility. Question: What have you achieved in terms of unity within the Patriotic Front and what do you see as the major obstacles in the way of total unity? Answer: We have achieved quite a lot and we created as you are aware, a Coordinating Committee in the Patriotic Front which meets from time to time to review mainly the political situation, but also the question of our relationship and the possibility of our coming closer or working much more closely. We went 6 Zimbabwe News National Affairs as far as to visit each other's camps last year and we had an assessment brought to us by the Committee which was established for the purpose and their recommendation was that we should work from the base, starting by merging our training programmes and bringing cadres to work together in the training camps and then proceed on to the establishment of the joint-command and then we have joint-operations. This is the theoretical basis that we have accepted but the practise is yet to come.We have differed here.The ZANU approach is what we have just given here. That we expect a political merger at a later stage when all of us are together with the People back home. ZAPU's own view point is that we should start by merging our political parties here, and then we proceed on the merger of the two armies, our own view being that you cannot merge the two political parties outside here. You must start by merging the two armies and in any case we are here under an obligation thrust upon us by the People to wage a war of liberation. This is why we are outside here, and so it is necessary if not imperative for us to bring our two military sides together, so we can fight more effectively. This is our view point but we have never been able to reconcile the two view points. Question: So far? Answer: So far, yes. Question: In terms of what you just said, what would your reaction be if Britain and others intervened militarily to end UDI and undertook immediately to begin decolonisation within a limited period? Answer. If Britain intervened at this juncture, they would have to reckon with the fact that we are already present militarily in the country and we would ourselves be thoroughly displeased if they decided to intervene at this late hour. Where were they all along? And so we would regard such intervention as not meant to put down the rebellion which has lasted for thirteen years, but rather to reverse the revolutionary process we have set in motion. Accordingly, we would regard any such troops that are sent into the country as meant really to fight us and accordingly we will not shake our responsibility in continuing our fight to the end. But if Britain would like to discuss the question of reaching an agreement with us and they do it with all sincerity, we are prepared for any such discussion. We are prepared to see the transitional period, a tran- sitional process put in motion provided its acceptability, of course, means that the present regime and its forces must go and that our forces must take control, of the security situation in the country. Question: You said you would be thoroughly displeased if the British intervened militarily after all these years. Does that mean that you will fight against them? Answer: If they come without our consent, obviously we will. We will be fighting colonialism, and this will be sure proof that the British would like to recolonise our country. Question: The British government has always insisted that there have to be elections before independence, given some indications recently, may be they are changing their minds. What is your attitude towards this change and what is your attitude towards elections? Answer: Our attitude towards elections has been very consistent since Geneva. At Geneva, the British accused us of wanting to circumvent elections, wanting to impose our rule upon the people without the people having chosen their leaders and we demonstrated at the conference that we are for elections. We continued to demonstrate this willingness to subject ourselves to a test of acceptability by the people. But we are surprised that after the British accused us all these years for wanting to run away from elections before independence that they themselves are now running away from the principle of elections before independence. Question: Why do you think they are doing it? Answer: They are doing it precisely because they have discovered that if elections were held, we would romp home as victors. They are afraid of the people choosing us as their rightful representative, as the government of the country. Pure and simple. Question: Do you want to attend an allparty conference which your co-leader has said is dead and buried? Answer: No, I don't think Comrade Nkomo has said an all-party conference is dead. What he has said is that, taking the view of the British and the Americans, that for this conference to succeed, Smith must be present. And also taking into account that Smith has recently embarked upon means of the nature that point in the opposite direction, that he would like to ensure the success of the internal agreement; in these circumstances, therefore, there was absolutely no possibility of an all-party conference being held or succeeding, if it were held and that therefore, he sees it now not being the forum from which any settlement of the nature that is acceptable to us would be forth- coming. Question: Would you agree with that? The armed struggle is the only way of ending all forms of in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe News 7 National Affairs

Building up the People's military pressure in the liberated zones. Answer: Yes I agree with that in totto, that taking things as they are, there is obviously no possibility that any such conference would be held. The British themselves have expressed this fear to us. When John Graham and Steven Low were last here, they told us that as far as the present circumstances go they judge them as militating against the holding of an all-party conference. Question: What kind of particular conditions would have to change in your view, to make an all- party conference possibly successful? Answer: I should say that the question of an all-party conference is not ours, it's not a Patriotic Front thing. This is a British initiative, completely, and we leave it to the British. Our own initiative has all along been the waging of the armed struggle. But we have agreed to the suggestion by the British and the Frontline States that it will not do us any harm if, as we are fighting, we negotiate with the British. The British feel that the present stage requires that the Patriotic Front, together with the parties inside the country, meet and discuss their proposals. But as far as we are concerned, the position we have maintained is that for us to attend such a conference, Britain must assure us that the idea is not to try and constitute a marriage between us and the internal group. Britain must be prepared to negotiate directly with us. If the other people come, then we have no objection to their attending such a conference. They do so as invitees of Britain and as an extention of the British delegation, which is the view we held at Geneva. Once those circumstances have been given, we will be prepared to attend the conference. Question: As long as you are talking to the British? Answer: Yes, the British and not negotiating directly with Ian Smith. Question: What about in New York? Are you prepared to attend an all-parties conference in New York if it has been preceded by Mr. Smith touring the United States? Answer: I don't see any reason even if Smith had not gone there, I don't see any validity for the British choosing the United States as a venue for such a conference. Why should we travel all that long journey to the United States? I don't see any reason why we should go to the United States. But now that Smith and company have been invited by the United States to visit the country the situation has become even worse. We cannot see ourselves being invited to the same venue. Question: So you are not prepared to go? Answer: We cannot see ourselves agreeing to go to a country which is in the process of granting recognition of the illegal regime in defiance of the position adopted by the international community. The Carter Administration when it took office, assured us that it was going to change United States policy and make it as realistic and as objective as possible. That they would do their best to change the Nixon-Ford position of friendly relations with the illegal regime of Ian Smith and that they were going to reverse the Byrd Amendment. In due course, the Byrd Amendment was repealed, but now we see the Carter Administration receding into the same position where they assured us they were going to move the United States policy from, back to the Ford and Nixon positions. So the United States administration is gradually showing us that they prefer the illegal regime of their friends to the Patriotic Front and the people of Zimbabwe, as their friends. This is a very serious position and I will be one of those who will be against the United States being chosen as a venue. In fact, I would like to propose to Comrade Nkomo in the Patriotic Front that we push now for the ousting of the United States from our talks. It is a very serious position the United States has drifted into and we can't take it lightly. Question: I just want to switch to a few brief questions on the war. Can you tell me briefly what is the current state of the war. How far advanced and in what stage is it? Answer: Yes, its's a very vast field. We set out at the beginning of this year to transform our war into a people's war. Previously of course, the war had been fought by ZANLA forces, the people assisting with food, intelligence information and so on. But we felt this year was a decisive one and had to adopt a double strategy: I.To encompass the massive support of the people, so that the people are brought into the war and see it as their war and not just a war being fought for them, but war being fought in reality by them as well. This necessitated naturally the creating of the favourable conditions. We were also prompted into thinking this way, by the fact that we have liberated quite a number of areas in the country and we were creating revolutionary base areas in the zones. 2. Then we also felt that this is the year to consolidate our political power amongst the people. This would have the advantage, not only of getting the people to land the full support to our war effort, but also of combining with them in destroying the internal agreement. And so we set out to achieve this double objective. I think we have achieved the two objectives in many respects. The people have responded magnificently. In the areas where they were still in the "protected villages", we went all out to destroy the "keeps" and after we had destroyed many of them, the enemy decided to abandon those of them which he couldn't protect. And this is what has happened. And it is a joy for us that 8 Zimbabwe NewN National Affairs the people are out, because we are more facile, we are more active and move faster when we are operating amongst the people. And in respect of the "internal" agreement, we have as good as destroyed it. In respect of the actual military targets, we have been concentrating all along on strengthening our hold on the rural areas, destroying enemy installations, establishments, civil and otherwise, in the rural areas, driving away the farmers. We are still in the process of doing that and ensuring that our territorial zone of control grows larger. We estimate that we are fully operating in over 80 percent of the total land area. We are in control ofother areas, in others we are still contesting with the enemy. And so moving from this zone, the rural zone of control, we are able now to launch our attacks on urban and industrialised centres. That is why we are now moving in and encircling Umtali, encircle other smaller towns for a start, and we are operating in the periphery of Salisbury, Gwelo, Umtali and so on. We feel that, given the necessary supply of arms during the next three or so months, with the coming of the rains, we shall bemore effective than we have been so far. But we are very happy at the progress that we have made. We have intensified our war in severing the lines of Communication, disrupting the railway system, and the roads. Recently of course, we blew up a bridge, the Tokwe bridge, which is on the road from Ft. Victoria to Beit Bridge. I held a meeting of the National Democratic Party as far back as 1961 there. Then the road was not tarred but in recent times the road has got tarred. And it's therefore a very strategic bridge, it's blown up. Other small bridges which have been blown, have not been reported to the press, but our communiques do carry reports of the blow- ups that have taken place. And so we feel that we have been making great headway, militarily. The effect of this, of course, has been to demoralise the settler community and the emigration rate continues to rise as you are aware and the population of the settlers is dwindling all the time. Their farming capacity has also diminished, but the enemy is going to do his best during the forthcoming season, we know, in protecting those areas which he regards as the life-blood of the country. Question: But we can expect more pressure on the economy and the cities? Answer: Yes, more pressure on the economy and the cities, that's bound to come. Question: We come back to the rural areas. Have you established what would be called liberated areas or semi-liberated areas? Answer: Yes, we have definitely. The problems that are arising now are quite immense and perhaps we hadn't foreseen them. But these are usual problems of food, clothing and medicines. Just now there is a great demand for medi- Comrade President Mugabe of Zimbabwe and Comrade President Todor Zhivkov of Bulgaria at Maputo's Mavalane airport. cines and food and we have been taking some drugs from here, from our stores into the country, as well as some clothing. We hadn't started that with food, but now we have to, for two reasons: Firstly, some of the people who have been thrown out of the "keeps" as it were to go back to their homes, have not got enough food. Some of them have decided even to abandon their homes to go into the forest, we have to look after them. Then secondly, there is the issue that our forces have grown so much in number over the last nine months or so that the people cannot sustain them from their resources and hence we have to make all efforts to try and get some food, clothing and medicines from outside. Question: Can you put the figure of the number of people in the liberated zones? Answer: We just estimate that the number could now be between half a million to three quarters of a million or so, could be more than that. Question: Are you willing to put a timescale on the period before Smith's regime accepts the military defeat? Answer. No! No time schedule, none at all. Could be any time. Could be five years end, ten years end, but whatever it is we are prepared to get to the end. Question: Could you have relied on China for much of your support? Traditionally ZANU has relied on China. Answer: True, we get substantial support from China, and it's no secret. We tell our socialist friends this, all of them, they know about it. But China has always said that they attach no strings to the aid they give us ... never ... They are not going to use that military aid as a weapon to orientate us in the direction of their own views. They give us assistance in order for us to liberate our own country. This has been the understanding. So there has never arisen the question of having to balance oneself as between the one side and the other. And as we have been getting this help, we have also been trying to win other socialist friends and get them to support us. This is the ZANU line. The fact that we get help from China doesn't make us to get married to China as such. Question: Are you making progress in winning other socialist friends? Answer: Yes, we feel we are making good progress. We feel that our socialist friends now understand us better, previously perhaps they didn't. But with the consistent line we have pursued all Zimbabwe News 9 .National Affairs along and the victories we have been scoring, they have been taking note and we have been having discussions. Almost everybody is now more responsive than previously. Question: The final point... The OAU bars trade and various forms of contact with South Africa but this is not followed by all member states. You will be in a particularly difficult position after independence. You have a lot of trade links with South Africa. Will you act to cut ... to sever these links immediately after independence or will you assume more pragmatic longer term plans? Answer: The one thing we cannot change or we cannot modify vis-a-vis South Africa, is our commitment to the liberation of the masses there. But, having said that, there is also an obligation on us to be commited to the line which the OAU takes. We cannot be out of step with the OAU and so we will fully abide by the OAU decisions. In respect of our own bilateral relations with South Africa of course, we cannot be expected that over night we will sever relations with it. It will take time. We will, therefore, in that respect be pragmatic. Question: That is in terms of your economic relations with South Africa, not political? Answer: On political relations, that's obviously clear. We cannot ever reconcile ourselves to . We just can't. We can't reconcile ourselves to rule of majority by minority. Question. Are you prepared to act as a rear base for the South African fighters in the same way that Mozambique has played this role for you? Answer: That's a question that should be answered when we take over. But as 1 say we will play our part in line with the OAU position. If it's demanded of us by our friends that we should do the same service to our South African brothers and sisters as Mozambique, Zambia and Botswana have played in respect of us, we will certainly play that role. But again I emphasize, nothing that we do will be out of keeping with the desires of the OAU. Manpower Survey - Another Milestone in Zimbabwe's Onward March to Freedom Speech by Comrade S. Muzenda, Vice-President of ZANU and Leader of Patriotic Front Delegation at Opening Session of the Zimbabwe Manpower Survey Seminar, Dar-es-Saalam, 5th - 9th November 1978 The Vice-President of ZANU, Comrade Simon V. Muzenda. Your Honour, The Minister for Manpower and Planning of the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania, esteemed comrades and friends: Firstly, let me thank the Tanzanian Government for their hospitality in hosting this gathering of scholars and researchers whose unenviable task is to assess the manpower needs of the soon-tobe-established State of Zimbabwe. Secondly, let me also thank the International University Exchange Fund whose forward-looking, progressive activism has made the work of all these researchers and scholars and indeed this conference possible. Lars-Gunnar Eriksson and his colleagues have indeed distinguished themselves as progressive forces for change and firm supporters of the liberation movements. To comrade researchers of the Patriotic Front, I want to thank you for having done so much work to enable you all to come and intelligently plan for the future of our country. I am confident that through your combined efforts, your combined research, study and analysis, this meeting will be a real milestone in our long march and relentless search for national independence and real liberation. Comrade Chairman, we meet at a time, when the enemy of the Zimbabwean people is busy or is resorting to his cowardly acts of aggression into the neighbouring territories of Zambia, Mozambique and Botswana. All those 10 Zimhabwe News National Affairs who are present here should understand the depth of our sorrow and suffering. The suffering of the Zimbabwean people, whose liberation struggle is now going on with great intensity, means new possibilities of action for the whole of the African continent. We have affirmed on various occasions that the fight of the Zimbabwean people is not their fight alone but the fight of all independent and progressive people who are with us at every moment of the struggle. It is also a fight of the people of Tanzania, Mozambique, Angola, Zambia, Botswana and the rest of Africa who are helping us to fight against the same enemy - colonialism. It is also the fight of all the peoples who are not yet free from the yoke of colonialism, like the peoples of Namibia, South Africa, Palestine, Sahara and Canary Islands. The dynamic of liberation as generated by the African people has compelled irresistible forces that will surely free all of Africa. The enemy of the Zimbabwean people is colonialism, capitalism, imperialism and their agents, like Ian Smith who kills defenseless women, school children and the sick in refugee camps. It is a bloody page in our history that our people, who ran away from oppression to seek refuge in neighbouring countries, have been followed and massacred at Nyadzonia, Chimoio, Tembwe in Mozambique, Chikumbi and other places in Zambia. While these atrocities are being carried out on our people in neighbouring countries, the Smith-Sithole-Muzorewa-Chirau regime has carried out equally grotesque massacres within Zimbabwe - Devure and Mashonganyika massacres, to name just two, will go down in our history as extreme examples of the callousness of colonialism. The recent genocidal attacks on the Patriotic Front refugee camps in Zambia and Mozambique show the cruelty and systematic barbarity of our enemies. May I now ask you to rise up and observe a minute of silence to respect all men and women and children who have fallen in the battle. Comrades, it is important for us to understand why this enemy finds comfort in these acts of aggression resulting into many deaths of refugees. No selfrespecting army can take pride in such cowardly acts. This can only be done by U a gang of mercenaries of which the 5' Smith army is comprised. Orders to carry out such dastardly acts can only come I[, from sick men such as Smith and the biI traitors - Muzorewa, Sithole and Chi0 rau. Villager's home destroyed by the Smithairforce. The reason why the enemy has resorted to the wanton killing is a result of his understanding that it is no longer possible for the enemy to stop us from winning the war. The enemy is also aware of the growing hatred between him and the African people. Worse still, he also sees himself losing thousands of whites who once formed the backbone of his support. The war of encirclement has forced the enemy to withdraw from rural areas unceremoniously. In the enemy camp, disaster prevails, the so-called protected villages were abandoned because they were being dismantled by our Patriotic Front fighters. It was no longer possible for the enemy to police these protected villages. The world is being deceived by Smith when he says he is freeing people from protected villages. Our successes have forced Smith to declare martial law throughout the country in terms of which his army is under instructions to shoot and kill anyone at will. But Zimbabweans have made up their minds to get their country from the colonialists, at whatever price. Comrade Chairman, the importance of this conference in our view is to provide information to the Patriotic Front through research papers. I am told there are two inputs to the conference, one being our own Patriotic Front Researchers, the other being the researchers organised by the servicing agents - the International University Exchange Fund. I am told again each paper seeks to identify areas of acute manpower shortages in industry, agriculture, services and administration. Success there- ithole-Muzorewa-Chirau British colonial fore means being able to identify as many of these areas as possible. It would be better still if you people were able to indicate the effects of such shortages in the short-term, meaning immediately we assume state power, and in the longterm, i.e. during the period of say ten years after the advent of Zimbabwe. This is a formidable task to undertake. This is perhaps the first conference of its kind to be embarked upon by an African liberation movement. The need for such an exercise in our case has been prompted by the nature of our oppression. The racist system has denied most of our young men and women opportunities to study. Those luck enough to acquire an education, have been refused apprenticeship in the white-run industry, consequently, we are terribly short of technicians although we have a significant number of academically qualified people. I am sure you will all understand and appreciate that your role is purely that of experts. Matters of policy will of course be for the political leaders of the Patriotic Front. We sympathise with your task here because we, as leaders of the Patriotic Front, have not provided you with any policy guidance for your deliberations. I can assure you that this omission was deliberate. We did not want to place any constraints, at this stage, in your creative study and analysis. This conference is after all the beginning. Time will come for you to refine your findings. That will be the time for policy guidance. National Affairs Zimbab we News I11

It would be presumptuous on our contribute significantly towards mould- giving me a hearing. In our war , I salute part to think that you people will pro- ing the Zimbabwe we want. you, by saying Pamberi ne Chimurenga! vide all the answers to all our problems Comrade Chairman, I want to thank but allow me to say that whatever areas you for the time you have allocated to you will have covered adequately, will me. I want to thank your audience for A luta continua! ZANU Intensifies Police Training for Civilian Tasks * Another group of graduates of the Zim...babwe African National Union's Police Force, arrived last month. In a brief address to the graduates of ZANU's regular Police Force for Law and Order in a future free and independent Zimbabwe, The President of the Zimbabwe African National Union and Commander- in- Chief, of the Zimba1V bwe African National Liberation Army, Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe, exhorted the new graduates to begin their work by demonstrating now among the combatants and the Zimbabwean masses in the liberated zones that they were /the true hand of justice. He said that for too long the people of Zimbabwe had ! suffered at the hands of the settler poAlice. The new Police Force must be, and must be seen to be, a friend of the peo' pA pie and the dispenser of justice. "The ZANU Police must be welcome .. .in every home and in every 'posto' of the ZANLA camps in the liberated zones" said the Zimbabwe leader. "We hope that before long, your uniform will bring smiles and joy to the faces of S... all young and old in every village and city in Zimbabwe." This group was one of the several thousand ZANLA men and women )who have opted for civilian Police work in a future genuinely independent Zimbabwe. The first groups have been deployed in the liberated zones in Zimbabwe. ZANU is engaged in many other training programmes for a multitude of civilian administrative and technical tasks. This particular group went through six months of intensive training in professional Police work. All of them are veteran ZANLA men and women. They were given training in administration and specialised tasks of the Police Force. 12 Zimbabwe News National Affairs

November 25-Rededication Day Vice President's speech on the day of the commemoration of the Chimoio and Tembwe masacres Comrades! Today is a sad day for us in ZANU. It is the day when the racist forces of Smith backed and financed by the imperialists, attacked our comrades at Chimoio and Tembwe and ruthlessly murdered hundreds of the gallant sons and daughters of our people. We are commemorating a day when these deceased comrades died while they were solidly behind the declaration which was made at Gwelo Congress in 1964, that "we shall liberate our motherland by the gun, and that we shall defend our people's independence by the same gun, and that our people shall be committed to the cause of their independence." Comrades! To wage a war of liberation means extreme sacrifice, commitment and conviction in what the Party has set out to do. These heroic comrades died while they were totally commited to the liberation of our country, they believed in the most sacred right of our people's independence and freedom from foreign domination. These gallant comrades died while executing the most sacred task of every Zimbabwean patriot and thus their death is as heavy as mountains in our hearts. They have followed in the foot-steps of Ambuya Nehanda, Kaguvi and all those heroes who died in the 1896 Chimurenga war, they followed in the foot-steps of Takawira, Chitepo and all the comrades who have died at Nyadzonya and at the front while faithfully committed to the liberation of our people without any self-seeking motives and ambitions. We honour these heroic sons and daughters of our people as we are assembled here today by re-appraising our situation, by taking stock of our situation and making sure that we do not lose sight of the struggle and the objectives of our revolution. It would be a tragedy if we abandoned the struggle and if we took a line that is anti-people and pro-enemy because we would then be spitting on the blood of those who committed themselves to the struggle and who have passed away while gloriously serving our people. We are gathered here today in remembrance of our beloved comrades who died at Chimoio. What does this mean to each one of us? It means rededication. It means we should rededicate ourselves to the great task lying Our Vice-President, Comrade Muzenda, adressing ZANLA combatants on Rededication Day. ahead of us. These comrades left us a tremendous burden. They have left us one more gun to carry and to use in addition to the one we have already. From the experience of Chimoio, Tembwe, Nyadzonya, each one of us should know that the fight against imperialism and reactionaries is a struggle without compromise. We either seize back our country and freedom or we accept everlasting enslavement. When we talk about the story of ZANU we should know that we are talking of the loss of blood by dedicated patriots, we are talking about excessive love of our country, extreme sacrifice and collective to achieve victory and freedom. ZANU is a Party which grew up and established itself in a very hostile environment. When the Party was formed in 1963, it had seemingly insurmountable problems and it was facing problems and opposition from extremely hostile elements of all varieties who wanted to destroy it and the just cause of National Liberation. Inside Zimbabwe - P.C.C., that is the People's Caretaker Council was an avowed enemy of ZANU and it was determined to crush us. At the same time Smith also wanted to nip the bud of revolution by destroying ZANU. Outside the country, most of the socialist countries regarded ZANU as a secessionist group from ZAPU and therefore all organisations and bodies which had close relations with some socialist countries constituted a United Front against ZANU and its efforts for Zimbabwean international political campaigns. On the other hand organisations publicly lobbied for and supported ZAPU. All diplomatic, material and financial aid from these international bodies went to ZAPU and our efforts were sabotaged. The intention was very clear, it was to strangle ZANU and to destroy it. This situation has persisted like that for years and it's only recently that it began to change for the better. Against this background, ZANU started the war in 1966 under very difficult conditions. It is here that the story of the late Ntini and Baya came in. Zambia did not want ZANU to operate openly so all operations and transportation of weapons was done clandestinely. For those who crossed the Zambezi into Zimbabwe, there was no question of immediate reinforcement or of returning them to the rear to get more arms and ammunition. Our comrades had to walk for five days before reaching the villages and they crossed the Dande chain of hills without food or water. The war was started under conditions of Zimbabwe News 13 National Affairs "We shall liberate our motherland by the gun. We shall defend our People's independence by the gun. We are committed to the cause of our independence." extreme sacrifice and superhuman efforts. This is ZANU tradition. Today our Party ZANU has grown into a mammoth organisation in terms of members and has undergone tremendous changes in development through practice and experience. Our method of struggle has developed to the point where even those who used to prefer ZAPU to ZANU have now come to realise the revolutionary potential of ZANU and the seriousness of it's intentions. We have recently gained the confidence of Cuba, Angola, Ethiopia and other East European countries. The list of friends and allies who give us material aid is on the rise. The war, meanwhile is raging on with increasing fury and with more and more aid coming, our people can see the dawn of liberty and independence. The history of the struggle of Mozambique is another source of inspiration and indicates that we can be independent also. These heroic people fought against imperialism and Portuguese colonialism for years until they achieved independence. The historic, economic and cultural heritage has made our struggle and that of Mozambique one struggle. The history of our solidarity is written with blood. Despite all attempts by the enemy to drive a wedge between our struggle and the masses in Mozambique by murdering civilians, destroying the economy and other pressures, the heroic masses of this country have become even more steeled and determined. In sharp contrast to the noble deeds of the Mozambican masses and the Zimbabwean masses in their struggle against imperialism, colonialism and reaction, and the gallant performance of the ZANU forces, are the shameful activities of the three puppets, Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau. These three organised, financed and directed by direct savage enemies of our people and sworn enemies of democracy are undulating into hostile anti-people activities inside and outside Zimbabwe. They have organised bands of bandits to terrorise and murder innocent Zimbabwean civilians who do not support Smith. "After careful consideration, I cannot advise you that a sufficient basis exists at the present time to justify an all-party meeting", said Cledwyn Hughes in a letter dated December 20, 1978, to British Prime Minister James Callaghan. The British Prime Minister accepted the conclusions of his bpecial envoy on the Rhodesian problem and told the British Parliament that no effort would be made currently to call for such a meeting. But the remarkable successes Of ZANLA forces have forced a situatior whereby the enemy is in utter confusion and disarray. Their "elections" have been postponed due to the raging war and the exodus of whites is at its height. Smith has again shown to the puppets that they cannot do what they please. In our determination to crush Smith and the puppets we must brace ourselves and redouble our efforts. Imperialism shall not triumph. We who have committed ourselves to the cause of armed struggle to save our people must know that we have two things to choose from, independence or perpetual domination. Because we have chosen freedom we must increase our efforts and vigilance against the enemy. In remembering our comrades at Chimoio and Tembwe we must know that this is a day of rededication to our struggle and freedom. Independence and freedom means defeat over the enemy. With these words I commend the comrades who died for the liberation of Zimbabwe to Ambuya Nehanda and Sekuru Chaminuka, Mukwati and Kaguvi of Zimbabwe and also to give greater courage to us who are still engaged in the life and death struggle. PAMBERI NE ZANU! PAMBERI NE CHIMURENGA! PAMBERI NA COMRADE PRESIDENT R.G. MUGABE! A LUTA CONTINUA! After consultations with the Presidents of the Frontline States, Leaders of the Patriotic Front, racist Smith and his three stooges, the fascist leaders of the apartheid regime of South Africa and the Nigerian Head-of-State, the special envoy said that the parties in the dispute were so far apart that there was no chance of a solution being reached if a meeting were to be called. The Hughes report concluded that 14 Zimbabwe News All Parties Conference Declared Dead by the British Government National Affairs the Salisbury gangsters "appear to believe that the new course they have now set themselves, a referendum of the white electorate, an election on April 20 and thereafter the formation af a 'Government of National Unity', will help them gain the confidence of the people of the country and lead to acceptance by the international community. They have given little if any attention to the updated Anglo-American proposals we gave them on 20 October in Washington. They are under no effective pressure from the South African Government to negotiate an alternative arrangement with the Patriotic Front". As for the Patriotic Front, he reported that Joshua Nkomo "now says that it is for the 'Generals' to arrange a settlement. But he seems to mean by this that there will be a negotiated cease-fire followed by a political settlement on the basis of a programme much simpler (and of course more favourable to the Patriotic Front) than the Anglo-American proposals." Comrade President Robert Mugabe "for his part, insists on the prior acceptance of the conditions which we know to be wholly unacceptable to the Salisbury parties". These conditions are what the British and American delegations had discussed and agreed with the Patriotic Front to be a basis of negotiations at the Malta and Dar-es-Salaam Conferences. The special envoy reported that he believed that the Patriotic Front would attend an all-parties conference, as would the signatories to the bogus internal agreement. But the prospects of such a conference succeeding were remote. He concluded: "All the parties would come to the conference with profound reservations. Each side in the war is convinced that it can reach its goal - or at least not lose - by continuing to follow its own present policies. Thus the Patriotic Front would attend believing that it can achieve its aims by war, but there is nothing to lose by attempting to achieve them by negotiations before military victory comes. "The Salisbury parties would attend believing that they would lose nothing by again offering a place to the Patriotic Front within the Internal Settlement. They doubt at present whether there is any future for them in a country ruled by the Patriotic Front, and they think that, if the latter will not abandon its claims, they can hope to survive by following the path they have mapped out for themselves in the 3 March agreement. The chief motive, at the moment, of each side in the negotiations will, I am afraid, not be to seek an understanding but rather to demonstrate that the other is unreasonable and intransigent, and thus to strengthen its own claim to external support and sympathy. This is a prescription for breakdown, subsequent intensification of the war and increased Communist involvment." The special envoy leaves the question of an "all-party" conference at a future date open because he believes that the situation in Southern Africa is fluid and could in a short time change to a situation which demands a conference. What is surprising is that Mr. Hughes suggests, if only subtly, that the elections of April 20,1979 is the "main factor which we positively know will affect the Rhodesian situation in the medium term". He further considers that the "elections" will produce variable factors, among which, in his opinion, "is the attitude of the South Africans". He says that they are not right now inclined to work for an 'all-parties' conference until after the elections." The explicit implication here is that apartheid South Africa, rather than Britain or the United States, is calling the shots. If the rest of the world were quite aware of this implicit role of racist South Africa through the British Government maybe they would downgrade the "all-parties" conference too. For South Africa cannot be expected to negotiate in good faith on this question and on any question in which a fundemental principle of faith for her apartheid - is at stake. It therefore should be apparent why in future, the Patriotic Front may very well downgrade the so called all-parties conference. Mr. Hughes further suggests that the complexion of the "Government of National Unity" after the "elections" and the turn-out at the "elections" could help the Salisbury regime make a good case. All these suggestions definitely imply that the British Government will wait for the circumstances that will aid the settlerist regime before they put their foot forward again. The Patriotic Front is certainly not going to wait for such an advantage. In a discussion with Mr. Hughes in Maputo, Mozambique, the President of the Zimbabwe African National Union/Patriotic Front, Comrade Robert Mugabe, told the British envoy that they had accepted the Anglo-American proposals "because of the pre-conditions accepted by the two sides at Malta and at Dar-es-Salaam and therefore no party in the negotiations can willy nilly change the already negotiated basis of negotiations and still expect the other party to automatically adhere to the previous position." After thanking Hughes for coming to meet ZANU in Mozambique, Comrade President Mugabe said that his Party was always ready for and open to meetings with the British Government as the colonial power in Rhodesia. But it was "unfortunate that Mr. Hughes had come at a stage the Anglo-American proposals had been neutralised". "We had accepted the Anglo-American proposals as a basis of discussions because of the pre-conditions accepted by both sides at Malta and at Dar-es- Salaam. The Patriotic Front had made concessions then in the hope of achieving a settlement." Comrade Mugabe pointed out that there had been three areas of disagreement: a) Power structure and the powers of the Resident Commissioner; b) The position of the armed and security forces and their structuring or restructuring; c) The role of the United Nations PeaceKeeping Force. Comrade Mugabe described the position of the Patriotic Front at the end of the Dar-es-Salaam Conference and emphasized what were the general areas of agreement. These were: a) That there be a Governing Council with the Patriotic Front having a predominant majority, all other parties would also be represented; b) That because the Smith armed forces and police forces were combined in their operations against the people, they must be dismantled and the Patriotic Front assume the role of defence and law and order; Zimbabwe News 15 National Affairs c) That the role of the United Nations Peace-Keeping Force would include, dismantling the Rhodesian forces and taking custody of weapons, and supervising the border with South Africa and reversing any act of aggression from that quarter. Comrade Mugabe emphasized that the unilateral position of the AngloAmericans in abandoning the AngloAmerican proposals and taking a revised position suggested that the British Foreign Secretary David Owen, his Foreign Officer John Graham and the designated Resident Commissioner Lord Carver had been abandoned as negotiators in the matter. The ZANU leader pointed out that while the British Government had the right to change their negotiators they could not change positions already agreed upon as basis of negotiation. If they do so they cannot presume on other parties in the negotiations automatically accepting the new position. The ZANU delegation which met Mr. Hughes included Comrades Vice President Simon Muzenda; Secretary Gene- ral Edgar Tekere; Financial Secretary Ernest Kadungure and Deputy Secretary for Foreign Affairs Richard Hove. The Anglo-American team included Duff, l.cwen and American Ambassador Stcven Low. In his statement to the House of Commons, Prime Minister James Callaghan said that he would accept the recommendation of his special envoy, but would keep his eyes on the situation for the earliest opportunity to do something about Rhodesia. Testimony of People's Final Victory The period November - December 1978, witnessed the intensification of the war of national liberation by the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army throughout the country, with the highlights focusing on the Umtali attack and the destruction of the fuel tanks in Salisbury, two miles west of the battletorn British colony's major city. With vast areas of the eastern flank of the country now under ZANLA control and influence, Umtali, an enemy stronghold came under repeated attack during the month of November. After three major rocket and mortar attacks this year, Umtali is now a ghost town. There were at least 30 direct hits.on military targets and other installations. Even the imperialist press admitted that the attacks were launched from within the country. Confusion reigned in Rhodesia's third largest city, with cars colliding as many settler whites drove madly to nearby Sakubva African Township to seek refuge among the black population. After the attack, ZANLA forces went to liberate Zimunya Township where more than 2000 workers and peasants whose labour was being exploited by white settlers in Umtali, lived. The workers and peasants were taken to liberated areas. Many more daring operations were carried out in many parts of the country successfully. Through this, ZANLA forces demonstrated that they are operative in more than 85 per cent of the country and were also governing chunks of the country-side. In response to this, the settler regime brought one fifth of the country under martial law on the 4th of October. By the end of that month the area was extended to half, on the 10th of November to over three fifths The Chief of Defence, Comrade Josiah Magama Tongogara in consultation with some of the Members of ZANLA High Command. and a fortnight later to over 90 per cent of the country. This is an admission by the regime that it has lost control of large areas of the country to ZANU's ZANLA forces. The escalating war caused an unprecedented number of whites to leave the country. More than 20,000 settler whites will have left the country by the end of December despite repeated appeals by Smith and his most vocal puppets, Muzorewa and Sithole begging them not to leave. The sagging morale among the white settler population was not helped by Smith's announcement that he had come to an agreement with the fascist regime in South Africa that it was prepared to accomodate white refugees fleeing Zimbabwe when ZANLA forces finally take over total administration of the country. The news shocked a number of blacks who had hitherto been misled by traitors Muzorewa and Sithole that Smith and his fascist army would stay on and fight the mighty ZANLA forces. The intensification of the war also forced the Interim Regime to conscript young blacks into the demoralised army. A number of black students throughout the country were sent to jail or fined after they demonstrated against the call-up. Worse still, many left either crossing into Mozambique to join ZANLA forces, or to join ZANU military training programmes now underway throughout the liberated areas Proving that he is still master of the situation, despite claims that the country is run by a four-man executive council, racist leader Ian Smith deliberately postponed the date for the so-called independence that was scheduled for December 31. As usual, traitor Muzorewa made noises, but these were systemati- 16 Zimbabwe News National Affairs cally ignored by Smith, who said his puppets in the invalid Interim Government were incapable of appreciating the extent of intensification of the war by ZANLA forces. During the period under review murderous squads commissioned by traitors Muzorewa and Sithole embarked on a campaign to kill opponents of the "Internal Settlement". Former so-called co-minister of defence, Sithole's underling, traitor John Kadzviti fled the country to avoid prosecution for murder. Other Sithole thugs were tried and convicted in a Salisbury court for murder. Kadzviti is now domiciled in Malawi. The murderous campaign reached its peak with the killing by Muzorewa gangsters of Rev. Arthur Kanodereka. A former treasurer in Muzorewa's UANC, Rev. Kanodereka was one of four senior men who had quit the organisation because it persistently refused to comply with the demands of the black masses. Other Zimbabweans, including a member of the illegal Parliament, puppet William Chimpaka, have had to flee the country to avoid being killed. (The story of how Justin Nyoka escaped to freedom with ZANLA forces is published on pages 18 -28). Military events reached a crescendo with the blasting by ZANLA forces of the fuel depot in the Southerton area of Salisbury. Racist leader Smith admitted that it was the most severe blow our forces had dealt on the ailing regime. The regime refused to disclose the extent of the damage in terms of money, because this would further demoralise the already dispirited settler white population. But it is believed the cost ran to more than 20 million US dollars. The attack on the fuel depot was one of many targets that ZANLA forces hit during the period under review. Others included is a military base near Portland Cement near Tafara Township, and the blowing up of a number of bridges. The reaction of the regime on the destruction of the fuel depot was the imposition of a curfew around the Salisbury depot, as well as on the Bulawayo one. By way of revenge, the fascist military forces began shooting any blacks driving along the Beatrice Road, or those using the Cripps Road from the Bulawayo Road. As the year closed, Smith squeaked: "We can never win the war against the guerillas." This time he was right. U AREAS UNDER MARTIAL LAW National Affairs Zimbabwe News 17

The War Inside Free Zimbabwe by Justin Nyoka Justin Nyoka, a Zimbabwean Foreign Corresspondent spent three and half months with ZANLA forces in Free Zimbabwe. He has written about his experiences inside the ZANU governed areas of Zimbabwe for the African Continental Press as well as for the overseas one. In this issue of the Zimbabwe News, we publish, in three parts, his articles in the original and unabridged form. (Editor) Part One The reason Smith and his collaborators, Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau have lost the war to ZANLA forces is that they have been outdone by ZANLA in mass political mobilisation. The political strategy used by ZANLA forces was to win the hearts and minds of the masses well before the liberation forces used the gun against the enemy. The most important thing has been to make certain that the masses know and understand what the revolution is all about, thanks to the political commissars in particular and to all the ZANLA forces in general. In the areas I visited with ZANLA forces (see page 23, 3rd column) I found that the masses had been politicised to the extent that no matter what the fascist Smith's security forces do, the masses are prepared to resist and persevere right up to the end. For example, the masses have been prepared to appreciate the fact that "security" forces will bomb indiscriminately whole villages and that people will die in the process and a great deal of suffering inflicted, more especially as Smith and his traitor-collaborators in the "Internal settlement", Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau realise that they are in the final stages of losing the war. Through mass mobilisation, ZANLA forces have been able to eliminate enemy agents. The detection of enemy agents is done by the masses through their militia. The masses do all the security patrols, and the movement of people in ZANLA controlled areas is always carefully scrutinised so that infiltration by enemy agents is totally eliminated. If an agent is arrested by the masses, he is tried by the people's courts and the appropriate punishment administered. No one is allowed to enter or leave a ZANLA area without the necessary per- Justin Nyoka at Press conference in Maputo. mission from the local people's commit- women or - young girls, especially in tee or the local commander. areas where all the young men have I remember an incident in the Sabi gone to join the fighting forces. I found area when a group of the representatives it remarkable that many girls are now of the masses brought two young men doing work that used to be done by who confessed that they had been sent boys, such as patrolling or as runners by Rev. Ndabaningi Sithole to make and guides. I travelled with such girls contact with ZANLA forces and find for six hours and some times 12 on a out all information about the location stretch. This was done in some of the of bases so that they could report to the most trying terrain. I found a tremenRhodesian "security" forces. The dous desire among both old men, young young men were already handcuffed by men and girls in the liberated and semi,o ,;i;,;,, i,, , , .-;1... liberated areas to be trained in arms. tl I llU . Y "l -l~v ,l V W l brought to where we were. The masses were demanding the death sentence. In the end some form of compromise was found. One of the young men would be punished by the masses while the other would be allowed to go and report what had happened to his masters and their running dogs. Movement is also controlled regarding people who visit urban areas for whatever reason, for example visiting the sick, or who are on specific missions to take messages to ZANLA contacts in the cities. Those carrying any such messages could be old people - men and This has now been promised in all liberated and semi-liberated areas. In fact the programme has already started in many areas. Elaborate health and education facilities are in operation in the liberated and semi liberated zones. I was vividly struck by the fact that the masses now completely rely on ZANLA forces for their health, with clinics being held every evening or cases being treated as they arise. There are provincial medical officers who treat more serious injuries such as simple fractures. After recovery the forces go back into the battlefield. 18 Zimbabwe News The War

I also found that in many areas, ZANLA forces are using the former infra- structure in education and local administration to set up the people's administrative machinery under the guidance of the Party. For example I found that headmen can be in charge of logistics on the people's committee. I discovered that in fact ZANLA forces never ordered the closure of schools. What they objected to was that pupils should pay school fees. Also to be abolished were the taxes which the Smith administration levied on the masses. They included dipping fees, dog taxes and personal taxes paid to local councils run and controlled by the district commissioner and supported by local chiefs and headmen. In a numbei of cases chiefs and headmen who were collaborators of the Smith administration have had to flee their areas to live in the towns under what they believe is a whiternan's protection. In some cases I found many chiefs, headmen and kraal heads who work with ZANLA forces. ZANLA, through its established machinery, has encouraged these former agents of the enemy to become part of the masses. In Chiduku, a local headman was having problems with a group of people about a certain piece of land which they wanted to cultivate co-operatively. But the land was not in their area but under the jurisdiction of this headman and the local committee. The matter was brought to ZANLA for arbitration, but it was referred back to the people who debated it and communicated their verdict to the ZANLA forces. What impressed me here was the fact ZANLA does not give the local people the idea that it will solve their ordinary problems for them, but that the Party only gives them the guidance and the people discuss the problems and then solve them in a democratic manner. Commerce is now in the hands of the masses. Again, former structures have been used as a basis for transferring the means of production and supply to the local people. As the war escalated, the Smith regime closed down shops at business centres in the war zones in a bid to cut off food supplies to the guerillas. In some cases, owners of businesses were shot and killed and their shops and grinding mills were shut. I found ZANLA forces now encouraging people to re-open the shops. Ownership of the shops and other businesses is by cooperatives, although individuals can still run them. The businessmen understand that they are providing a service to the local community and that they must not charge exorbitant prices. The idea of making huge profits at the expense of the masses is discouraged. If people are found charging high prices, the matter is taken up with the businessman or with the cooperative. If they fail to comply, ZANLA forces are asked to intervene on the side of the people. I found that in a number of areas, chickens, goats, sheep and cattle are kept on a cooperative basis. Most of the cattle are those the masses have driven from farms owned by unfriendly whites and the thinking behind all this is that the Smith regime imposed collective fines in the form of cattle and goats in a number of areas. So the masses feel they are revenging. Mobilisation meetings begin on the same pattern throughout the country. They begin with slogans: "Forward with ZANU, with Comrade President Robert Mugabe: Forward with the Central Committee, the High Command, the General Staff, ZANLA forces, the masses of Zimbabwe and the unity of the masses." There is also: "Down with Smith, Muzorewa, Sithole, Chirau, Chikerema, Gabellah", etc. and down with ceasefire and the sellouts." The People are prepared for a protracted war The history of the party is given, usually by the Political Commissar, with other ZANLA forces joining in where possible and those among the masses who have any contribution to make are encouraged to participate. I participated in many of the discussions and had to go through some of the material written by individuals given tasks by the commissar. What I found was that the ZANLA forces encouraged leadership among the local people. In many areas I was pleasantly surprised to find that the local population really knew and understood why they had to put up with so much suffering. One old man told me: "We have gone along way in this war, our cattle were taken by the white man, but our sons (ZANLA) have restored our wealth and The masses completly rely on ZANLA forces for their health. The People have been prepared for a protracted war. Zimbabwe News 19 The War

Self-Reliance is the new way of life in liberated zones. ZANLA forces have won the hearts and minds of the masses. Girls training in arms in the liberated Zones. where a village had a total of a hundred and fifty head of cattle, we now have more than five hundred." There was such political awareness, that some parents were sending for their sons working in the cities to come home and meet the Comrades. Of course, working in Salisbury I had noticed that those who had not met with ZANLA forces and then had had the opportunity to do so, always came back converted people. This type of contact together with the political mobilisation which was being carried out by the People's Movement in the urban areas, was responsible for the loss of support by Muzorewa. Of course, Sithole had never made any impact after he deserted the struggle to join the enemy, Smith. I found that when holding their own meetings, the masses now begin in the standard ZANLA pattern, with party slogans. ZANLA forces encourage the local population to listen to radio broadcasts from all over the world. Not to mention that they listen to their own programme over Radio Mozambique very keenly. Their cry was for more vernacular, to be included. I remember one night in the Wedza area a woman had her radio on the Voice of Zimbabwe programme, and afterwards she asked her young son to tell her the main items of the news. The masses of Zimbabwe, I discovered, have had so much political teaching that they now discuss among themselves the manoeuvres by Britain and America to impose a leadership of their choice on the people. I found during my trip that the general thinking and strong feeling was the determination that having fought and defeated Smith and his stooges, the people of Zimbabwe under the guidance of their vanguard liberation movement were prepared to fight and defeat any stooge imposed by the western powers. I found that the masses had been prepared by ZANLA to be prepared for what can be termed a long haul in the war. The ZANLA forces are under no illusion about the length of time the war is going to take. It might be years before Smith surrenders. More people would die and more suffering, perhaps on a scale never seen before, but the masses had to persevere. Themes that ran through some of the political teachings included resistance, endurance, and that in the end victory was sure to come. 20 7imhahwe News The War

Inside Free Zimbabwe by Justin Nyoka Part Two I left because the regime wanted to kill me I should perhaps begin by correcting the widely circulated reports that I was abducted from my farm near Enkeldoorn on the night of August 26, 1978. The truth of the matter is that once I made contact with a group of ZANLA forces on the afternoon of that day, and got irrefutable evidence that forces loyal to three members of the Internal Regime, Smith, Muzorewa and Sithole had elaborate plans to kill me, I decided I should leave. I had two choices: to remain inside the country and die an ignoble death at the hands of people I regarded as traitors to the cause, demands and sentiments of the black population, or take the risk of walking to Mozambique, and if caught, get shot and die as a "terrorist" recruit, a "terrorist collaborator", or whatever the Rhodesian "security" forces would choose to call me. I took the latter choice. After discussing the matter with three ZANLA officers, we decided on a plan that would completely exonerate my labour force from any possible danger and repraisals when the Rhodesian authorities started investigating my disappearance. We decided the labour force should never know the truth or suspect what had happened. The three officers were the commander, the political commissar and the security officer. In the long discussion that followed, I discovered that ZANU has a well- researched security system, not only in the areas where they exercise effective control, but also in the urban areas. They know precisely what is happening, because they have infiltrated every sphere of Rhodesian life. Trained agents - and these could be old men, women, young men, or girls - travel every day to and from towns and operational areas, bringing newspapers and other publications, and information about leading personalities in business, in the banks, journalists and radio announcers. Everybody of any importance at all. The Internal Regime, I discovered, is heavily infiltrated, and in particular, the Muzorewa and Sithole parties. The evidence with the ZANLA forces was that individually, the three mem- bers of the Executive Council, Smith, Muzorewa and Sithole (Chief Chirau was not included) so detasted what I reported in newspapers, magazines and broadcast on radio overseas about the "Interim Government" that they wanted to have me killed. My trips to the farm were watched and one plan was that I should be killed while on the farm and ZANLA would be blamed for it. The ZANLA security officer, who did most of the talking, produced detailed reports of instances I had been roughed up by Muzorewa and Sithole supporters at their offices and at press conferences. He produced information, which I could confirm from sympathisers in both Sithole and Muzorewa, that the hard-core thugs, euphemistically called security guards, were in fact collaborating in the planned elimination of their targets. Muzorewa and Sithole thugs, I then discovered, were working in close contact with the selous scouts. There was another plan to kidnap me from my office on a day I would be working late into the evening. I would then be driven to an unknown destination and be killed. The selous scouts, ZANLA convinced me, also had a plan to involve me in an accident on a night I would be driving from the farm and then use explosives to have me burn to death in my car. There would be no eyewitness to say what had happened. As far as the staff on the farm was concerned the plan was that an old man would come and fetch me in his car, and he would be a complete stranger and it would be well into the night anyway. Back at the homestead, it gave me an hour to get ready. In fact there was nothing to prepare, merely took off my overalls and gum boots, and put on my Wrangler suit. I had been assured that I should not worry about clothes as these would be provided for at our next stop ZANLA base-camp. As arranged, the old man arrived just after midnight and I told the farm labour force that I would be brought back within two days. I left it to them to decide what to do if I did not return, because if I had anticipated my not returning, they would be justified in suspecting some form of pre-arrangement. We found the three senior ZANLA officers I had been talking to during the day waiting, now with a group of 50 other ZANLA guerrillas. Half the group was proceeding to Mhondoro Tribal Trust Land, near Beatrice, and I was going with the remainder. It was extremely exciting to meet with the larger group. Most of them had heard about me, two or three knew me very well. There was Pharaoh from Highfields, Salisbury, who told me his mother was a nursing sister in Salisbury. He knew my family well. But unfortunately, I couldn't simply place him, or his family in Salisbury. Of course, he would not tell, and we left it at that. Now it was time to move. ZANLA has "infiltrated every sphere of Rhodesian life". Zimbabwe News 21 The War

ZANLA forces are disciplined and well armed. ZANLA operations succeed because all combatants are well briefed before carrying them out. Confident enthusiasm of a people certain of achieving final victory. ZANLA is a disciplined army The man who had come to fetch me had brought some soft drinks, buns and bread and I had about six beers in my cooler bag. I had to make my departure from the farm look as natural as possible. I offered the senior officers a beer each, but they all declined. They said the Party regulations forbade the taking of alcoholic drinks. I argued that I knew a number of ZANLA officers who took alcohol in the past. The most senior of the officers replied: "Yes, that was in the past. Now if anyone is found taking alcohol, he faces disciplinary action, and if he is found drunk, it's even worse." The old man and I had three beers each and he was asked to leave. From now on, I would be regarded as a member of the ZANLA forces, unless some highly confidential military matter was being discussed then I would be asked to stand some distance away. These occasions were very few indeed during my trip. The whole group assembled. This was what the Rhodesian "security" forces would term "a very well-armed terrorist gang," with bazookas, mortars, submachine guns etc. The standard pattern before addressing the forces is: "Forward, with ZANU (Pamberi ne ZANU), forward with Comrade President Robert Mugabe, forward with the ZANU Central Committee, the High Command, the General Staff, ZANLA forces, the masses of Zimbabwe, forward with the unity of the masses." The denunciations: "Down with Smith, Muzorewa, Sithole, Chirau, sellouts and the ceasefire." Then the officer wen. on: "Are you all well, and are there any complaints, and are we all ready to move on?" The answers were in the affirmative. Then George was asked to step forward. His group would accompany me to Fist's base-camp, then join the rest of the group in Mhondoro. "Your primary task is to see to the absolute safety of Justin Nyoka, whom we shall henceforth call Nicky or Nicolas Muti. If you meet the enemy some of you must fight to the finish while other Comrades retreat with him to safety." Further instructions were that I should be treated as an honoured guest of ZANLA. For my part, I was asked to behave as one of the ZANLA soldiers, so that my presence would not be detected by the local people, in case our presence was betrayed. Also I was to dictate the pace of the march, and when tired ask George and the group that we take some rest. 22 Zimbabwe.News The War

It was 12.35 a.m. when we set off. It was normal walking pace in absolute silence, except when giving some password; crossing a fence or river, etc. As we walked I took stock of the situation. Events of the past few minutes predominated my thinking. I had met smaller groups of ZANLA forces before, but not as many as 50. They were well-disciplined, loyal to the Party leadership. And their morale was very high. The officers had refused to drink beer because of a Party regulation which forbade it. Why were the Rhodesian "security" forces talking so much about Mugabe's drunken, irresponsible soldiers? Perhaps I would discover for myself, confirm the allegations, or put the record straight. ZANLA forces are highly disciplined soldiers. Welfare of ZANLA in the hands of the people I soon addressed my thoughts to myself. If there was any contact between this ZANLA group and the Rhodesian "security" forces, a lot of things could happen. Even though I had my Foreign Correspondents Association Press Card, I realised I was now a mere figure - an African "running with terrorists", "a terrorist recruit", "collaborator", an unidentified body of a bearded African in his forties. I prayed to my family ancestral spirits that that should never happen. I thought of Esther, my wife and the kids. She would cope: after all many others less fortunate than herself had managed. I refused to continue thinking about sentimental matters. At my request, we rested a little, with everyone coming to me and telling me: "Everything will be all right; the spirits of Zimbabwe have been keeping us all these years we have been fighting Smith and his gang." We walked a total of six and a half hours before deciding to camp at one of the regular base-camps in the areas. Every part of my body was aching, especially my feet! This was because I hadn't done any excercises for years. The medical officer (each ZANLA unit, no matter how small has a medical officer) came to the commander's post to give me the necessary treatment, remarking, "You are lucky your feet are not swollen". We only spent the day at this basecamp, moving on later that night, after the political mobilisation meeting when I told Commander George, I was well enough to walk another six or so hours. Local people feed their ZANLA forces. The next base was not far and we covered it in three hours. We spent the next three days at this base. It was amazing, only a couple of hundred meters from the main road. We saw everyone who passed by but they did not see us, or even suspect that there was a ZANLA base-camp nearby. Contrary to stories put out by Rhodesian "security" forces, ZANLA soldiers are well-fed. The local African population sees to it that they are provided with two very heavy meals, sometimes with four, a day. Where the local community is poor, then food is bought from funds provided by richer communities in the surrounding districts. A typical breakfast consisted of Sadza (thick mealie-meal porridge) with meat and gravy and vegetables, and after that tea with bread and butter. Local communities have formed themselves into cooperatives to look after their interests, and that includes the welfare of the ZANLA forces. We moved base on August 30 after receiving a message that Big Fists, or simply Fists was back at his base near Chief Mtekedza's kraal, near where Interim Government co-minister John Zindoga has a bottle store. Zindoga, the locals told me, no longer visits the area and Chief Mtekedza has also fled to town. Fists was with another commander, Oblivion. Both are very intelligent soldiers. We went straight into the subject. "Those jackals in the Interim Government are after our blood, but you have a number of choices: You could go back, and we have transport ready, and face the tune, we can drive you to the border, or you can spend some time with ZANLA forces, and see some of our operations, Big Fist said. To suggest that I should return to Salisbury was a joke, I told Fists, and as far as I was concerned and with safety allowing, I wanted to see as much as possible of ZANLA operations and if the ZANU Central Committee approved I wished to be allowed to write a book on the last days of the collapse of the Smith, Muzoreva, Sithole and Chirau alliance. "But remember, you are as safe as anyone of us", Fists cautioned. But there was no way I was going to take the easiest passage out, leaving behind a wealth of experience, which no journalist had so far exploited. I asked for a Land Tenure map of Rhodesia and asked if I could make a trip which took me to Buhera, Fort Victoria (Mashagashe Purchase Land), Mashaba (Chibi TTL), Shabani (Runde TTL), Gwvanda, West Nicholson, Belingwe, Maranda TTL, Nuanetsi, Chiredzi, Ndanga TTL (Zaka), Bikita, Maranke, then northwards to Mrewa (Mangwende TTL) and Mtoko and to Wedza and then to Chiduku and Makoni and Gandanzara into Mutasa and Hunde Valley. Both Fists and "Ob\vy" looked at me in utter disbelief. At ny age, they felt, I couldn't make the trip. They believed I would have problems doing a straight walking journey to Mozambique. I said I wanted to try the route as outlined, and if in the course of my journey I found I couldn't make it on foot, I Zimbabwe News 23 The War would then ask for motorised transport to take me to the border. I wanted to see for myself facet of the war from the other side! A 50-strong ZANLA forces group from Buhera would be at this base soon, I was informed, if their mission permitted I would travel with it to my next destination. I liked the idea of travelling with different groups, as this would give me the opportunity to share their various experiences of the war. What I wanted to see most were the liberated areas and what happened in these, and most important, what constituted a liberated area. As it turned out, we left Sabi North TTL (Chief Mtekedza's area) on August 31. The next phase of the journey was the most rewarding. ZANLA forces study my proposed route. Inside Free Zimbabwe by Justin Nyoka Part Three ZANLA Forces are in Control The real tragedy of the Rhodesian situation is that the majority among the white population, through the fault of a docile press, and government-controlled radio and television services, simply have no idea how the war has long been lost to the guerillas of Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union ZANU. My journey took me to the whole area that stretches from the North right down to Gwanda and Nuanetsi, an area that has been lost to ZANLA forces where they have now created liberated and semi-liberated zones. In these areas, they are the sole administrators. In Rhodesia today one hears very little about the once-so- much-talked-about "battle of the hearts and minds" the "security" forces hoped to win among the black population in the Tribal Trust Lands. The reason is that the battle of the hearts and minds has been won by ZANLA forces, through the very carefully worked out programmes of political mobilisation. In the Sabi North Tribal Trust Land, I was already enjoying my new life with ZANLA forces, what with breaking all curfew regulations and later defying the Martial Law. In the bush these laws are meaningless in that in any case, ZANLA forces regard themselves as "kings of the night" in the areas where they are fighting for territorial control against the Rhodesian "security" forces. In fact, I found that in many areas, the local population constantly broke the curfew in the knowledge that the areas were under ZANLA control. I remember one night when old Mapurisa (it means policemen, repeat policemen) was coming from a beer drink from across the Sabi River. "Who is there and where are you going?", he was challenged in the normal ZANLA fashion. "Comrades, I am Mapurisa, from ... (name of base-camp), I had slightly lost my way," the old man replied. We laughed, knowing he was lying, but I just wondered what would have happened, if he had met with Rhodesian "security" forces. Old Mapurisa was then asked about the situation: Which group of ZANLA forces was in the area; if there was any news at all of the enemy and then he was warned that drinking too much beer makes people lose their vigilance. "We know that when the enemy troops know you are in the area, they 24 Zimbabwe News don't come," Mapurisa tried to justify his action. This area is a semi-liberated area. There are occasional air strikes, but there have been no ground "security" forces seen in the area for the past year. Smith's "security" forces call the area "Zaire" and accept that as long as ZANLA forces confine themselves to "that part of the world," they will not be molested. But they mustn't come "over to Rhodesia". We made our southward thrust, into Buhera. The Smith regime has long said that the civil administration in the area has collapsed. But what has not been said is that ZANLA forces have set up an alternative administration, with schools and clinics being run by People's Committees under the direction of ZANLA. I found that the local community was being organised into cooperatives in producing chickens, goats, sheep, cattle, vegetables, etc. Some of the cattle are mostly those that have been driven from farms of unfriendly, or as the locals put it, reactionary white farmers. I was assured throughout my travels, by both ZANLA forces and the locals that "progressive" white farmers had nothing to fear for their properties. The War

Indeed, I met a couple of white farmers who told me they adopted the philosophy of "live and let live" and that they had nothing to fear. One white farmer said he now enjoyed ZANLA protection in the same way that the black locals did. Shops that had been closed down by the Rhodesian "security" forces, because the owners had been helping guerillas, have been, or are being, opened by co-operatives or by individuals. The striking difference in the running of the shops is that prices are drastically reduced, with no profiteering at all. Part of the I In fact money is having a very small role to play in the transactions. Products are being exchanged for products. I parted company with the group I had come with from Sabi North in Buhera, and we proceeded to the Fort Victoria district passing through Mashagashe Purchase Area, heading for Chibi TTL. It was a large unit, 70-strong. It was in Fort Victoria that we discovered that the authorities in Salisbury had now put a story that I was dead, and that my remains had been found together with some documents where I had been interrogated by ZANLA guerillas. We laughed all round, but I felt contemptuous. Many would believe the lies. What was heartening was that all the people who had recognised me so far, had not leaked the information to Salisbury. Part of the Z "We have a very strict security system," the senior officer boasted. He was right. At each base-camp there would be mass mobilisatinn meetings, with the political commissar doing most of the talking, but with members of the audience being allowed to address the meeting or ask questions. Strict precautions are taken to ensure the safety of the masses, with heavily armed guards being placed at strategic positions and the audiences being advised on how to retreat in the event of the "security" forces attacking. From Chibi we went to Shabani, and in the Runde TTL, met with a new group led by a senior officer, who had just come from a mission to Mozambique. He was writing reports and answering letters while runners were on stand-by Military repor arge chunks of land liberated by ZANLA. ANLA combatants I travelled with. ts are written on the move. Zimbabwe News 25 The War

,4 to dispatch them to various parts of the B... area. "This is the ZANLA headquarters Bin this area, and this is my office," he said pointing to the area under the tree POLICE NOTICE where we were sitting. And he added: "Walls (Commander of combined operations) doesn't know No ENTRY Pthat successful battles are planned in an office like this." WITHOUT 1 ILK cE- A T tO RT . Indeed, battles were going on all the P SO S Nk time. Commanders were bringing capGG ED tured vehicles, guns, communication PROSWSHN"T PR ("equipment, etc. SHOULD 1EPOI" T PER " I celebrated my one month in the N bushonSeptember26atabase-campin 'the Belingwe area. "You see, just over SAPi Po A there is Byron Hove's home," an officer pointed out to me one morning. .7, The senior officer from Mozambique remained in Belingwe, and I went with a Such notices are now meaningless. new smaller group of 17 commandos. It was a marathon treck to Gwanda, where they left me in the care of a large unit of 30. This group had been involved in two ambushes between Gwanda and West Nicholson the previous day. The situation around the area was very tense. Indications were that "Security" forces had suffered many losses. Helicopters and a spotter plane were flying around all over the place, and for the first time on this trip I thought we had had it. My morale was very low, and this was quickly discovered and every effort was made to cheer me up. There was no chance our presence was going to be disvovered, I was assured. The "security" forces gave up the search, and we moved on to West NiZANLA forces are operating in over 85 per cent of Zimbabwe. cholson. I felt so nervous that I asked that we leave the Gwanda-West Nicholson area immediatly. We did, with a new unit of 23 and headed for Nuanetsi, camping for two days around Mt. Nambanda (I hope that's the correct spelling) before reaching Nuanetsi. There were a lot of streams to cross, and I soon developed an intense dislike for crossing rivers and streams. I always slipped into the running water. A Provincial Medical Centre There was so much guerilla traffic that sometimes there would be three to five different units, each on a separate mission, in a base with a total of about 170 forces, some of them very heavily armed. I then understood why ZANLA ZANU's Chief-of-Defence, Josiah Tongogara looks on as the Party's Deputy Sec- often boasted that Smith's ground forretary for Health, Dr. Sydney Sekeramai helps a female medical officer to adminis- ces were scared stiff of contact in such ter an injection. circumstances. 26 Zimbabwe News The War

There are large chunks of liberated areas in the Nuanetsi district, and for the first time I came across a provincial medical centre with in-patients. This catered for both ZANLA soldiers and the civilian population. The injurics included simple fractures and small-scale wounds. The medicines and some of the equipment are supplied by white missionaries and farmers. I questioned the veritability of the allegedly indiscriminate killings of white missionaries by ZANLA forces. The missionaries and farmers I met were convinced that the Selous Scouts were responsible for all of the missionary killings. At one of the bases in the Nuanetsi district I asked the locals about reports of clashes between ZANLA (ZANU) and ZIPRA (ZAPU) in the past. I was told ZANLA had reacted angrily when they found ZIPRA forces had entered the area, and were accused of confusing the people and interfering with projects that had been initiated by ZANLA. ZIPRA, I was told, had since withdrawn from the area completely. We next camped at a place near Tsembwe, this time with a sabotage unit of 16 men. After blowing up the Rutenga-Beit Bridge railway line we moved on to Chiredzi after we were reinforced by a larger group of 35. By the time helicopters, and bombers were looking for us, we had left radius, for the Chiredzi area. Here we met with a number of civilians who knew and recognised me. Again, they were told my presence was a top secret, and on no account were they supposed to admit ever seeing me to anyone. We started heading northwards to Zaka in the vast Ndanga TTL and ihen Bikiia. Not only did we meet locals who knew me in these areas, but we also began meeting some ZANLA members we had met in Buhera and Shabani. They were pleased to find me still in good health. I had celebrated my second month in the bush at Chiredzi. I had gone through two pairs of boots and now had a comfortable pair of "Super Pro" tennis shoes. Each day in the life of a guerilla is packed with excitement. Apart from one's personal experiences there are always those of others. Captain Mao is a senior officer. Here in Bikita he wsas telling us of a recent experience when he, in charge of a detachment, found himself All-night political orientation meetings are well organized Mammoth reconstruction programmes are underway. face to face with a white member of the Rhodesian "security" forces who was beckoning him to come nearer. "Gandanga, buya lapha," (terrorist comehere) the Rhodesian was saying in Ndebele. Captain Mao felt paralysed. He was saved by one of his comrades who shot and killed the Rhodesian. But for the whole of the day he and four colleagues who had been separated from the main group, were being pursued by a helicopter. " "We would run and wshen w~e started resting, the helicopter would catch up with us; in one instance when the local community was preparing food for us", Captain Mao recalled. Later in the evening the helicopter abandoned its chase, and Captain Mao and his group were reunited with the rest of the unit. Apart from listening to news from various radio stations, ZANLA forces also spend time listening to soccer commentaries from Radio Rhodesia. There are some real soccer enthusiasts among the guerillas. Zimbabwe News 27 The War

Rhodesians have lost the war In Maranke, we met with part of the group that had launched the rocket and mortar attack on Umtali. I was given a first hand account of the attack and how the group of more than 200 had successfully retreated to destinations inside Rhodesia. We touched Wedza again, moving nothwards and crossed the railway line at Macheke to spend 10 days in Mrewa and Mtoko. Leaving a senior officer behind in Mrewa, we retraced our steps with a 45-man unit into Wedza and then Chiduku and Makoni. Between Chiduku and Makoni we ran into several ambushes, but not a shot was fired by either side. In one incident a unit of 10 white Rhodesian soldiers watched us from a distance of about ten metres as our group of 45-strong marched past. The instructions for the group were: "If they fire, you fire back, and if they don't, then mind your own business." In Makoni and Gandanzara TTLs, we criss-crossed with hundreds upon hundreds of guerillas. Many were fresh from training and were heavily armed. One night in Gandanzara we met with a reinforcement group of 305 men, all destined for areas farther afield. After an inspection parade by a top ranking officer, the men dispersed. It was an impressive sight. Earlier that day, we had visited a provincial medical centre. The M/O, Tendayi, had showed me some of his patients. One had been injured in an ambush the day before we entered Makoni from Chiduku. He had a plaster around his ankle. "Soon he will be all right and back in the field", the M/O told me. Most of the staff was trained at Rhodesian hospitals before leaving to join ZANU and then overseas for further training. From Gandanzara we entered Mutasa TTL, and the Honde Valley. This has been a liberated area for some time now and ZANLA forces are spearheading a mammoth reconstruction programme. Many of the people who had been herded into protected villages and keeps are now busy rebuilding their old homes. We came across units of ZANLA forces working with the local people on their fields, ploughing, thatching houses, digging latrines, setting up educational and health services and so on. Some of the people were looking for their cattle which had been abandoned when they were taken into protected villages. Some of the guerillas were assisting the people to construct a simple bridge over one of the fast-flowing rivers. "As we advance towards the cities, the most important task of reconstruction has already begun in this and other areas we control," the top rank officer told me. I soon discovered that this officer was in fact a member of the High Command, and that I had met two other members of the High Command, and several of the General Staff in the course of my journey. For security reasons, their identities had been concealed to the local communities. It was in the Honde Valley that I met ZANLA Chief of Operations, Rex Nhongo, leading two groups whose specific mission was to blow up the fuel tanks in Salisbury. Later that day we met Chief of Defence, Josiah Magama Tongogara. Both meetings were emotional scenes; Nhongo is an old friend and Tongogara a former pupil. Planes going to attack positions in Mozambique actually flew over us when we were inside Rhodesia. It was on December 1 when these two, Nhongo and Tongogara, told me we had crossed the border into Mozambique. We sat down and celebrated with a drink of raspberry. The Rhodesians have lost the guerilla war. To win, they would have to shoot every tree in the country. I have found an acute awareness among both ZANLA soldiers and the political leadership, including Robert Mugabe himself, that it might be a protracted war. The masses have been prepared for it. But this can only increase the bitterness and drastically reduce the chances of reconciliation between the present and future rulers of Zimbabwe. Now is the time for a change. The people are prepared to suffer in order to be free. Faith in final victory has been strengthened by ZANU's victories. 28 Zimbabwe News The War

Blowing Power to the People Statement Released by Comrade Robert Mugabe, the President of ZANU and Co-Leader of the Patriotic Front. Maputo, People's Republic of Mozambique, 12th December, 1978. The blowing-up of the fuel centre in Salisbury by our ZANLA Forces comes as part of our operational strategy for Salisbury as well as for the country as a whole and serves to underline the qualitative nature manifesting itself in the development of our war of liberation as it progresses towards a new and final stage. The rebel regime of Ian Smith and his willing collaborators is daily getting more and more encircled as we drive it to its inevitable doom. It is these circumstances of impending defeat which are driving the regime into desperate acts of naked aggression deliberately aimed at destroying civilian and military institutions and installations which are purely Mozambican and have had no association whatsoever with our liberation forces. Nothing could be more ridiculous and dishonest than the regime's contrived claim that any of the places it has been attacking in Mozambique are ZANLA targets. The regime is certainly fully aware that the totality of our forces have been fully deployed in Zimbabwe where their operations extend over more than 80 per cent of the country. Why should we ever retain our forces or create arms dumps in Mozambique when we have vast liberated zones under our uncontested control and administration which can accomodate them? The regime cannot dispute the reality that, having lost to us in most rural areas, we now control and administer most of the country and its population and have thus become the more effective administrative power in Zimbabwe. Our greatest joy and source of inspiration is the phenomenon of mass support behind our Party and the complete rejection of the Smith regime and its unrepenting stooges. PAMBERI NE CHIMURENGA! A LUTA CONTINUA! R. G. Mugabe PRESIDENI OF ZANU AND CO-LEADER OF THE PATRIOTIC FRONT 12th December 1978 More than 80 000 Settler Whites Fleeing Racist Rhodesia Radio Report,Voice of Zimbabwe,20. 12. 78 Reports from top officials of the Reserve Bank of racist Rhodesia reveal that over 80000 white settlers are making "contingency" plans to flee from the beleaguered colony in the next six months. The Reserve Bank of Rhodesia is said to be processing more than 20,000 departure permits. Taking four to be the average of each family, this would indicate that at least 80,000 intend to leave. Tne departure permit limits a white family to take out a maximum of $1,450.00 and export up to $8,700.00 worth of personal belongings. This sum includes the shipping costs. Thousands more whites are reported to be fleeing in pretext of going abroad for Christmas holidays. The months of January and February are expected to be a time for the largest number of flights between Salisbury and Johannesburg. The exodus has become a major preoccupation of the invalid interim government. This is nowhere clearer than in Smith's recent appeals for whites to stay. Speaking at the scene of the burning petrol tanks the rebel leader was quoted saying, "It must be obvious to you that our future success does depend on whether our whites are prepared to stay with us and play their part in the future country that lies before U S . " The institution most affected by the exodus is the army which is facing an acute personnel shortage, particularly white officers, uncommissioned officers and reservists. "The Malta Talks were based on the Anglo-American proposals published on September 1 1977. When I met the Government and Party officials here, I briefed them on these Talks. The Pa- triotic Front made it known to the Anglo-Americans that it accepted the positive elements of their proposals such as: 1) The acceptance of the principle that our independence was non-negotiable, and that what we could negotiate were merely the modalities of bringing this about; 2) The recognition by the British Government of the principle of universal franchise and democratic elections before independence; 3) The establishment of clear and irreversible course to majority rule requiring: a) the removal of the Smith regime, b) the desmantlement of its armed forces, c) the acceptance of our liberation forces as the basis of a new national army." Zimbabwe News 29 The War

Diplomatic Struggle Liberation Movements from Southern Africa Strengthen Solidarity with Italian People The example of the city of Reggio Emilia could very well establish the pattern of international relations of many European countries towards Southern Africa's oppressed masses, said Comrade Robert Mugabe, the President of ZANU, opening the Southern Africa Solidarity Conference in the city of Reggio Emilia, Italy, on November 24th 1978. The conference, sponsored by several major Italian political and municipal groups, aimed at offering opportunities to Italian people to establish solidarity with the oppressed masses of Southern Africa. The city of Reggio Emilia has had solidarity relations with the Government and the People of Mozambique for over seven years. The relationship has flowered into close personal and governmental co-operation. The Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe, the Southwest Africa Peoples Organisation of Namibia and the African National Congress of South Africa were invited by the city of Reggio Emilia to establish similar relations with several Italian cities. Continuing with his address, Comrade Mugabe said that the Conference was not only forging a fighting front between democratic people of Italy and the struggling, down-trodden masses of Southern Africa, but was also providing a rare opportunity to the people of Southern Africa to place their problems before the freedom-loving people of Italy and of the world. In his adress to the conference, President Mugabe briefly reviewed the history of Italy in the course of its transformation from an empire to a democratic republic. He reminded his audience of how the Roman Empire had disintegrated, leading to the emergence of city states and national states and nationalism which became famous through the works of Giovani Mazzini, Machiavelli and others. He pointed out that Italy's nationalism also experienced the development of ultra- nationalism to rabid fascism that found an ally in Germany's nazism. The experience of Hitler's and Mussolini's search for new empires by military conquest plunged the world into chaos. Out of these experiences came Italy's quest for democracy characterized by a multi-party system, who despite their differences had agreed to con-" vene the conference on Southern Africa. Reinforcing Rear "We, who are leading relentless struggles in our various areas of Southern Africa," said Comrade President Mugabe, "have learned through experience that our own efforts, though primary and vital for our liberation, do need reinforcements by way of material, political, diplomatic and moral support from all our friends and natural allies. Our fighting front will forever need supplies from your reinforcing rear." "This is the meaning and the essence of our solidarity," he emphasized. "For such solidarity is indeed an alliance of activities in continual reciprocal interaction directed at the achievement of common goals." Comrade Mugabe illustrated the problems of Southern Africa using Zimbabwe. Commenting on talks with the British and American Government representatives in Malta, on which Comrade President Mugabe had briefed Italian Government and party leaders, he said: What we rejected "We rejected at Malta the scheme to create a British one-man dictatorship as amounting to the recolonisation of Zimbabwe at a time it was urgent that Britain should hasten the decolonisation process. Hence we insisted that the administration of the country during the transitional period should be under a governing council holding full legislative and executive powers. We equally would not accept the involvement of the United Nations in a military role supportive of a colonial power. All in all, Malta resulted in a further impasse, but achieved the one result that we knew clearly each other's thinking." "In April, a further meeting was held in Dar-es-Salaam between the Patriotic Front and the Anglo-Americans at which the following points were agreed upon: What we accepted a) That the President Commissioner could hold full executive powers only in respect of defence and law and order matters provided: 1) the army and the police forces were constituted by our liberation forces; and 2) the Minister of Defence and the Minister of Law and Order were Patriotic Front men and the Resident Commissioner acted after consulting with them; b) That the United Nations could sent a military force constituted of units from countries acceptable to us provided that the function also included the desmantlement of the Rhodesian forces and the grounding of the Rhodesia Air Force, the controlling of the weaponry and the guarding of the border with South Africa during the interim period; c) That the Governing Council we proposed need not have overwhelming Patriotic Front majority as long as the principle of a Patriotic Front majority was recognised in constituting it. Comrade Mugabe pointed out how reasonable the Patriotic Front had been in these negotiations in contrast to the response of the British Government. Britain's Foreign Secretary David Owen could only propose an all-party conference. The Patriotic Front accepted the idea of an all-party conference on the one condition that the only negotiating parties were the Patriotic Front and Britain. The Principal Parties are free to Bring Others as Part of their Delegation He further pointed out that instead of working assiduously to bring about an 30 Zimbabwe News Diplomatic Struggle all-party conference based on these proposals Britain was now working to consolidate the internal settlement by dividing the Patriotic Front and attacking one of the components of the Front. Forces of the British Government, the American Government and the Smith Government approached and put pressures on Comrade Nkomo to join the Smith Front. Chiefs, churches and other people were also used to pressure Nkomo to abandon the Front. This led to the secret meetings between Nkomo and Smith on August 14th 1978. Manoeuvres Dismally Failed "The imperialist clandestine manoeuvres to break the Patriotic Front and reinforce the accord dismally failed," said the Zimbabwe leader. "The Patriotic Front remains as solid as it was and continues to be opposed to the creation of a neo-colonialist state in Zimbabwe." "Once the imperialist divisive manoeuvres had been exposed, the AngloAmericans began working on a strategy to legitimize the Smith regime and legalize UDI," continued Comrade Mugabe. "The readiness with which the Carter Administration facilitated their visit to the USA, not only by Smith but by Smith and his entire Executive Council, is an indication in that direction ... Now the British and their American friends are decidely bent on supporting Smith's racist regime. There is amp evidence exemplifying this newl,established attitude. The AngloAmericans have now abandoned their proposals." "The present British proposals are not merely a modification of their original ones, but their complete antithesis. The new proposals reverse the fundamental requirements that the AngloAmericans, the Patiotic Front, the Frontline States and the United Nations had agreed on as cornerstones to any transitional arrangements leading to independence. Here is the astounding change of face by the British and the Americans: Change of Face a) Smith and his regime no longer need to be disbanded now; b) The regime's forces must remain intact, that is the regular army, the air force and the police force; Comrade President Robert Mugabe c) The liberation forces we lead will ipso facto no longer constitute the basis of the envisaged Zimbabwe National Army; d) Now even the salient and sacred principles of democratic elections before independence have become expendable; e) Now the Anglo-American proposals are no longer a necessary basis for discussions. The Patriotic Front stands firm on the principle that power, total power, should be transferred without any qualifications or inbuilt constitutional neutralising mechanisms." Only Effective Instrument "It is these unending and completely negative British antics in the face of an oppressive colonial system yielding great suffering for our people that prompted us in 1966 to take to the armed struggle. Our belief, therefore, remains that armed struggle is, in our circumstances, the only effective instrument for achieving our goal of national independence and thus creating peace in the country. Only the armed struggle can put an end to the constant acts of naked aggression being perpetrated by the racist regime against the Frontline States of Mozambique, Zambia and Botswana, in a similar manner as they are perpetrated against Angola by the South African apartheid regime." On the state of the armed struggle Comrade Mugabe said: "The armed struggle has placed us in an effective position of control in most of the rural areas of the country where we have created liberated zones being administered by us and completely severed from the regime's administration. The enemy's civil and military administration bases and establishments Zimbabwe News 31 Diplomatic Struggle have by and large been destroyed in these areas. The rail and the road links have suffered substantial disruption. Settler farms have been deserted in most areas. The economy is grinding to a halt as the regime continues to spend over $1.5 million a day on the war alone. The moral of the settlers is at its lowest ebb and the emigration rate, now officially admitted to be 2,000 a month, continues to rise. We are now effectively poised for the destruction of the enemy in his urban strongholds. That is why the country's towns are getting more and more encircled by our forces." "Politically, our liberation war having effectively won the fullest support of the broad masses, has isolated the puppet leaders and identified them with the principle enemy. This was the effect of the popular rejection of the internal accord now being promoted for acceptance by Britain. Now that the masses of Zimbabwe have brought victory within sight, we feel that the final blow is going to need the fullest backing of all the democratic forces the world over. The scene is growing more and more discomforting as the imperialist powers, shocked by our military gains, are consolidating their own forces and are now more openly than before, supplying the settler regime, through South Africa, with huge quantities of weaponry, aircraft and personnel. At the same time they are fast working on a strategy to intervene militarily should the Salisbury regime collapse. Re-christening Exercise "In the meantime all is being done to reshape and rebuild the image of Ian Smith. The strategy appears to be to use the envisaged all-party conference for this re- christening exercise. The scene being prepared is one which ushers in new actors. Owen and Graham have been stood down in the same way as was Ivor Richard following the failure of Geneva. In the same way Owen's proposals are no longer desired. Thus the introduction of Cledwyn Hughes and Callaghan himself is part of the strategy to abandon the old proposals in preference for the new, so as to make possible to accomodate Ian Smith's objections. The imperialist strategy is both military and political. Accordingly, in view of the gravity of our situation and the overt and clandestine enemy political manoeuvres, we have a duty to appeal to this conference to undertake concrete programmes of mobilising in our support." The President appealed to the conference for material aid, including political and diplomatic support of the nature exposing current British strategy over Zimbabwe and setting world opinion against it and in support of the aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe and promotion in Europe of solidarity forums such as the Reggio Emilia one. The major parties sponsoring the conference were: the Christian Democratic party, the Communist party, the Socialist Party, the Republican party, the Liberal Party, the Labour Central Confederation, the Labour Trade Union Confederation, the Labour Trade Unions, the Executive council of Emilia Romagna, the Executive Council of Lombardy, the Executive Council of Tuscany and the Executive Council of Reggio Emilia. The liberation movement's delegations were accompanied by the Mozambique Minister for Planning, Camarada Marcelino do Santos. Before the conference they visited and addressed the city officials and the peoples of the cities of Bologna, Florence and Milan. SWAPO's president, Comrade Sam Nujoma, led a mixed delegation to the city of Milan; and the Patriotic Front delegation went to the city of Florence. The ANC delegation remained in Reggio Emilia. The three cities have each expressed a desire to establish a solidarity pact with each of the liberation movements. President Mugabe jokingly pointed out that with a solidarity pact with Florence Zimbabwe would very soon become the artistic center of the continent of Africa. When the delegates visited Rome on November 29 the heads of the delegations held audience with the Pope. His Holiness said that he was concerned about the deprivation of human rights in Southern Africa. He promised that he could only give his moral support to the cause of the oppressed people of Southern Africa. He added that he would ask the Cardinals, Archbishops and Bishops of the Church to do the same. Speaking for the liberation movements Comrade Oliver Tambo, President of the ANC S.A. said that Southern Africa was fast becoming a mass grave of the victims of fascism and racism. The liberation movements' delegations had the opportunity to meet with the President of Italy, M. Pertini and the Secretary-Generals of all the major parties of Italy. The highlight of the trip was a meeting with the Secretary General of the Communist Party of Italy, Comrade Enrico Belinguer. The Communist Party of Italy is the largest Communist Party in the western world and controls the majority of municipal and regional governments. The Christian Democrats and the Socialists have run the country as a coalition since the end of World War If. For the first time last year they had to include the Communist Party into the coalition because of the strength of the Communist Party. Comrade Kumbirai Kangai, the Secretary for Welfare and Transport, led the ZANU delegation after the departure of our President, Comrade Robert Mugabe. Other members of the ZANU delegation included Comrades Moshi Pwititi, Zvisinei Tichatonga, Wadzanai Magorira and the representative for Western Europe, Comrade Makoni. Comrade Kumbirayi Kangai, ZANU's Secretary for Transport and Welfare (Foreground) with thePresidentsof SWAPO (in the middle) and ANC-SA. 32 Zimbabwe News Diplomatic Struggle

ZANU Calls for Stronger Solidarity with Socialist Countries Comrade President Robert Mugabe told the President and the leaders of Romania that the independence of Mozambique in mid 1975 had helped ZANU to confront and finally defeat the imperialist strategy, enabling ZANLA forces to intensify the war on all fronts. Speaking to President Nicholae Ceausescu and several members of the central committee of the Romanian Communist Party in Bucharest during his visit on November 6, 1978, Comrade Mugabe called for a stronger allignment of the socialist forces with ZANU and the oppressed masses of Zimbabwe. We emulate your position of independence and sovereignty, free from greater power domination, and yet aligned with the Soviet Union and all the socialist and progressive countries of the world," said the Zimbabwe leader. "We want to be socialist and sovereign in an absolute sense." President Ceausescu wished President Mugabe and the fighting forces of Zimbabwe success in their struggle and promised to consider material and other aid. He urged the Zimbabwe leaders to work harder at creating a stronger united front of all democratic elements of the Zimbabwe society during this fighting stage of the liberation struggle. Comrade President Mugabe briefed the Romanian leaders on the state of the armed struggle since 1975, the year of the imperialist strategy of detente. He identified the Kissinger Plan as the cornerstone of the imperialist strategy which was aimed at destroying ZANU and the armed struggle. Beginning with the death of Comrade Chairman Herbert Chitepo, he showed how imperialist forces were directed at ZANU so as to reverse the military successes of 1972 to 1974. The pressure by Zambia and some African countries to liquidate ZANU and join the African National Council of Bishop Muzorewa, followed by the assassination of Chairman Chitepo and the arrest of the whole external leadership of ZANU, military and political, was the lowest point of the struggle. It encouraged the quislings to negociate with Smith in August 1975 and after. But ZANU stood firm and reorganized to open a new front in Mozambique in 1976. By the end of the year the war was in full swing on two new fronts, in the northeast and in the east. The imperialist strategy was pushed to Geneva, with the intention of neutralizing the fighting forces of the nationalist movement. The imperialists were defeated by the formation of the Patriotic Front bringing together the two fighting forces of the movement, and thus effectively defusing and discouraging the imperialist agent, Ian Smith, leading to his stocking out of the Geneva conference and his refusal to return. In 1977 the war reached higher levels with the opening of the southeast front and a deeper penetration of the country. The imperialists came back with a new plan which they called the Anglo-American proposals. The proposals were couched in appealing language of majority rule, independence, free and impartial elections; but their goal was to create a neocolonial state of Zimbabwe. For diplomatic reasons ZANU accepted the Anglo-American proposals as a basis for negotiations, but not the substance of the proposals. With a solid base and ally in Mozambique, negotiations could not adversely affect the war which was going on. Meetings on the Anglo-American proposals were held at Malta and in Dar-es- Salaam, leading to some understanding and compromises on positions and an agreed basis of negotiations. One of the fundamental basis of negotiations was that Smith and his forces would be removed and the forces of the Patriotic Front would take over the duties of defence and law and order. Another understanding was that the British Resident Commissioner would not be allowed to hold dictatorial powers completely unlimited; that there would be a Governing Council that would have legislative powers that would limit the powers of the Resident Commissioner. There was general understanding that the Patriotic Front would have a majority on such a council, but all other parties would also be represented. There was also an understanding on a defined role of a United Nations Peace- Keeping Force for Zimbabwe. The imperialist agents did not like this direction towards true independence and soon started working on an alternative plan for an internal settiement, negating all the work that had been done. Smith absorbed three bourgeois reactionaires, Abel Muzorewa, Comrade President Ceausescu of Romania Ndabaningi Sithole and Jeremiah Chirau. To the great disgust of the liberation movement, it became apparent that Britain and the other imperialist powers were interested in this new clique around Smith. When the Internal Settlement was signed on March 3, 1978, all imperialist forces started moving in their direction, abandoning the negotiations that were going on with the liberation movements. British Foreign Secretary David Owen refused to denounce the internal regime and actually promised to invite the so-called "black leaders" to Britain, hardly three weeks after the signing of the bogus agreement. While all this was going on Britain seemed to be genuinely working to convene an all-parties conference. To the shock and disappointment of ZANU, we discovered later that through multinational capitalist Tiny Rowland, other top British businessmen, church leaders, chiefs and some African governments, the British Governement was trying to woo Joshua Nkomo, the coleader of the Patriotic Front, to join the Internal Regime. These efforts led to a secret meeting on August 14 between Zimbabwe News 33 Diplomatic Struggle

Smith and Joshua Nkomo in Lusaka. The governments of Zambia and Nigeria were involved and represented at that meeting and earlier ones. ZANU rejected to participate at a meeting which violated all the undertakings of the Malta and Dar- es-Salaam meetings and undertakings between the Patriotic Front and the Frontline States. At subsequent meetings of the Frontline States president Kaunda promised that he would never again meet with Smith or arrange meetings with Smith without the knowledge of the other Frontline States. But the Nigerian Government and the Zambian Government have continued to work "forcefully to persuade" the Zimbabwe people into accepting Nkomo as their leader and neutralizing the war that is now waged by ZANLA. Failure of this strategy has pushed the British Government back to a position opposed to almost everything they have advocated for in the past two years. Now they do not believe in the removal of Smith any more; they do not talk of removing his forces any more and they do not even believe in elections before independence any more. Faced by the overwhelming political support of ZANU throughout the country and by the military victories of ZANLA throughout the land they are now hard put to find a way of imposing Joshua Nkomo on the Zimbabwe liberation movement or on the people of Zimbabwe. Confronted with this imperialist strategy ZANU has decided on three ways of defeating it. The first and most important move is that the war must continue and be intensified. The second is that the people throughout the country must be politicized to a point where they are part of the war and the third is that ZANU must intensify its diplomatic offensive. The ZANU leader reported with satisfaction that the military situation was "excellent." ZANLA has destroyed most of the small outposts and camps of the enemy in the rural areas and has taken over most of the remote farms of the settler reservists. "We are now hitting the harder targets against the major cities and the consolidated bases of the enemy," said the ZANLA Commanderin-Chief. "The rural civil administration of the regime has collapsed," he continued. "And now we have taken over large areas that we call "liberated areas," in the sense that we have complete control of the area, except for the time that the enemy comes in with air power and kills people and gets out." The Smith regime has tried to destroy the rear of the ZANLA forces by hitting refugee camps, schools for children, health facilities, and production facilities in Mozambique. ZANLA forces are now camped inside the country and not in Mozambique. The ZANU leader also revealed that South Africa is getting more and more involved in the Zimbabwe war. He also pointed out that the recent establishment of British bases and large numbers of British military personnel in Zambia is a threat against the liberation forces of Zimbabwe. The British public is talking publicly about a "rescue operation" in Zimbabwe. Africa now knows what rescue missions mean! The Zimbabwe leader expressed grave fears of British intervention and general imperial military intervention in Zimbabwe "in the days when our forces would march in victory into Harare." Yugoslavia Pledges Aid to Armed Struggle in Zimbabwe Yugoslavia's Federal Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Comrade Jossip Vrhovec, told a ZANU delegation in Belgrade that a struggle for a people's independence was ahead of non-alignment, and therefore Yugoslavia would pledge all aid they can afford and "reaffirm our position and work continously towards the elemination of oppression." The Foreign Secretary emphasized that Yugoslavia would work through the Non- aligned conference in Maputo and later in Havana for the elimination of apartheid and racism in Southern Africa. ZANU President, Comrade Robert Mugabe, in reply, told the Yugoslavian leaders that ZANU was not working for the removal of Smith, but for the removal of the oppressive system that is personified by Smith. He called for a "firm stand" by the Non-aligned states against racism and apartheid in the regimes of Southern Africa, particularly in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa. Comrade Mugabe pointed out that the people of Zimbabwe were fighting British imperialism which finds expression in the racist society in Zimbabwe. President Mugabe said the armed struggle to free our society of this settler monster had started six years after the arrival of the settlers in 1895. The second phase started 1966. After acquiring experience, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) launched a continous protracted offensive in 1972 on the northeast and eastern fronts. By 1976 ZANLA had destroyed the civil administration and economic activity of the settler regimes in most of the rural areas where the Africans live. ZANLA destroyed the economy by cutting the main routes and by a diplomatic offensive throughout the world. He pointed out that the last year has seen the struggle come to the major cities of the country. He said that victory was in sight if the western powers do not intervene on a very high level. The Zimbabwe leader explained that The President of Yugoslavia - Comrade Josip Broz Tito during their war of national liberation (1944) 34 Zimbabwe News Diplomatic Struggle the co-option of the three African puppets was an effort of imperialists to create popular support and hopefully internal support for the internal regime. ZANU and ZAPU defeated this strategy by forming the Patriotic Front. After the official launching of the internal regime it soon became apparent that there would be neither popular nor international support for that regime. The imperialists then resorted to the tactics of destroying the Patriotic Front by wooing Joshua Nkomo, the co-leader of the Patriotic Front. The imperialists used multinational tycoons like Tiny Rowland of Lonrho, chiefs like Ndiweni and even church leaders. The Governments of Nigeria and Zambia played an important role in this strategy. The next stage saw the British Government provide military assistance and personnel and the United States provided diplomatic facilities to Smith and his Executive Council. In the meantime the Anglo-Americans reversed themselves on their Anglo-American proposals that had been discussed at Malta and Dar-es-Salaam. Contrary to the general understanding at the end of these meetings the British now did not look at our forces as the main force for defending the country and keeping law and order. They did not view the removal of Smith and his regime as a prerequisite any more. The Zimbabwe leader pointed out that he saw imperialist forces consolidating and therefore called on the Nonaligned Countries of the world to come together on the question and counter the imperialist strategy. He emphasized that the struggle in Zimbabwe was not against Smith, but against a system that oppresses the majority of the people. The struggle was to eliminate the system and not just the person. He called on the Non-aligned Countries to take a firm position on the issues of apartheid and racism in Southern Africa. Comrade Mugabe thanked the Yugoslavian Government on the aid that had already been extended to ZANU and said that he would be asking for more aid. The Foreign Secretary of the Yugoslavian Federation thanked Comrade Mugabe for the brief on the Southern Africa situation and urged the leaders of Zimbabwe to build a strong united front against the settlers. While in Yugoslavia Comrade Mugabe and his delegation met the president of the Socialist Alliance and addressed the Socialist Alliance. He told the Socialist Alliance that imperialists wanted to create a link between Nigeria, Zambia, and South Africa which would become the bastion of capitalism on the continent of Africa. He saw this as a great danger to the new socialist states that are emerging in Africa like Angola, Mozambique and Zimbabwe. During the three days visit to Yugoslavia which began on the 12th and ended on the 15th of December, 1978, the ZANU delegation also met the country's Federal Secretariat of National Defence. The United Nations Resolution on Zimbabwe Passed by the General Assembly on 13th December, 1978 U.N. Document No. A/C.4/33/L.5 A The General Assembly, Having considered the question of Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Having examined the relevant chapters of the report of the Special Committee on the situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, Having heard the statements of the representatives of the administering Power, Having heard the statements of the representatives of the Patriotic Front who participated in an observer capacity in the consideration of the item, Recalling its resolutions 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960, containing the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and 2621 (XXV) of 12 October 1970, containing the programme of action for the full implementation of the Declaration, as well as other resolutions relating to the question of Southern Rhodesia adopted by the General Assembly, the Security Council and the Special Committee, Taking into account the Maputo Declaration in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and Programme of Action for the Liberation of Zimbabwe and Namibia, adopted by the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held at Maputo from 16 to 21 May 1977, as well as the Lagos Declaration for Action against Apartheid, adopted by the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held at Lagos from 22 to 26 August 1977, Recalling Security Council Resolution 423 (1978) of 14 March 1978 condemning the Salisbury agreement of 3 March 1978, Bearing in mind that the government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, as the administering Power, has the primary responsibility for putting an end to the critical situation in Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) which, as repeatedly confirmed by the Security Council, constitutes a threat to international peace and security, Reaffirming that any attempts to negotiate the future of Zimbabwe with the illegal regime on the basis of independence before majority rule would be in contravention of the inalienable rights of the People of the Territory and con- trary to the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and of resolution 1514 (XV), Condemning the deliberate sabotage by the illegal racist minority regime of the numerous, intensive efforts being made to secure a negotiated settlement of Zimbabwe on the basis of majority rule, Condemning all attempts and manoeuvres of the illegal racist regime aimed at the retention of power by the racist minority and at preventing the achievement of independence by Zimbabwe, Commending the Patriotic Front for its political maturity and its co-operation in the efforts to secure a negotiated settlement in Zimbabwe, Bearing in mind the resolution on Zimbabwe adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organisation of African Unity at its fifteenth ordinary session, held at Khartoum from 18 to 22 July 1978, Bearing in mind also the relevant provisions of the Declaration of the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Belgrade from 25 to 30 July 1978, Zimbabwe News 35 Diplomatic Struggle

Stressing the grave responsibility of the international community to take all possible measures in support of the people of Zimbabwe in their liberation struggle under the leadership of the Patriotic Front and in putting an end to the hardship and suffering of Zimbabweans in that regard, Indignant at the arbitrary imprisonment and detention of political leaders and others, the summary execution of freedom fighters and the continued denial of fundamental human rights, including in particular the wanton beating, torture, massacre and mass murder of Zimbabweans, arbitrary criminal measures of collective punishment and measures designed to create an apartheid state in Zimbabwe, Commending the firm determination of the People of Zimbabwe, under the leadership of the Patriotic Front, to achieve freedom and independence, and convinced that their unity and solidarity are fundamental to the rapid attainment of that objective, Recalling Security Council resolutions 403 (1977) of 14 January 1977 and 411 (1977) of 30 June 1977, strongly condemning the acts of aggression against Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia by the illegal regime in Southern Rhodesia, Indignant and deeply concerned at the continuing acts of agression referred to above against neighbouring independent African States, in particular the recent acts of agression against Zambia which have resulted in loss of human lives and damage to property, 1. Reaffirms the inalienable right of the people of Zimbabwe to self- determination, freedom and independence and the legitimacy of their struggle to secure by all means at their disposal the enjoyment of that right as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations and in conformity with the objectives of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), 2. Reaffirms the principle that there should be no independence before majority rule in Zimbabwe and that any settlement relating to the future of the Territory must be worked out with the full participation of the Patriotic Front and in accordance with the true aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe, 3. Condemns the continued war of repression and the intensified oppressive measures against the people of Zimbabw' by the illegal racist minority regime, 4. Strongly condemns the illegal racist minority regime for its repeated acts of aggression against Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia, 5. Strongly condemns the illegal racist minority regime of Southern Rhodesia for its recent acts of aggression against Zambia and its savage massacres of Zimbabwean refugees, 6. Strongly condemns South Africa and certain Western and other countries for the direct and indirect support they are continuing to give to the illegal racist minority regime in contravention of the provisions of all the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, 7. Calls upon the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, in the sicharge of the primary responsibility as the administering Power, to take all effective measures to enable the people of Zimbabwe to accede to independence in accordance with their deep aspirations and not under any circumstances to accord to the illegal regime any of the powers or attributes of sovereignty, 8. Firmly supports the people of Zimbabwe in their legitimate struggle to exercise their inalienable right to selfdetermination and independence by all means at their disposal, 9. Reaffirms the relevant provisions of the Maputo Declaration in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and Programmme of Action for the Liberation of Zimbabwe and Namibia, in particular the provisions calling for assistance to those front-line states which are victims of repeated acts of agression by the racist minority regime, 10. Condemns and rejects the so-called internal settlement reached at Salisbury on 3 March 1978, and strongly denounces all other manoeuvres by the illegal racist minority regime aimed at the retention of power by the racist minority, 11. Declares that so-called internal settlement null and void, in conformity with Security Council Resolution 423 (1978), 12. Declares as illegal any internal settlement under the auspices of the illegal regime and calls upon all States not to accord any recognition to such settlement, 13. Demands: (a) The termination forthwith of all repressive measures perpetrated by the illegal racist minority regime against the people of Zimbabwe, in particular the killings and executions of freedom fighters by that regime, the brutality com- mitted in the "operational area", the arbitrary closure of African areas, the eviction, transfer and resettlement of Africans and the creation of concentration camps, (b) The unconditional and immediate release of all political prisoners and detainees, the removal of all restrictions on individuals as well as other restrictions on political activity and the establishment of full democratic freedom and equality of political rights, as well as the restoration to the population of fundamental human rights, (c) The cessation of the influx of foreign immigrants into the Territory and the immediate withdrawal of all mercenaries therefrom, (d) The immediate cessation of all acts of agression and any preparations therefore against neighbouring states, 14. Calls upon all States to take all necessary and effective measures to prevent advertisement for, and recruitment, training and transit of, mercenaries for Southern Rhodesia, 15. Strongly condemns those States which allow or encourage in their territory the recruitment, training and transit of mercenaries for Southern Rhodesia, 16. Requests all States to give immediate and substdntial material assistance to the Governments of Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia to enable those governments to strengthen their defence capability in order to safeguard effectively their sovereignty and territorial integrity, 17. Requests all States directly and through their actions in the specialised agencies and other organisations within the United Nations system of which they are members, as well as the nongovernmental organisations concerned and the various programmes within the United Nations system, to extend, in consultation and cooperation with the Organisation of African Unity, to the people of Zimbabwe and the Patriotic Front all the moral, material, political and humanitarian assistance necessary in their struggle for the restoration of their inalienable rights, 18. Invites all Governments, the specialised agencies and other organisations within the United Nations system, the United Nations' bodies concerned and non- governmental organisations having a special interest in the field of decolonization, as well as the Secretary General, to take steps, as appropriate, to give widespread and continuous publicity 36 Zimbabwe News Diplomatic Struggle through all the media at their disposal to information on the situation in Zimbabwe and on the relevant decisions and actions of the United Nations with particular reference to the application of sanctions against the illegal regime, 19. Requests the Governemnt of the United Kingdom of Great Britain to continue to cooperate with the Special Committee on the situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in the discharge of the mandate entrusted to the latter by the General Assembly and to report thereon to the Special Committee and to the General Assembly at its thirty-fourth session, 20. Requests the Special Committee to keep the situation in the Territory under review as a matter of priority and to report thereon to the General Assembly at its thirty-fourth session. B The General Assembly, Having adopted resolution A above on the question of Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Strongly deploring the increasing collaboration, in violation of article 2, paragraph 5, and article 25 of the Charter of the United Nations and of the relevant decisions of the United Nations, which certain States, particularly South Africa, maintain with the illegal racist minority regime, thereby seriously impeding the effective application of sanctions and other measures taken thus far against the illegal regime, Deeply disturbed at widespread violations of United Nations' sanctions including the operation of Southern Rhodesian aircraft for international passenger and cargo traffic, as well as the continued functioning of information and airline offices of the illegal regime outside Southern Rhodesia resulting in an influx of foreign tourists in the Territory, Noting with regret and concern the decision of the Governemnt of the United States of America to allow the entry into the United States of Ian Smith and of some members of the illegal regime of Southern Rhodesia, Considering that the serious developments in the area call in particular for urgent, concerted, international action with a view to imposing total isolation to the illegal regime, Deeply concerned that the measures approved by the Security Council have so far failed to bring an end to the illegal regime and convinced that sanctions cannot put an end to that regime unless they are comprehensive, mandatory and strictly supervised and unless measures are taken against States which violate them, Bearing in mind the resolution on Southern Rhodesia adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organisation of African Unity, held at Khartoum from 18 to 22 July 1978, Reaffirming the relevant pfovisions of the Maputo Declaration in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and Programme of Action for the Liberation of Zimbabwe and Namibia, adopted by the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held at Maputo from 16 to 21 May 1977, in particular those provisions relating to sanctions against the illegal regime, Conscious of the urgent and special economic needs of Mozambique and Zambia arising from their implementation of the relevant decisions of the Security Council, 1. Strongly condemns those Governments, particularly the Government of South Africa, which, in violation of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and in open contravention of their specific obligations under Article 2, paragraph 5, and Article 25 of the Charter of the United Nations, continue to collaborate with the illegal racist minority regime, and urges those Governments to cease forthwith all such collaborations, 2. Condemns those Governments which violate the mandatory sanctions adopted by the Security Council, as well as certain Governments which continue to fail to enforce the sanctions, as being contrary to the obligations assumed by them under Article 2, paragraph 5, and Article 25 of the Charter, 3. Deplores the decision of the Government of the United States of America to allow the entry into the United States of Ian Smith and some members of the illegal regime in Southern Rhodesia, in flagrant violation of the decisions of the United Nations, in particular Security Council Resolution 253 (1968) of May 29 1968, and of the obligations under Article 25 of the Charter of the United Nations, 4. Strongly condemns the Government of South Africa for its continued support of the illegal racist minority regime in Southern Rhodesia in flagrant contravention of the resolutions of the Security Council on sanctions against that regime, 5. Calls upon all Governments which thus far have not done so: (a) To take stringent enforcement measures to ensure strict compliance by all individuals, associations and bodies corporate under their jurisdiction with the sanctions imposed by the Security Council and to prohibit any form of collaboration with the illegal regime, (b) To take effective measures to prevent or discourage the emigration to Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) of any individuals or groups of individuals under their jurisdiction, (c) To discontinue any action which might confer a semblance of legitimacy on the illegal regime, inter alia, by forbidding the operation and activities of "Air Rhodesia", the "Rhodesia National Tourist Board" and the "Rhodesian Information Office", or any other activities which contravene the aims and purposes of the sanctions, (d) To invalidate passports and other documents for travel to the Territory, (e) To take all effective measures against international companies and agencies which supply petroleum and petroleum products to the illegal regime in Southern Rhodesia, 6. Strongly condemns the supply of petroleum and petroleum products to Southern Rhodesia by oil companies of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and other countries which, by that deliberate act, are circumventing United Nations sanctions and strengthening the illegal regime of Ian Smith, 7. Requests all States, directly or within the framework of, the specialised agencies and other organisations and bodies within the United Nations system of which they are members, and through the various programmes within the United Nations system, to extend to the Governments of Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia, all forms of financial, technical and material assistance in order to enable those governments to overcome economic difficulties in connexion with their application of economic sanctions imposed against the illegal regime and the severe economic loss and destruction of property brought about by the acts of agression committed by Diplomalic Struggle Zimbabwe News 37 the regime, and requests the Security Council to undertake a periodic review of the question of economic assistance to the three Governments, 8. Deplores the complicity of successive United Kingdom Governments in the violation of United Nations sanctions by British oil companies, as exposed in the Bingham Report on the supply of petroleum and petroleum products to the illegal regime of Ian Smith, 9. Deems it imperative that the scope of sanctions against the illegal regime be widened to include all the measures envisaged under Article 41 of the Charter and reiterates its request that the Security Council consider taking the necessary measures in that regard as a matter of urgency, 10. Requests the Security Council to impose among other things, a mandatory embargo on the supply of petroleum and petroleum products to South Africa in view of the fact that petroleum and petroleum products are transported from South Africa to Southern Rhodesia, i1. Requests the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples to follow the implementation of the present resolution and invites the Security Council Committee established in pursuance of resolution 253 (1968) concerning the question of Southern Rhodesia to continue to cooperate in the related work of the Special Committee. Patriotic Front Statement to the O.A.U. Liberation Committee's Standing Committee Delivered by Comrade Simon V. Muzenda, Vice-President of ZANU Dar-Es-Salaan 19-22 Dec 1978 Your Excellencies, It is our great honour once again to extend warm greetings and deep gratitude to you from the struggling people of Zimbabwe. It is a mark of revolutionary consistency on the part of the OAU that in the face of the economic struggles of its member states it maintains its resolutions to see to the expulsion of the racists from Southern Africa and the realisation of a liberated Namibia, South Africa and Zimbabwe. We congratulate you. We thank the Republic of Tanzania for continuing to provide its territory as the seat of co-ordinating the work of the OAU and the Liberation Movements towards the total liberation of Africa. We note with satisfaction that the recommendations of the last Standing Committees found acceptance at all the levels of the OAU particularly at the Summit in Khartoum in July. We look forward to our reappraisals of the situation in Zimbabwe today to meet similar solidarity. Since we last met, you have all perhaps been following the international media on the progress of the liberation struggle in our country. The greatest witness to the impact of our struggle is the desperate aggressions that the Rhodesian racist regime now continuously launches on the neighbouring countries of Botswana, Nlozambiquc, and Zambia; the declaration of martial las on s irtually 85 per cent of the country and the failure of the so-called internal settlement to realise its fake-majority-rule bythe 31st of December. The puppets (Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau) were exposed for the true liars they are by failing to end the war, a process which though they claimed thes could control is totally out of their hands. They have now been cowed to the shameful device of a so-called Government of National Unity, which leaves the racists in control of the decisive instruments of Government, the judiciary, the army, civil administration, etc. Firm Control The above relates to the reaction of the regime. The real situation is that the Patriotic Front Forces (ZIPA) are in firm control of the greatest portion of African settlements, some racist dominated farm steads and have, as you well know now, penetrated deeply into the cities. Vital oil installations are ablaze in Salisbury and industrial sites in Bulawayo for example, are now under 24 hour curfew. Martial law is coming to the cities but the real point is that all these desperate measures of the enemy have proved more the fact of their uselessness than the intention to assure racists of calm. Your Excellencies, the mass killings that the enemy perpetrates on the people of Zimbabwe in Rhodesia, in the neighbouring countries and on the population of our neighbours defies imagination. Women, girls, children and the aged are being murdered in the most despicable manner to the human race. Our only comment on these eveits is our resolution to hit back on the enemy so hard that it shall never rise again. We look forward to your reading our attached requests on the basis of the extent of the damages inflicted on our people and equipments. The war has escalated and is reaching decisive stages. Our responsibilities are no longer rela- ted to just fighting the enemy but also to provide relief services to shattered homes in areas where our forces exercise firm control. Therefore, our requests should also be seen in the light of the new scale of the advancement of the struggle (See Annex B). Basis Out of Existance Of course, Your Excellencies, the Anglo-American diplomatic shuttle and shuffle is still on. It has now become a ridiculous commentary of the principles of negociators. Anglo-American proposals change as per the mood of Ian Smith. The basis for an all party conference to which the P.F. had gone so much out of its way to meet no longer exists. 1. The original Anglo-American proposals have been scrapped and substituted by new proposals which accept Smith's idea of a transitional national government without majority rule, without dissolution of the Rhodesian army, virtually leaving power and all instruments of Government still firmly in the hands of the racists. 2. The war has escalated to new dimensions. Its gravity and intensity is such that settlement of the Rhodesian problem now strictly means settlement of the war. The war is directly between the Patriotic Front and the Rhodesian regime of which the stooges Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau are no longer separate entities but an integral part as an agent of the British Government. These are now the only parties to a settlement thus eliminating the original construction of a so-called "All- Party" conference. 38 Zimbabwe News Diplomatic Struggle

3. The new Anglo-American approach for a Camp-David type conference based on [an Smith's formulare of "without preconditions" is totally unacceptable to us. We cannot at this stage of the war toy with the idea of an aimless conference - that is one without even independence as a condition to fulfil. 4. The British Government has hitherto failed to prove that Ian Smith after 13 years of playing the fool can now be constructive at negotiations. It is pretty clear, therefore, that the British Government has itself failed to create or comprehend the necessary conditions for negotiations. The armed struggle must take its full course. We have no doubt in the victorious prospect of our prosecution of the liberation war. The following is a brief summary of our operations during the past six months which coxer the whole coun try. Military Report Your Excellencies, while our heroic fighters successfully score resounding victories, the endless massive flight of whites from Zimbabwe has reached highest proportions, in the past few months for example 1,700 in September, 3,500 in the months of October and November. Parallel to this, the campaign to recruit dogs of war has doubled. These mercenaries commit untold acts of savagery on our people. We appeal to this august committee to condemn the countries that serve as the recruiting grounds of these wretched men in humanity. The bulwarks of these countries include the United States, United Kingdom, France, West Germa- ny and Australia, while they are champions of a negotiated settlement. The mercenaries continued participation in our war, has raised the number of the war casualties. Apart from murdering innocent civilians at the rate of 40 day inside Zimbabwe, and flagrantly violating the territorial integrity of the neighbouring independent states, they have committed the most macabre crimes on missionaries. While they have tried to put the blame on our gallant fighters, the popularity of our forces among our masses and missions dispels all doubts about this blasphemy. Naked attempts to conscript on a large scale the entire African youths between the ages of 18 and 25 years have failed. The anti-conscription demonstrations by large sections of the African people and students in Salisbury and Bulawayo not only demonstrate total support for the Patriotic Front inside Zimbabwe but also their resentment of the illegal regime. 1) Military and economic installations 122 damaged and destroyed. Rutenga railway line and one of the vital bridges on the same line. 2) Enemy soldiers - 2578 killed. 3861 were wounded, during ambushes, raids clashes. 50 enemy military vehicles destroyed (landrovers, troop carriers, armoured vehicles and other means of transportation used by the enemy in its operations against the liberation forces). 3) 8 aircraft were shot down (helicopters, jet bombers, sporter planes that have been converted into bombers and the civilian Viscount that was used by the regime to transport military personnel and war material). In the process we also captured various items of war meterial, selous scouts, puppet agents working for Sithole and Muzorewa. Since July the enemy has increased its wanton attacks against the Frontline States: Mozambique, Zambia and Botswana thereby creating the impression that our forces are permanently stationed in these countries. All the same the enemy and its purpets have placed 31 (three quarters) of the country under martial law which means under military disretion. Inspite of these vain attempts by the regime to contain the freedom forces we would like to inform this Standing Commitee that our forces control large areas in the rural areas and they are actively present in the main towns like: Umtali, Fort Victoria, Gwelo, Bulawayo and Salisbury. Major attacks like the Umwindasidale suburb by rockets and rifles, Portland Cement attack of a para military training camp, by rockets and rifles and the B.P. and Shell oil Depot which has put Salisbury on fire is still burning since the last 8 days. Martial law which has been affecting the namy Africans in the rural areas shall soon be applied in the cities to affect Europeans. Already the 40 acres complex oil storage is on martial law for 24 hours, within two miles of Salisbury city center. For our requests of the year see Annex A. Our struggle for independence continues until final victory. VICTORY IS CERTAIN! Presented by S.V. Muzenda (Vice President) T.G. Silundika (Information & Publicity) Zimbabwean and Palestinian Peoples - One Struggle Speech by Comrade Dragon Patiripakashata, the Chief Representative of ZANU- Patriotic Front in Ethiopia, on Occasion to mark our solidarity with the Palestinian People. 29.11.78 ritory in 1946, 1947 and 1948. Comrades, The case of Palestinians to a nationality, to national territory, to sovereignty over that national territory cannot be disputed. Everybody in the world knows that historically Palestine belongs to the Palestinian People. Equally, everybody knows that it was due to Zionism in combination with British and American imperialism that the Palestinian nation was treacherously and forcibly dispossessed of its national terDiplomatic Struggle Zionist hegemony stretching far and wide over the lands of the Arab people was established and maintained by violence and aggression in combination with international imperialism. Imperialism, its aggression on a people, and Zionist imperialism is as the United Nations have found, a pernicious variety of imperialism and to that extent, a pernicious racist form of violence on the Palestinian people. As the Arab peoples, in particular the Palestinian people, were rightly quick to discover the only way of repulsing violence is by resorting to violence. The decision of the Palestinian people to take up arms against Zionist aggression is supported by the whole African and Third World people. It is supported by whole Marxist Leninist states and by whole progressive peoples in the world. The struggle to liberate Palestinians from Zionist racist aggression is a just struggle. We, who come before you in Solidarity, with the gun and bazooka in hand, do so in full appreciation of the evils of racist, colonialist and imperialist aggression. Like the Palestinian people, the Zimbabwean people were colonised and dispossessed of their sovereignty by force of arms way back in 1890. During Zimbabwe News 39 National Theatre Addis Ababa Ethiopia

1$11YR"$I U\ L VX 1. United Nations Partition Plan - 1947 Israeli colonised part of Palestine is in black. 2. Map shows areas occupied by the Zionists additionally to the UN Plan (darker). 3. Areas occupied by the Zionists in 1967 (darker). the last 88 years, the Zimbabwean masses have courageously and heroically taken up arms in response to that aggression. We no longer ask who the enemy is in Zimbabwe for his face and hands drip with the blood of the innocents. Everyday, since the Patriotic Front forces took up arms, they confront the same combination of the enemy that the Palestinian people confront everyday. There has never been a single battle in Zimbabwe which we have waged where there was no Briton, Zionist, American and NATO enemy. They are one. The planes that flew to attack our refugee camps in the People's Republic of Mozambique and Zambia this year and last year, leaving behind hundreds of maimed women and children, were of French make, piloted by the Zionist enemy and bearing the ground force comprising various nationalities all from the capitalist, imperialist camp. Yes, we know the enemy. Our enemy is one. As the enemy unites, we are under a compelling duty: also to unite (in Solidarity). This is why in the names of Comrades Presidents Robert Mugabe and Nkomo, our Central Committee, our High Command and our General Staff, we feel privileged to be here. These are very dangerous times for us, the Palestinian and Zimbabwean people. Our common enemy is busy hatching out new plans and new schemes to defeat our struggle. For just during the last 3 years British and American imperialism has been summoning us to attend sterile conferences in the hope that we might buy settlements: socalled political settlements, to deny our people of their genuine independence. So have they, the British and American imperialists, been busy planning ways of defeating the struggle of the Palestinian people. 1978 did not only see the imperialist forces try to impose a treacherous Internal Settlement on the Zimbabwe people in which the notorious gang of four, Smith, Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau would be installed in government leaving out the Patriotic Front forces which have created ripe conditions for Smith to concede to the principle of majority rule, but also their trying to impose a similar arrangement in Namibia, and the Bantunisation of apartheid ruled South Africa. The so-called Camp David summit was conceived in similar spirit. The choice of the site (David) was an obvious pandering to Zionist pride in the so-called invincibility of King David. We saw the treachery of Camp David before that conference was held. We knew that the sole purpose of that conference would bc to betray the birthright of the Palestinian people. For just as the Arab peoples have their Sadats, the Zimbabwean people have their Muzorewas. These reactionaries comprise the 5th column in our midst. The enemy realises that he cannot defeat the Palestinian and Zimbabwean people through armed struggle but he hopes that he can achieve his bcastly ends by harnessing some of our own people to achieve those ends. Comrades, what we need to realise, the cherished dreams of our two peoples, is to be permanently vigilant against reactionaries in our midst; to be permanently courageous in armed struggle; to be permanently non-compromising in our political objectives and permanently united in our ranks. Long live our Solidarity with the Palestinian Peoole! 3: United Arab Forces scored a glorious victory against Zionists. 40 Zimbabwe News Diplomatic Struggle

National Enemies Chimurenga Forces Smith to Call-Off Bogus Independence Traitor puppet Bishop Abel Tondekai Muzorewa had threatened dire consequences if Ian Smith did not grant "majority rule" by December 31, 1978 as had been provided for under the March 3 so-called agreement. Murderer-traitor Ndabaningi Sithole too, suggested that once the promised charade of elections had been cancelled and the "independence" denied, he would wage an "armed struggle" against his newly acquired master, Ian Smith. No one, even Muzorewa or Sithole believed that these black puppet traitordogs meant it. For a start, they have not the means with which to challenge their slave- master to arms. Second, they have neither the will nor the motivation. They believe that a white racist is bulletproof. We warned Sithole and Muzorewa in these columns (see Zimbabwe News Vol. 10 No 3, editorial page) that Ian Smith and imperialism were realities. They would have to be shot-at before they would capitulate. We have repeatedly said that Ian Smith and his white settler ilk have no desire of surrendering genuine independence to the broad masses of Zimbabwe. What they want is to create a Banana republic, steeped in neo-colonialism, exercising sovereignty only over a flag and national anthem. We vowed that the "elections" would not take place anywhere in racistRhodesia - except over our dead bodies. We intensified our armed struggle, routing the enemy on many new fronts. We shelled Umtali and Salisbury repeatedly. In the end, Ian Smith announced that "elections" could not be held in those circumstances. At this point tan Smith and his cohorts made it known that elections could not be held in such escalated circumstances of war. He indicated that he would respond swiftly to crush any revolt by his puppets. As soon as he said this, both Muzorewa and Sithole went silent. The war of words had ended. "Elections" were "cancelled", "independence" was "denied". The puppets put their tails in between their legs (Chirau never pretends that his tail ever changes that position). In January, the fascist leader Ian Smith announced that "elections" and "independence" would occur in April 1979. The stooges went into action in support of the new promise. If they believe they will be allowed to hood-wink the people into selling themselves, they are stark-raving mad. The capitalist, imperialist West will claim that we, the Patriotic Front, are against the holding of "free" elections once we start compaigning against them through the only means at our disposal: armed struggle. Let us set the record straight. I. The so called elections scheduled for April 20, 1979, are neither free nor fair. They are not elections at all. They are a fraud. After all, only whites were consulted through a referendum, whether they accepted a so-called "Rhodesia- Zimbabwe constitution" enshrining perpetual white racist minority rule. Africans, who comprise 97 per cent of the population were not consulted because they would have rejected it. How can such a fraudulent "constitution" be the basis of an election? 2. The April 20, 1979 "elections" seek to install a new colonial regime in Zimbabwe. The puppet parliament and the puppet cabinet expected to emerge from the "elections" will have no control over the army, the police, the courts and the public service. These vital organs of government will be ruled by allwhite racist commissions. Should our 7 million Zimbabweans be subjected to the indignity of voting in an election whose purpose is to deny them meaningful power? We see ourselves as morally bound to respond vigorously and decisively to protect our people. We cannot let selfconfessed traitors and mercenaries prey on our entire people's right to self-determination. We will therefore do our best to negate this neo-colonialist tactic. We will smash any puppet regime. We know that the election facade will be fully exposed and that the international Community will not take notice of any Bantustan created in the so-called "Rhodesia-Zimbabwe". PAMBERI NE CHIMURENGA! Traitors Muzorewa and Sithole and their "Private Armies" There has been considerable discussion in Zimbabwe in recent months about what has been termed "the emergence of private armies". The fact that these bandit forces are neither "private" nor "armies" has caused some anxiety on the part of the puppet regime and ordinary people in some areas in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe News Research division, working together with ZANU's Defence and Security Departments, has been able to piece together, an interesting picture about these bandit, ragtag mafias. The first truth to emerge from mountains of evidence now available is that these armed syndicates are not private at all. To be sure, they are recruited by and identify with either traitor Ndabaningi Sithole or puppet Abel Tondekai Muzorewa. It is only this facade that makes them Sithole's or Muzorewas's "forces". There is no other private feature in them at all. Most of them are trained in Rhodesia, in separate camps by the regime's military and police training staff. The Ian Smith regime knows abaout all of them. Evidence indicates that the "ministry of defence" issued permits to Sithole and Muzorewa to operate this wretched programme. The "ministry of law and order" is kept Zimbabwe News 41 National Enemies fully briefed on the actual numbers of the so-called soldiers or "guerillas" as some call them. Their deployment has to be approved by both the "ministry of combined operations" as well as the "Prime minister's" office. In a recent criminal prosecution of five of these criminals for automobile theft involving the car of Joel Mandaza's wife (Mandaza is a puppet minister), the prosecution informed the court that these bandits were recognized by the regime. They have been called "auxiliary forces". This characterisation is more accurate than "private". They are auxiliary to the regime's military and police forces. In short, they are Smith's puppet forces for his puppet children - Sithole and Muzorewa. The question arises: Why should Smith allow traitors Sithole and Muzorewa to have a handful each of armed men? It is illegal, under the Defence Act 1930 (as amended), the Law and Order Maintenance Act 1964, (as amended) for anyone to recruit, advise, encourage another to undergo training in the use of arms (except, of course, for the minority regime). The answer must be that, like all parents, Ian Smith has the right to provide his kids with toys, fire engines, aeroplanes, etc. As long as such gadgets are toys, it is not criminal to possess them. Real guns, real aeroplanes etc. would be an entirely different matter. Smith would never tolerate the emergence of true private armies under the control of anyone - including Sithole or Muzorewa. The second truth to emerge from our research is that, however Sithole and Muzorewa look at them, these so-called forces are not and cannot be called armies. By all accounts they are given two or three weeks military training which consists of learning how to use one type of gun, usually the NATO "FN" rifle, physical excercises and overcoming some "political education lessons". A copy of the lessons used for training Sithole's "army" shows that these bandits are taught that the enemy is the Patriotic Front, that the racist settlers are allies, that capitalism is the only "sure" and just economic system because it "maintains Christianity and civilised standards" and that Ndabiningi Sithole is the only true leader. One remarkable section reads: "Why has Comrade President Sithole, the founder of armed struggle in Zimbabwe, joined the Internal Settlement?" Answer: "Because, as Chairman Mao says, it is necessary to forge a common front of progressive forces during the national democratic stage of the revolution! Eventually, President Sithole will eliminate Ian Smith, Muzorewa and Chirau." The lessons are such nonsense that the "soldiers" remain just a rabble - a bunch of criminals. At no time these recruits are sensitized to the "People's national grievances". There is no attempt to discuss economic or political objectives. There is no other stated motivation than to see Ndabaningi Sithole in power. The same is true of the so-called Muzorewa "forces". Both "armies" have no clearly defined command structures. There are no military codes governing their routine and discipline. The only methods of internal discipline are beatings, torture and death. Occasionally, a "soldier" is denied pay as punishment but this hardly matters as these criminals in much the same fashion as Mobutu's army "levy taxes" on individual victims. It is the licence to practise banditry that is the major material incentive for these unemployed, ill-guided youngsters who fall prey to Sithole's and Muzorewa's insatiable lust for power. Recruitment: Some of Sithole's bandits were trained in Uganda by Idi Amin. Our intelligence departement places the number at 109. Some of traitor Muzorewa's murderers are reputed to have been trained in Libya. Generous estimates put the number at 100. Both Sithole and Muzorewa have recruited extensively from criminal groups (tsotsis, former convicts) and from the unemployed youth who find themselves idle following the closing of schools in many areas. Modes of Operations Recently, the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Rhodesia issued an occasional paper entitled "PRIVATE ARMIES". In it, it enumerates some of the areas in which the Sithole Muzorewa auxiliary bandits are active as Gokwe, Nembudzua, M'rewa, Plumtree, Wedza, Manyene, Nyabira, Gandachibuwa, Urungwe, Copper Queen and Sinoia. The Commisson says that in these areas, Smith's terrorist forces have been withdrawn in order to avoid clashes. ZANLA Operation Headquarters is aware of some presence of these bandits in some of these areas. Quite a number have been arrested by ZANLA and are now undergoing political re-education. From interrogation and de-briefing, these former agents of the regime reveal gruesome atrocities which they committed on unarmed men, women and children. What the Catholic Commission found as regards the intimidation, beatings, murders and other outrages committed by the Sithole and Muzorewa quxilliary bandits is borne-out by interviews we have conducted with those captured by ZANLA. Sithole bandits compel people to buy membership cards for 50 cents each. The people have to pay another 25 cents per week per person as "contributions". It is by such extortion and banditry that Sithole steals money from the people. Those who cannot pay or those who do not pay because they do not support these treacherous people are publicly flogged, tortured, or murdered. Sithole's major fear is ZANLA forces. Anyone who does not support him is immediately regarded as a ZANLA member and is shot in cold blood. What is startling is that the Muzorewa and Sithole bandits choose to terrorize people on Sunday. For clerics, to require that people not attend church services upon pain of death is remarkable. The ZANLA forces have never interferred with religious worship. In area after area ZANLA forces have been told by the masses that if it ever came to a choice between Sithole or Muzorewa on the one hand and Smith on the other, they would have to opt for Smith. The Sithole gangs have been particularly notorious in NEMBUDZIA where they have committed rape on a large scale. They have raped young girls, married women and widows. One report given to the Catholic Commission by a villager in the GANDACHIBUWA Area deserves to be quoted: Gandachibuwa-Nyanya "On Saturday morning 20th of October, 1978, the Sithole people came to our village, they started by beating up people indiscriminately then called a meeting at the Kraal-Head's place. "I was one of the people asked to go round calling people to this meeting. As I did not support what these people were doing, I did not go far or do much. Very few people went to the meeting. Other people were frightened away because the Sithole people were firing shots into the air. 42 Zimbabwe News National Enemies

"That Saturday I came home in the evening to find no one at home except the Sithole people. They were in my mother's kitchen preparing two chickens. . "They then accused me of having told people to run away and they ordered me to find my wife. They beat me up with fists and kicked me. I went away and came back in the morning accompanied by my uncle and they were still there. They again wanted to know why I hadn't come back the previous night and started beating me again. I was made to lie down and they beat me with a big stick. The first one broke and they got another one. I was given 20 lashes and told to get the people back by 11.00 a.m. or they would kill me. "They had meantime been into my bedroom and taken my three-quarter jacket, my small Tempest radio, my watch and my wife's watch. "They didn't come back at 11.00 a.m. and on Monday I went to school taking two hours where I normally take ten minutes because of my injuries. When I went home in the evening they were waiting for me. Again, they accused me of having told people not to go to the meeting. As the people had come back I told them to ask whether I had stopped anyone attending the meeting. The answer was no. They called an- other meeting and accused me of being a Mugabe supporter but this time they did not beat me. "I left the area on 4th November, 1978 for treatment. I have been to a private doctor and then I went to Harare. I have been told to rest for 20 days. "These Sithole people beat up people for small things like coming late to meetings, preparing food badly etc. And have killed many. I understand the police have now taken them out of the area because of their behaviour. We don't know what we have done wrong to deserve this." An article published in the National Observer of 9 November, 1978 is particularly significant and is quoted hereunder: Said one farmer from Lomagundi district, "We are talking about young men in their twenties and thirties with a very elementary training, and apparently, very little discipline. They are armed with an assortment of weapons and wear a uniform of sorts (usually, from my own experience, khaki or dark green matching shirts and trousers with sort of combat style boots you can buy from shops in town). Whoever is in overall command of them, however, must have little or no control over their movements. They have been doing their own thing in the Tribal Trust Lands and African Purchase areas for weeks now, with only occasional retaliation from the security forces. Now they are getting bolder, and are beginning to wander on to what they know perfectly well is white-owned farmed land. A couple of my labourers have been attacked by these types, who start by demanding a party membership card. If they don't get it they demand money as "payment" for a card that will - they say - be delivered in a week' time. If the poor chap approached doesn't have any money on him - and that is after all more the rule than the exception around the farms - he gets beaten up. We know what the "private armies" do in the Tribal Trust Lands and in the African farm areas. "We know they have knocked off a lot of blacks, women and children among them." The most detailed information received to date, however, came in a letter from an African Tribal Trust Land just west of the capital. He wrote to the National Observer, "To make things clear to you and the public, I want to give you a few facts. Mr. Zindoga, (co-minister of Justice and Law and Order) is a great poker player if he gives the impression that he has no knowledge of "private armies" here in Rhodesia. His UANC party is also recruiting young men." "Proposals" for a Banana Republic Introduction In the Constitutional Agreement signed in Salisbury on the 3rd March, 1978, it was agreed that a Constitution would be drafted providing for majority rule on the basis of universal adult suffrage on certain terms and conditions. In accordance with the provisions of that Agreement, the Transitional Government set up in terms thereof has agreed on the draft of a Constitution which will provide as follows: CHAPTER 1: THE STATE The name of the country will be Zimbabwe Rhodesia. CHAPTER If: HEAD OF STATE Appointment and tenure of office The President will be the Head of State. He will be appointed by an elec- toral college consisting of the members of the Senate and the House of Assembly. His term of office will be six years but he will be eligible for re-election for one further period of six years. The President will only be able to be removed from office if at least two-thirds of the members of the Senate and the House of Assembly voting together have recommended his removal on the grounds of misconduct or inability to perform efficiently the duties of his office. Powers and functions The President will have such powers and duties as are conferred or imposed upon him by the Constitution or any other law. The President will be a "constitutional type" President acting on the recommendation of the Executive Council or some other person or authority. He will act in his own discretion only in certain limited instances. CHAPTER III: THE LEGISLATURE The Legislature The Legislature will consist of the President and Parliament which will comprise a Senate and a House of Assembly. The Senate The Senate will consist of thirty Senators, of whom (a) ten will be Blacks elected by the seventy-two Black members of the House of Assembly; and (b) ten will be Whites elected by the twenty-eight White members of the House of Assembly; and (c) ten will be African Chiefs elected by the Council of Chiefs, five of whom will be from Mashonaland and five from Matabeleland. If, however, at any time there are not at least two members who are legally Zimbabwe News 43 National Enemies qualified for appointment to the Senate Legal Committee, the President will be empowered to appoint one or two additional Senators with those legal qualifications, as may be required for the purpose. Senate Legal Committee The President of the Senate will be required to appoint a Senate Legal Committee, the composition and functions of which will be the same as those relating to the present Senate Legal Committee. House of Assembly The House of Assembly will consist of one hundred members comprised as follows: (a) Seventy-two members will be Blacks elected by voters on the Common Voters Roll for seventy-two constituencies. However, for the first general election these members will be elected on a party-list system and not on a constituency basis. The existing provinces will each be allocated seats as follows (I) M anicaland ...... ten; (II) Mashonaland Central ...... five; (111) Mashonaland East ...... fifteen; (IV) Mashonaland West ...... six; (V) Matabeleland North ...... ten; (VI) Matabeleland South ...... five; (VII) M idlands ...... eleven; (VIII) Victoria ...... ten; and any registered political party will be entitled to submit a list of candidates for each province. If at the election in any province a party gets less than 10 per cent of the votes actually cast, that party will be excluded from the allocation of seats. (b) Twenty will be Whites elected on a preferential voting system by voters enrolled on the White Voters Roll for twenty White Roll constituencies on a preferential voting system. For the purposes of the Constitution, the term "Whites" will mean persons who are Europeans as defined in the present Constitution. (c) Eight will be Whites elected by the ninety-two members referred to in paragraphs (a) and (b) above from sixteen candidates who have been nominated by the twenty-eight White members of the House of Assembly. For the purposes of the first election, the sixteen candidates will be nominated by the fifty White members of the present House of Assembly. At the end of ten years or after the second Parliament, which-ever is the later, a Commission, which is referred to in Chapter XI, will be established to review the question of retaining the twenty-eight White seats, and this Commission will report to the House of Assembly. Electoral qualifications All citizens who are eighteen years or over will be eligible to be enrolled on the Common Voters Roll. In addition, all Whites who have attained the age of eighteen years or more will be eligible to be enrolled on the White Voters Roll. The electoral Act will provide for (a) the establishment of a Delimitation Commission to delimit the seventy-two Common Roll and the twenty White Roll constituencies for the second and subsequent general elections; (b) the qualifications and disqualifications of candidates for election as members of the Senate or the House of Assembly; (c) the establishment of an Electoral Supervisory Commission and the functions thereof in connexion with the supervision of general elections. Life of Parliament Ordinarily, the life of any Parliament will be five years. Parliamentary procedures The procedures to be followed in the Senate and the House of Assembly and the powers of the two Houses will be much the same as those applicable to the present Senate and House of Assembly. The Senate will not be able to amend Money Bills, though it may recommend amendments. In relation to other Bills, if the Senate has not passed such a Bill within one hundred and eighty days, the House of Assembly may resolve that it be presented to the President for his assent. However, since the Declaration of Rights will be justiciable, the Senate, if it considers any provision of a Bill to be in contravention of the Declaration of Rights, will have to refuse to pass the Bill, whether or not the provision might be in the national interest, and in that event the House of Assembly will only be able to resolve that the Bill be presented to the President for his assent after a delay of three hundred and sixty days. CHAPTER IV: THE EXECUTIVE Executive powers The executive government will vest in the President who will act on the advice of the Executive Council except where he is specifically required to act on the advice of the Prime Minister or some other authority. Prime Minister The President will appoint a Prime Minister and, in doing so, will appoint the person who, in his discretion, he considers to be best able to command the support of the majority of the members of the House of Assembly. Appointment of Ministers and the Executive Council The President, acting on the advice of the Prime Minister, will appoint Ministers and Deputy Ministers who will hold office during the pleasure of the President. A Minister or Deputy Minister who is not a member of the Senate or the House of Assembly may not hold office as such for longer than four months unless he becomes a member of either House. The President, acting on the advice of the Prime Minister, will appoint Ministers to the Executive Council. During the first five years or the life of the first Parliament, whichever is the longer, the President, acting on the advice of the Prime Minister, will be required to appoint Ministers from each political party which is represented in the House of Assembly by five or more members in the proportion of seats held by each such party. Each Minister appointed will be a member of the Executive Council. In recommending the appointment of Ministers from members of another political party, the Prime Minister will be required to act on the advice of the leader of that political party. State of emergency The President may at any time declare that a state of public emergency exists. Unless such a declaration is approved by a resolution passed by the House of Assembly it will cease to have effect at the expiration of fourteen days after the declaration or, if Parliament is dissolved within that period of fourteen days, at the expiration of thirty days after the declaration. A declaration, if so approved, will continue in force for not longer than six months and may be renewed from time 44 Zimbabwe News National Enemies to time by resolution of the H Assembly. The House of Assemb approve or renew a declaration fi riod shorter than six months and any time resolve that a decl should be revoked. CHAPTER V: THE CATURE High Court Judicial authority will be veste High Court which will consist of pellate Division and a General as at present. The Chief Just other judges of the High Court appointed by the President on vice of the Judicial Service Comt There will be a Senior Puisn who, subject to the directions Chief Justice, will be in chargt General Division. Qualifications of judges A person will not be qualified pointment as a judge unless he i been a judge in a country in wi common law is Roman-Dutch a lish is an official language or been qualified to practise as an a for not less than ten years in R or in a country in which the c law is Roman-Dutch and Engli official language. Removal of judges A judge will be subject to from office by the President onil grounds of inability to discha functions of his office or misbe and if an independent tribunal commended that he be removed of these grounds. In considerir ther a tribunal should be appo inquire into such inability or n viour of a judge, the President in the case of the Chief Justice advice of the Prime Minister an case of any other judge, on the a the Chief Justice. The tribunal will consist of than three members selected by sident from the following (a) retired judges of the High C (b) judges or retired judges of a: court of a foreign country in w common law is Roman-Dutch a lish is an official language; (c) an advocate of not less t years' standing from a panel no by the association representin cates; ouse of bly may r a pemay at aration (d) an attorney of not less than ten years' standing from a panel nominated by the association representing attorneys. Judicial Service Commission The Judicial Service Commission will consist of the Chief Justice, who will be JUDI- chairman, the Chairman of the Public Service Commission and one other member appointed by the president on the advice of the Chief Justice. The ed in the third member must be a person who is f an Ap- or has been a judge of the High Court, Divison or who is an advocate or attorney of not ice and less than ten years's standing. will be the ad- Law to be administered mission. The law to be administerd by the e Judge courts will be the law in force in theCoofthe lonyof the Capeof Good Hope on theeof the 10th June 1891, as modified by subsequent legislation having in Rhodesia the force of law. for ap- CHAPTER VI: COMMISSIONS s or has hich the AND PUBLIC OFFICES nd Eng- Public Service and Prison Service he has dvocate There will be a Public Service Comhodesia mission which will be responsible for reommon gulating and controlling the organizash is an tion of the Public Service and the Prison Service. The Commission will consist of a chairman and not less than two and not more than four other members apremoval pointed by the President, The Chairman y on the and at least one other member or, if there are more than three members of the haviour Commission, at least two other mem'has ir- bers shall be persons who have held the has reon one post of Secretary of or Deputy Secretary ng whe- or Under Secretary in a Ministry of the inted to Public Service or a post in the Public aisbeha- Service of a grade equivalent to or highwill act, er than that of Under Secretary for peron the iods which in the aggregate amount to d, in the at least five years. When considering dvice of candidates for appointment to a vacant post in the Public Service or Prison Service, the Commission will be required to not less give preference to the person who, in its the Pre- opinion, is the most efficient and suitable for appointment. ourt; superior Police Force hich the The Police Force is established for nd Eng- preserving internal security and maintaining law and order and will be under ban ten the command of the Commissioner of minated Police who will be appointed by the Preg advo- sident on the recommendation of the Judicial Service Commission. A person may not be appointed as Commissioner of Police unless he has held the rank of Assistant Commissioner in the Police Force or any more senior rank for periods which in aggregate amount to at least five years. There will be a Police Service Commission which will consist of a chairman (who will be the Chairman of the Public Service Commission) and not less than two and not more than four other members appointed by the President. Of the members appointed by the President, at least two must be persons who have held the rank of Assistant Commissioner in the Police Force or any more senior rank for periods which in the aggregate amount to at least five years. The functions of the Police Service Commission will be to consider grievances by members of the Police Force, to consider and, if it deems fit, to confirm any proposal to dismiss a member who has had more than two years' service and to make regulations for the general wellbeing and good administration of the Police Force and the maintenance thereof in a high state of efficiency. Defence Forces The Defence Forces will consist of the Army, the Air Force and any other branch established by law. There will be a Commander of each branch who will be responsible for the administration of and determining the use and controlling the operations of the branch concerned. Each Commander will be appointed by the President, acting on the recommendation of a board appointed for the purpose which will consist of the retiring Commander or, if he is not available, the Chairman of the Defence Forces Service Commission, one of the other Commanders and a third member appointed by the President who is a Secretary of a Ministry in the Public Service. There will be provision for the Prime Minister, if he considers it to be necessary, to appoint a person recommended by the Commanders of the Army and Air Force to be Commander of Combined Operations There will be a Defence Forces Service Commission which will consist of a chairman (who will be the Chairman of the Public Service Commission) and not less than two and not more than four other members appointed by the President. Of the members appointed by the President, at least two must be persons who have held the rank of Colonel in the Army or Group Captain in the Air Force or any more senior rank for pe- Zimbabwe News 45 National Enemies riods which in the aggregate amount to at least five years. The functions of the Defence Forces Service Commission will be to consider grievances by members of the Defence Forces, to consider and, if it deems fit, to confirm any proposal to dismiss a member who has had more than two years' service and to make regulations for the general well-being and good administration of the Defence Forces and the maintenace thereof in a high state of efficiency. CHAPTER VII: FINANCE There will be one Consolidated Revenue Fund into which all revenues shall be paid unless a law provides for the payment of any such revenues into another fund or that they be retained for the defraying of expenses. All withdrawals from the Consolidated Revenue Fund will have to be authorized by or under an Act of Parliament. There will be a Comptroller and Auditor-General who will be appointed by the President on the recommendation of the Public Service Commission. His functions will be to audit and report on the accounts of the State and his reports will be laid before the House of Assembly. Pension rights of public officers The pension rights of public officers and former public officers and of their dependants will be protected. In addition, a scheme will be introduced to encourage officers of the Public Service and members of the Police Force, Army, Air Force or Prison Service who were in office prior to the 1st October, 1978, to continue to serve on and after the 30th April, 1979. The basis of the scheme will be that if such an officer or member continues to serve for at least one complete year, he will be eligible to receive a pension and for each complete year of service thereafter the factor on which the pension is calculated will be improved. After five complete years have been served, the factor will be the same as that applicable under his present conditions of service if he were to retire on reaching pensionable age. CHAPTER VIII: DECLARATION OF RIGHTS The Declaration of Rights will be justiciable and the High Court will have the power to declare any law which is in contravention of the Declaration of Rights to be ultra vires. The new Declaration of Rights will follow the general pattern of previous Declarations in the country. The following rights will be protected, with the more important changes being mentioned: Protection of right to life Protection of right to personal liberty The Legislature will be able to introduce a law providing for preventive detention but such law will have to provide for the establishment of a tribunal to review cases within thirty days of the person concerned having been detained and thereafter at intervals of not more than one hundred and eighty days. The Government will be obliged forthwith to release a detained person The Legislature will be able to introduce a law providing for preventive detention but such law will have to provide for the establishment of a tribunal to review cases within thirty days of the person concerned having been detained and thereafter at intervals of not more than one hundred and eighty days. The Government will be obliged forthwith to release a detained person on the recommendation of any such tribunal, which will consist of a chairman (who shall be a person who is a judge of the High Court or qualified to be appointed as such) and two other persons, one of whom is a judge or has been a magistrate for ten years or is an advocate or attorney of not less then ten years' standing. A detained person will be entitled to appear before the tribunal in person or by his legal representative. Protection from and forced labor Protection from inhuman treatment Protection from deprivation of property No person's property may be compulsarily acquired unless the High Court or another court established for the purpose is satisfied that the acquisition is necessary in the interests of defence, public safety, public order, public morality, public health, town and country planning, the utilization of that or any other property for a purpose beneficial to the public generally or to any section thereof or the settlement of land for agricultural purposes. In the case of the settlement of land for agricultural pur- poses, the land may only be acquired if it has not been substantially put to use for agricultural purposes for a continuous period of at least five years unless the failure to use the property was by reason of public disorder, in which case any period during which the property was not used will be disregarded. Where property is compulsorily acquired, the owner will be entitled to receive adequate compensation promptly and, if he is a citizen or permanently resident in the country, he will be entitled to remit the compensation outside the country within a reasonable period of having received it. Any law which extinguishes or diminishes any right to pension benefits will be regarded as a law providing for the acquisition of a right in property. Protection from arbitrary search or entry This protection will extend to the entry of any premises, whether dwellinghouses or not. Protection of the law Protection of freedom of conscience Persons will be guaranteed the right of freedom of conscience, which will extend to freedom of thought and of religion. Protection of freedom of e.vpression Freedom of expression will be guaranteed and no religious denomination or person may be prevented from establishing and maintaining schools. Protection of freedom of assembly and association Persons will be guaranteed freedom of assembly and association and to form or belong to political parties or trade unions or other associations for the protection of their interests. The freedom will include the right not to be compelled to belong to an association. Protection of freedom of movement Freedom of movement, including the right to reside in any part of the country and to enter or leave the country, will be guaranteed. Protection from discrimination Discrimination in written laws or by persons acting under a written law in the capacity of a public officer or officer of a public authority will be prohibited. 46 Zimbabwe News National Enenties

Savings Existing laws will be saved from the provisions of the Declaration of Rights for a period of ten years, i.e. during that period a court will not be able to declare any such law ultra vires because of any contravention of the Declaration of Rights. This saving will not, of course, preclude the amendment or repeal of any such law. However, the provisions of the Land Acquisition Act (Chapter 141) will not be saved and, therefore, that Act will have to be amended in order to bring its provisions into conformity with the provisions of the Declaration of Rights relating to the protection from deprivation of property. (The National Service Act, 1976, will be saved but it has recently been amended so as to provide that it expires on the 31st December, 1979, and any new Act providing for National Service will have to be in conformity with the Declaration of Rights.) CHAPTER IX: CITIZENSHIP Persons who are at present citizens of Rhodesia will continue to be citizens of Zimbabwe Rhodesia. In addition, persons who at the fixed date possess or are entitled to dual citizenship will be able to retain such dual citizenship or their right thereto. A person who holds a foreign passport will not be required to surrender that foreign passport, nor will he be denied a passport of Zimbabwe Rhodesia because he is the holder of a foreign passport. CHAPTER X: OMBUDSMAN There will be an Ombudsman who will be appointed by the President on the advice of the Judicial Service Commission. His duty will be to investigate complaints against actions taken by employees of the Government or of a local authority or, if a law so requires, of any other authority. If, after investigating a complaint, he decides that the action complained of was contrary to law or otherwise unjust or manifestly unreasonable, he will be able to report to the appropriate authority and suggest remedial action. If his recommendations are not followed, he may report to Parliament. The Ombudsman may also, if he considers it appropriate for the purpose of a test case, authorize the payment of the costs of legal proceedings relating to a contravention of the Declaration of Rights. CHAPTER XI: ENTRENCHMENT OF PROVISIONS OF CONSTITUTION AND OTHER LAWS Certain provisions of the Constitution such as those relating to the Head of State, the Executive, the Legislature, the Judiciary, the Service Commissions and the Services and Forces, Finance, the Declaration of Rights and the amendment of the Constituion and the transitional provisions will be specially entrenched. The effect of this special entrenchment will be that such provisions will not be capable of amendment unless the amending Bill receives the affirmative votes of at least seventy-eight members of the House of Assembly. The amendment of any other provision of the Constitution will require the affirmative votes of two-thirds of the total membership of the House of Assembly. In addition, any Bill to amend the Constitution will require the affirmative votes of two-thirds of the total membership of the Senate, but if this cannot be obtained, the Bill may, after a period of one hundred and eighty days, be sent to the President for his assent despite the failure of the Senate to approve it. At the end of ten years or after the second Parliament, whichever is the later, a Commission will be established to review the question of retaining the twenty- eight White seats. The Chairman of the Commission will be the Chief Justice or a judge of the High Court nominated by him and four other members, tow of whom will be elected by the twenty-eight White members of the House of Assembly and two will be appointed by the President. If that Commission recommends that the White seats should be abolished or reduced, a Bill to give effect to the recommendation may be passed by fifty-one members of the House of Assembly and the Bill will not be submitted to the Senate. If the White seats are abolished or reduced, the existing seventy-two Black seats will not be reserved exclusively for Blacks and the twenty members of the Senate who are not Chiefs will be elected by all the members of the House of Assembly and not the two groups of members referred to earlier. Various provisions of the Electoral Act, the Education Act, the Medical Services Act and the Housing Standards Control Act will be declared in the Act concerned to be specially entrenched provisions and consequently will not be capable of amendment unles approved by seventy-eight members of the House of Assembly. Similarly, there will be provision that an Act which has the effect of (a) reducing the area of Parks and Wild Life Land or Forest Land by more than one per centum of the extent of the area thereof as at the fixed date; or (b) amending the law relating to the establishment or abolition of municipalities, towns, rural councils or local boards, the fixing of the areas or boundaries thereof, the compositon thereof or the qualifications of voters at or candidates for election to such councils; or (c) reducing the powers, functions and duties of a municipality, town, rural council or local board conferred by the Urban Councils Act (Chapter 214), the Rural Councils Act (Chapter 211) or the Regional, Town and Country Planning Act, 1976; will be subject to the same procedure. CHAPTER XII: GENERAL English language English will be the official language of the country. Chiefs and Councils of Chiefs The system of appointing Chiefs will be retained, as will the establishment of a Council or Councils of Chiefs. Remittability of pensions The remittability of pensions payable to persons who cease to be ordinarily resident in Rhodesia will be guaranteed, as will be the remittability of any commutation of a pension which is received (a) after the 30th April, 1979, on the recipient reaching normal retiring age or on his discharge on the groundes of illhealth; or (b) on or after the 30th April, 1984; but the guarantee will not apply in relation to private pension schemes entered into after the 3rd March, 1978. In the case of a commutation not referred to in paragraph (a) above which is received during the period from the 30th April, 1979, to the 30th April, 1984, the amount that is guaranteed remittable will depend on the period that has elapsed sinct- the 30th April, 197), on the basis of one-tifth being guai.iiteed remittable of only oii, year has t hl,,,ed, two-fifths if two years have elapscd and so on. The balance of the amomal received would be guaranteed remtttable over a specified period after the 30th April, 1984. Zinbabwe News 47 National Enemnies

Ideological and Revolutionary Education Political Commissariat Lecture Series The People's War In this series we intend dealing with the problems of armed struggle, that political power must be seized by armed force; the accumulation of revolutionary forces in the rural areas and the encircling of the cities as the ZANLA forces advance from the countryside, and finally, the building up of a new type of a People's Army under the leadership of the Party. In our war the ZANLA revolutionary forces under the guidance of the party led by our leader, Comrade President Robert Mugabe, have worked from the rural areas and, gaining land inch by inch, are now encircling the cities, striking definite targets therein. The basic political philosophy of our revolutionary war is based on integrating the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with concrete practice of the revolution. Our war, like many revolutionary wars the world over, grew from small to big and began with inferior equipment but succeeded in vanquishing the enemy in the country while at the same time demoralising the imperialist backers of the settler regime. In order to learn from the past experience of some of the great teachers of revolutions, we should examine some of the problems concerning the people's war. The great revolutionary teachers, Marx and Engels, pointed out in the manifesto of the Communist Party, that the aims of the proletariat can only be attained by the forcible overthrow of the existing system. The revolutionary teacher, Lenin, also teaches us in State and Revolution that the supercession of the bourgeoisie state by the proletariat state cannot be achieved without a violent revolution. These teachings of our great teachers (and Comrade President Mugabe has repeatedly told us) explicitly tell us that all great revolutions in history were, without exception, violent. In a new and revolutionary Zimbabwe, the old state apparatus must be smashed to atoms in the same way as such apparatus has been smashed during past revolutions. Comrade President Mugabe has called on all revolutionary forces in Zimbabwe to combine and overthrow the reactionary rule so that a new state power can be created. There can be no doubt, therefore, that revolution is the only authoritative Comrade Mayor Urimbo - ZANU's National Political Commissar addressing a mass rally. (Seated is the C.O.D. Comrade Tongogara). answer to the problems facing colonized and oppressed people. The question may be asked why it is imperative to take the road of armed struggle. We hold that imperialism, -olonialism and all reactionaries always rely on violence to maintain their reactionary forces that have maintained the illegal regime of Ian Smith in power. We, the broad masses of Zimbabwe, are greatly discontented with reactionary rule and the counter revolutionary forces of Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau, together with their master Smith. This is why we have taken up arms to fight against this unjust system. Frederick Engels. V.I. Lenin Ideological and Revolutionary Education Karl Marx. 48 Zimbabwe Newcs

When the broad masses, under the guidance of their Party, ZANU, have put up resistance, the forces of reaction have resorted to massacres and the suppression of the revolutionary mass movement. Leaders were arrested in large numbers in an attempt to stamp, by hook and crook, the flames of resistance, thus enfircing a white terror and imposing a war on the people. Particularly, imperialism IS -nore sinister and violent in &3.. extensional aggression, control and subversion. The history of massacres throughout the world, on people fighting for their just cause, is well known. Imperialism and colonialism, on their enchroachment on the African continent, committed similar wanton murders. When imperialist countries came to Africa to loot, men, women, sons and daughters of the soil were killed. Today, hundreds of years later the heroic sons and daughters of Africa, particularly of Southern Africa are fighting hard for their liberation. Therefore, the revolutionary armed struggle has been forced upon them by the enemy's brutal rule, and only blood can change or reverse the situation. As we have said, all revolutions are an act of violence, whether the situation is in modern Zimbabwe, or ancient times. Since 1966 when ZANLA forces launched the modern war of revolution with the Battle of Sinoia, it has been abundantly evident that imperialism, colonialism and capitalism and the reactionary land- owners, will not perish of themselves. It is unimaginable for the jackals like Muzorewa, Sithole, Chirau, Gabellah, Bulle, Chikerema and other money- mongers to hand over power and privilege to the broad masses voluntarily. Everything reactionary is the same. You have to hit it so hard that it gives way for the people's wishes. If you do not hit it, it will not fall. This is also like sweeping the floor. The dust will not vanish of itself where the broom does not reach. Neither Smith nor the reactionary forces will step down from the stage of history on their own. Therefore we can never be kindhearted towards the enemy. It must be "tit for tat". We have struggled for every inch of the country which we now control and we must continue to fight for the rest of the land. We must sweep the reactionaries from the historical stage. The imperialists and the capitalists always try to creideological and Revolutionary Education The path of revolutionary armed struggle leads to peace through the defeat of counter-revolutionary wars. ate and impose wars on a revolutionary people. As a party, ZANU and its leadership will always oppose all unjust wars. We are advocates of the abolition of wars, but there is only one way of eliminating a counter-revolutionary war and that is by waging a revolutionary war. Oppose counter-national wars, such as the one Smith and his stooges are waging on the broad masses of our country, with a revolutionary war like the one ZANLA forces are fighting. To get rid of the enemy, it is necessary to take up the gun and, as Comrade President Robert Mugabe has told us, "There is no better defender and protector of political power won through the gun than the gun itself". In this sense, we may say that only with guns can the world be transformed and truly liberated. Hence Comrade President Mugabe has repeated the old adage that "Political power grows out of the barrel of the gun". From the experience of our own revolution and that of other revolutions throughout the world, we know that it is true. It was failure to realise this, that successive parties before the formation of ZANU did not take a revolutionary path. Over many years now, Smith and his reactionary ministers have been talking of exterminating ZANLA forces in the field. They, assisted by Western imperialism and other agents of capitalism, sought to destroy our Party. Think of the massacres: Nyadzonya, Chimoio and Tembwe, and all other Comrades who fell. This was a repetition of history. But no matter how ruthless the imperialists and reactionaries have been, the broad masses of Zimbabwe have never been defeated. Instead, our fighting forces under the wise leadership of the Party, now realise that victory is certain. History teaches us that Western imperialism has failed both in ancient, and in recent times. The just cause and determination of the broad masses will always triumph over the sophisticated weaponry of the imperialists. War is therefore the Central task in the settlement of the struggle of wresting power from the reactionaries and firmly installing it in the hands of the broad masses. Our oppressed and exploited people want revolution and liberation. Our broad masses have, without sophisticated weapons, braved and dared the enemy. However, with the possibility of more self-reliant projects coming their way our masses should be able to stand up and defend themselves with weapons fairly comparable with those of the enemy. That victory is certain is borne out by history. After the end of the First World War, there were in Africa only three independent countries, Ethiopia, Liberia and Egypt. In 1935, the Italian fascists occupied Ethiopia, so that when the Second World War broke out there were only two independent countries in Africa. After the Second World War, in 1945, the struggle for emancipation of the African people was pushing for- Zimbabwe News 49

Enemy brutality has deepened and strengthened the unity of ZANLA combatants and the masses ward, thus shaking the imperialist and colonialist yoke at its very roots. Now there are 49 independent African countries. There is something else which we must point out, in the same way that we pointed out earlier that we advocate the abolition of war, and that is that taking armed struggle as a principle doesn't mean that other forms of mass organisations and mass struggle ar not important. Victory can only be won by closely co-ordinating armed struggle with all other forms of struggle. Comrade President Robert Mugabe has pointed out that stressing armed struggle doesn't mean abandoning other means of the struggle. On the contrary, armed struggle cannot succeed unless co-ordinating with other forms of struggle, i.e. in modern times, apart from the fighting between our armies and those of the enemy in the battlefield, our war must be co-ordinated directly and indirectly with other forms of struggle. We should co-ordinate the struggle directly and indirectly by political, economic, cultural, diplomatic and workerpeasant struggle. Thus, only then can we effectively strike the enemy and win the victory of war. But let it be emphasised that victory cannot be attainded without armed struggle. Only by adhering to armed struggle can we successfully oppose the counter revolutionary regime in our country. The world revolution has proved this truth. Many countries of the world have fought against imperialism and colonialism and won. Likewise, the people of Zimbabwe will win their just struggle against imperialist, colonialist forces and puppet regimes that may be set up against the wishes of the broad masses. Basically, the ZANU strategy in the revolution, as we have already pointed out, and has been repeatedly stressed by Comrade President Mugabe,has been tomove from the rural areas to the cities. Comrade President has said the greater numbers of our population reside in the rural areas. The idea of the revolution has been to destroy enemy strongholds in the rural areas, create bases from which to launch the advance into the urban areas. The cities are the centres from which the enemy operates and therefore his strongest fortress. It is here that the instruments of the enemy's counter revolutionary dictatorship, including the army, the police and other agents are concentrated. The enemy communications system have headquarters in the cities and are easy targets. It is thus easier to round up the masses in the event of an uprising, or insurrection. This has been the situation for many years and ZANU, as a revolutionary organisation, appreciated how difficult or even dangerous it was for the masses to launch an insurrection. However, the situation has drastically changed in many ways, and the role of the masses in the cities must also change with the times. ZANLA forces have been involved in political mobilisation of the masses in the urban centres. This is why it has been possible to strike at enemy targets in and around the cities. This must be intensified in the coming months. The role of the workers must be examined in the wake of the intensification of the war. While our forces of liberation are engaged in attacking enemy vases, our workers have the opportunity to stage an insurrection. For example, when the regime's forces were all deployed to fighting the huge fire at the fuel depot near Southerton, the workers had the opportunity to go on strike, thus paralysing industry. There would thus have been parallel victories by our workers and ZANLA forces. Apart from the workers who must always move closely with the trade unions and students the intellectuals must also intensifiy their role in articulating the revolution. It must be our intellectuals who should, in accordance with the Party line, interprete for the workers, trade unionists and students, the course of events as the people's revolution surges forward. Comrade President Mugabe has pointed out how the revolution, like many other revolutions, deliberately started its road in the rural areas; but with liberated and semi-liberated zones in very large areas of Zimbabwe, the war must dramatically change course. A stage has been reached where our workers cannot use the legal method, i.e. resorting to the use of the negotiation machinery devised by the enemy. We cannot use stooges in the so-called Parliament to redress our grievances. The only course left now is insurrection in the full knowledge that our revolutionary forces in ZANLA will always complement any action taken by the workers. This aspect is what we call the eccumulation of revolutionary forces against the settler colonial regime. We have to remember that in a certain sense war is a contest of strength from the outset; and when reactionary forces realise that revolutionary forces are weak - for example in the cities it is there, where they will direct their offensive, whether it be economic, military, political or otherwise. We have been reminded time and again by our leadership that a revolutionary war is not a dinner party. This is why every revolutionary must conscientiously adopt a serous attitude. At the same time, it must be emphasized that ruthlessness and rudeness should be avoided as they are likely to bring disastrous consequences to the revolution. Ideological and Revolutionary Education 50 Zimbabwe News

All revolutionaries should realise that it is imperative for the weaker revolutionary to go through a long term of arduous struggle and to be prepared to pay the price in blood. It is thus absolutely necessary for all revolutionary ranks to forget the idea that victory can be won through good luck. Battles in a peoples's war ate planned and carefully executed. As the revolution enters the cities it is important to stress that the work in the cities should be co-ordinated with and subordinated to the work in the rural areas. Because of the road our revolution has taken, the backbone of the struggle should be centred in the rural areas. Our leadership has often reminded us that our revolution hinges on the peasantry. As we proceed with the revolution, it becomes necessary to look at another aspect of it, and that is the role played by the People's Army, and its work under the leadership of the Party. Comrade President Mugabe has impressed it upon all revolutionaries that to wage a successful armed struggle, as ZANLA forces are doing under the leadership of ZANU, is impossible without a new type of the People's Army; and without a People's Army, people have nothing and the state cannot function properly. With a new type of the People's Army to fight a People's War, it is essential that the Party line be maintained. Our wise leadership has said that when we have the correct Party line, we have everything. If we have no men we will have them. If we have not state power we will be able to seize it. If the Party line is incorrect, we will lose everything we already have. Therefore the Party leadership is one of the three major weapons for winning our cherished victory. The other two are Unity and the Armed Struggle. It is also true that the political line decides the direction of the revolution. If the line is correct, we will not go astray. We will keep on marching along the correct orientation. For example, during the Detente period, many forces sought to destroy the Party. It was during this period that renegade Ndabaningi Sithole lost the Party line and stooge Abel Muzorewa was propelled into undue and undeserved prominence, because of imperialist and capitalist forces. Our war has developed in the same way that history develops. And as the war develops, it is necessary for us as Ideological and Revolutionary Education By relying mainly on ourselves and turning to the best account the valuable support of fraternal socialist countries and progressive organisations and people throughout the world we strengthen our basis to fight and win revolutionaries to adopt the correct military strategy and be able to change it appropriately. For example if the enemy situation changes, we should be able to conduct a flexible strategic command. In this way, we are able to remain masters of the war as a whole and maintain the initiative in the fighting. It is in this way, that we will vanquish the enemy and fight a hundred battles with no danger of defeat. To attain this end we must familiarise ourselves with the conditions of both ourselves and the enemy, studying carefully the weaknesses of the enemy and applying self-criticism to our own strategies. It may be necessary to seize the opportunities offered by battles, thus losing no chance to adjust our military strategy. Remember that victory or defeat in any war depends on two factors: first the political, military, economic and national conditions on both sides; and second, by each side's subjective ability in directing the war. Remember, when two armies fight each other there is the victor and the vanquished. The victor may be in his position because he is strong or because he has not made mistakes in directing the war. But a weak army may defeat a strong army if it has a good direction and a correct line. This is why ZANLA forces have scored so many Zimbabwe News 51 victories against the settler enemy forces despite the superior weapons the enemy has. The reason is that the reactionary settler forces also try to understand our strategy and tactics, but they cannot master them. They have tried on countless occasions to make counter-attacks but with no success. Some Problems involving the war When a People's Army is in the battlefield, it is important to remember that the objective is basically to end up on top, to preserve oneself and destroy the enemy. We have been told repeatedly by our leadership that war is mutual slaughter by armies in all times and in all countries. We have also been told that war is a continuation of politics, so that self-preservation and the destruction of the enemy is inevitably linked with politics. The basic principle of our war is to fight the settler enemy under the revolutionary guidance of our Party and its leadership, and to establish a democratic and just society in which every son and daughter of Zimbabwe is afforded an equal opportunity. We have to destroy the settler colonial regime of fascist Smith and his puppets who are backed by Western imperialism und capitalism. Our Party aims at creating a new Zimbabwe, free of imperialist manipulations. This is why we must fight to destroy the enemy and then move to set up a revolutionary machinery under the leadership of the Party. But it is important that the existing oppressive settler set-up be completely desmantled. In preserving what we are fighting for we have to be conscious that we have to destroy the enemy. In achieving this objective, we have to remember that the spirit of heroic sacrifice is called for and persistently encouraged. Heroic sacrifice and self-preservation are both opposite und contradictory. In battles we should fight heroically and fear no sacrifices, and only by doing so can the basic principle be applied. Since the beginning of our revolution, we have persistently inflicted defeats on the armed enemy, and have built up our bases throughout the country, starting with a small group of converts to large numbers of supporters among the masses, to broader mass-basis. It has been on the shoulders of the masses that we have built our revolution. The masses have clothed, fed and sheltered our revolutionary forces, despite the harassment by the enemy. As the revolutionary war has developed, so have the masses. Their role has changed so that today not only do they perform their previous functions as supporters of the revolution, but as defenders of the conquered territory which now comes under "liberated" and "semi-liberated" areas. We have waged the liberation war according to the dictates of the situation in our country. ZANLA's strategy and tactics will certainly prevail over the Smith regime's strategy and tactics which is based on the outmoded bourgeois military conception. Unlike many counter revolutionaries, we have always placed our trust in the masses. Herein has existed our strength. In the early stages of our war we have used the old guerrilla tactics of dividing our fighting forces, with some doing propaganda work while others deal with the enemy. Also when the: - enemy advances, we retreat - enemy camps, we harass - enemy tires, we attack - enemy retreats, we pursue. These have been the principles governing the two stages that have governed our fighting. The reason why revolutionary forces should retreat when the enemy advances is that if the enemy is stronger, for example if they are going to use the Air Force to bomb our positions, and we haven't got equipment to match that of the enemy, we have cause to retreat and not fight recklessly. So in these circumstances, if we do not give ground first, we will be defeated. The old maxim is that if you cannot win a battle, then move away. This is called strategic retreat. We conduct a retreat when we face a stronger enemy than ourselves, and when we see that the settler enemy will inflict unnecessary losses on us. Only by retreating can we get time to concentrate our forces and discover the enemy's weakness. ZANLA forces have avoided unnecessary losses in the revolutionary war because of carefully planning the line of retreat well ahead of the enemy offensive. That is good planning. In the case of mobilisation meetings great care has always been taken, and it should continue to be taken, to make sure that the masses are fully protected. Only then have we been able to create confidence in the masses. An advantage we have enjoyed in our long revolution is that our forces know the terrain very well, and that the masses are also advanced in their appreciation of the revolutionary war. Of course, it should be remembered that the terminal point should be predetermined, taking into account the total war situation, not only in the area, but throughout the country. The front section of the Base area might be the best terminal point, or the middle section. Our leadership has stressed that when the situation is tense the Commander can divide his unit and take several routes. Before any shifting or tactical withdrawal is made soldiers should be Ideological and Revolutionary Education 52 Zimbabwe News told the reasons why the move is being made. After that, move swiftly. Before retreating, our forces have always known their signal (password). In order to avoid confusion, it has always been necessary to tell the masses why the retreat is being made. The practice that has been instilled into ZANLA forces is that soldiers must keep their secrets from the masses. This is done to protect both the soldiers and the masses in case the enemy soldiers beat up the masses to find out information about the Gathering Point, and what plans the revolutionary forces have. So far our forces have performed miracles in making certain that the masses clear the areas around the bases; so that when the enemy comes, no evidence of the presence of the ZANLA forces is found. Also, food and other facilities must be cleared. The enemy must always be watched from an advantageous point - from a favourable terrain, and then attacked. Of course, we must take the usual precautions about the safety of our masses, and be kind to the masses. In this way, a deep relationship between the revolutionary forces and the masses can always be maintained. When we leave a place, and circumstances permit, we should always leave some Comrades to do mass work. Of course, we should apply the advice we have been given by our leadership and that is that the situation is the best commander. Harassing Enemy Camps We should intensify our strategy of attacking enemy positions wherever we find them. We must aim at inflicting heavy losses on the enemy so as to demoralise him. For example, the attack on the Grand Reef Air Base by our ZANLA forces had a tremendous demoralising effect on the enemy. The same applies to all other attacks we have inflicted on the enemy. Victory enhances our morale, while defeat demoralises the enemy. We should continue using small numbers of forces to attack minor targets, and larger mobile units for bigger targets. There are some of the methods we have used to harass the enemy and we must intensify them: Taking advantage of poor visibility at night or when it is raining, we have attacked enemy posts, capturing sentinels or members of the enemy going on duty. We harass the commanding post, enemy communicaIdeological and Revolutionary Education Ihe lively reality ot our 15 year struggle for national salvation dedicatedly cultivated into the Zimbabwe soil and nourished by the blood of our fallen heroes has strongly convinced our people in all zones that we will defeat British colonialism. tions post or telephone exchange. Harass the enemy's transportation teams, and disrupt the communications network to cut off enemy supplies. Like the ZANLA in most areas such as Shabani, spread or leave revolutionary slogans on walls or any convenient place. Use sparrow warfare, mine warfare and snipe shooting to inflict heavy injuries on the enemy. The enemy should be harassed continuously so that the enemy cannot cope. Remember in planning battles to use tactics that will deceive the enemy. It is always imperative for revolutionary ranks to turn the backward ability into advance consolidations of great military-political-economic bastions of the revolution from which to fight the ambitious enemy. Because of the protractedness and ruthlessness of our war, it is absolutely important that all our strategies must be nationwide. We have to recover the total area of our land that is still held by the enemy. We must fight the enemy ceaselessly until we have established our strongholds in the cities and other urban centres. As we plan to intensify our revolutionary war, the enemy for his part will also be planning and launching counter measures. He is bound to step up both his defensive and offensive measures. All this will add to the protractedness of the war. Because we have built strong base areas which are now impregnable, we have an added advantage over the enemy. We must defend what we now have and be conscious that the People's duty calls on us every uay to increase our areas of operations. Where there was no ZANLA forces yesterday, let there be many more today; and where there were few, let their presence be multiplied. Our base areas are our foundation stones and on no account can they be compromised. As Comrade President Robert Mugabe has exhorted us: let us defend and consolidate the liberated areas, totally liberate the semi-liberated areas and vanquish the enemy in the contested zones so that we can cause the enemy to flee and then we can establish a country in which equaility of opportunity will be a daily feature of our lives. As the People's war has developed in our country, we have found that it is necessary to establish civil revolutionary base areas where the able-bodied amoung our masses are trained in arms when they will operate as the People's militia. What has been acquired for them by their revolutionary forces, the people must defend with their own sweat and blood under the guidance of their Party. We have discovered through experience that mobilisation of the masses is one sure way of finally defeating the enemy. We also know that it is in the civil base areas where, in establishing the liberated areas, we can now move the sick and wounded from the forward areas and treat them there. It is only through total orientation of the people in the areas we control that we should aim at causing an upsurge throughout the country so that not only Zimbabwe News 53 thousands, but millions upon millions, of our people will wage war against the enemy. As our Comrade President has said, we must create a hell for the enemy. It is by accumulating the revolutionary experience we have so far acquired, and consolidating all the areas under our influence, that we can be assured of total victory. There are other dimensions of the war that we need to briefly take into account. The imperialist monster has in recent months not only created the stooges Muzorewa and Sithole, but has added there on the so-called auxiliary armies. These are the openly confessed counter-revolutionaries, who are the creation of the imperialists, intended to confuse and damage the cause of the people. World revolutions have taught us that in their dying stages, imperialists and their puppets will stop at nothing, in their attempts to destroy the revolution and the people's cause. These counter-revolutionaries have been studying our tactics and constantly try to use them in order to confuse the masses of our peop!e. Thanks to our forces of liberation who have now devised means and methods of teaching the masses to differentiate between these bogus men and true revolutionaries. It was because of this that Sithole's criminals fell into the hands of ZANLA forces in the Wedza and in Sabi North areas, and elsewhere. These counterrevolutionaries must be dealt with ruthlessly wherever they fall into our hands. We also have to seek and destroy all enemies of the revolutionary forces. It is through vigilance by the masses that we can keep track of any strangers straying into our base areas and guerilla zones, in the mountains and on the plains. We should always remember to make use of the contradictions and gaps of the enemy. Political Power In all the foregoing, we realise that the fundamental question of the revolution is the question of political power. In mobilising the masses, in destroying the economic strength of the enemy and consolidating our gains, our basic aim is always to seize political power from the hands of the enemy to the hands of the people. This is the basic objective in a People's war. In establishing People's power, we should remember that in organising them we have to arm them, too, and remind them time and time again to continue to oppose imperialism and its running dogs. In accordance with the guidance we have been given by the Party leadership, after the enemy has been vanquished and the masses have been politically mobilised, our next task must be concerned with production and construction. We must improve people's livelihood. Traitors and reactionaries must be suppressed. We must exercise dictatorship over the enemy and democracy over the people. The leaders of our revolution in the rear, in the liberated and semi-liberated areas, should make long term plans in order to develop and maintain a sound production policy. Remember that agriculture will continue to be the mainstay or backbone of our life. But this does not mean that we should ignore other industries. In the long planning that we have just mentioned, the basic needs of the people i.e. salt, mealie meal, vegetables, medical supplies, cash etc. should be taken into account. The unnecessary shortage of these basics may result in the unnecessary diversion of the people's minds from the revolution. By all means, let us instill the spirit of selfreliance among the people so that we can unfold a great production movement which will carry out a new economic reconstruction programme. PAMBERI NE CHIMURENGA! PAMBERI NA COMRADE PRESIDENT ROBERT MUGABE! Foundation of a New Mentality By Comrade Dzingayi Mutumbuka ZANU's Secretary for Education and Culture There are two armies in Zimbabwe today. There is the fascist army of Smith, Muzorewa, Chirau and Sithole which daily harasses, arrests, imprisons, brutalises, maims, rapes, kills and massacres our people. There is also our liberation army which stands in great contrast to the settler army. Our army has two principal tasks; to fight and destroy the settler army and secondly to defend the people's hard-won gains in the revolutionary armed struggle. As is the case with the army there also exist two diametrically opposed systems of education in our country. On the one hand is colonial education, a very subtle and highly efficient armm of settler power which over the years has been refined and turned into the principal instrument of imperialist exploitation of our people. On the other hand there is our revolutionary education, born out of the cruel experiences of our struggle for justice, freedom, self-determination and independence. There is a rather cruel parallel between the goings on in the colonial system of education and a capitalist assembly line. Under colonial education Zimbabwe youths are simply the raw materials waiting to be converted into finished "products". These human pro- 54 Zimbabwe News Comrade President Mugabe briefing Comrade Dzingayi Mutumbuka ZANU Secretary for Education and Culture. ducts are in no way different from any others pouring out of capitalist factories and industries. Both are there to enrich and entrench capitalism. Ideological and Revolutionary Education

In the present context of the Zimbabwe revolution the armed struggle is the principal form of struggle. However, our struggle is not merely military but rather a struggle on all fronts; political, diplomatic, ideological, educational etc. While our military front is the foundation of our struggle we are well aware that our military successes can be easily reversed if we fail on other fronts. This is the salutary lesson we have learnt in the last 15 years of struggle. The struggle against ignorance and under -development is a key feature of ZANU's overall strategy. As Karl Marx has stated, "Education must constitute the basis of man's development of his vocational, cultural and political growth." The richest natural resources of any nation is its people. It is our people who through their productive activities will create wealth and develop Zimbabwe because the strength of any nation or society is directly dependent on its collective potential and the culture of its members as expressed in its constructive efforts towards a common goal. This article will analyse the colonial system of education and try to glimpse into the influence the armed struggle has had in shaping our ideas on this fundamental subject. The armed struggle is the world's best school and it is the cruel experience of the armed struggle that constitutes not only the precursor but indeed the foundation on which we are evolving a revolutionary education system in our country. Colonial Education Before discussing ZANU's programme for the creation of a socialist society and the training of Zimbabwean youths who are both "red" and "expert" (our goal) it is first necessary to analyse the aims, methods and content of the colonial system of education. The colonial system of thinking is rigidly hierarchical with a tiny privileged minority giving orders to the vast majority of Zimbabweans whose chief cha- racteristics are docility, unquestioning obedience, submissiveness, loyalty and hard work. Respect for authority and obedience are deemed more important than initiative and self-reliance. Thus all Africans from the cradle to the grave are taught to obey and to do so without questioning. Brutality and physical punishment are freely administered in all African Schools. It is hoped that Ideological and Revolutionary Education ZANLA fighters and local people are working hand in hand to destroy the colonial system of education that produced a servile mentality and made a teacher a medieval king over his vassals. The richest natural resources of any nation is its people. this is the best training to teach an African to "know his place". Passivity is encouraged: children must sit quietly listening to their master (teacher) for several hours a day. Initiative is not only scorned upon but is often seen as a form of open rebellion, a refusal to be tamed. In the classroom dialogue is discouraged. The teacher presides over his class like a medieval king ruling over his ignorant subjects. In the colonial system the teacher is portrayed as someone who knows everything and his pupils as knowing nothing. If through a question a pupil demonstrates that he knows something the teacher does not know he is severely punished for "showing off". Manual work is not normally integrated with mental work. Instead it is nearly always a form of punishment. Thus youths are brought up under the erroneous view that the maintenance of a good school garden depends solely on people who are being punished. How utterly immoral and disgusting. This is Zimbabwe News 55 the principle ideological support of capitalism; mental work is reserved for the superior people (the colonialists and a handful of fortunate Zimbabweans) whilst manual work is for the overwhelming majority of Zimbabweans who receive little or no education. There is little relationship between what is learnt in school and real life problems. A yawning gap separates theoretical knowledge from its practical application. This has distorted our values and created a false attitude towards manual work. An incredible amount of time is wasted on useless rote learning. Obscurantism, jargonism and verbosity are common. To encourage this, much of the curriculum consists of memorising countless irrelevant facts most of it utterly useless to anyone. The learning process is never related to the development of logic or the solving of problems. Creating Colonial Robots Teaching is always slanted to justify colonialism and imperialism in subjects like history. In every school children are taught that Zimbabweans were busy killing each other off in senseless tribal wars until they were "rescued" by courageous and self-sacrificing whites who had come to "civilise" them. Despite documentation and historical facts which disprove this version of colonialism the thesis of tribalism is so ingrained in all the "products" of colonial education that they invariably make "tribalism" a major factor in any political analysis. Muzorewa and Sithole are typical examples. In short, colonial education aims at creating a product who has internalised the enemy, has assimilated the enemy's culture, his way of thinking, behaviour etc, a totally dehumanised being, almost a robot. The present colonial system is so bottle-necked that only 4 per cent of those Zimbabweans who enter primary school enter secondary school and only 0.009 per cent go on to university. These figures are to be treated with caution because the fascist regime has been lying through and through about what it is doing for African Education in a bid to appear magnanimous. For instance in the 1969 census on population the racist regime admits on page 17 that "there are still a significant exaggeration (over 15%) in the census data on school attendance." This colonial system of education was intended to uphold and strenghthen colonialism and imperialism and therefore to subjugate Zimbabweans. The prime function of capitalist education has been to brainwash and control members of society without any appearance of using force. Besides creating a colonial mentality this system also creates a stratified society. In this it has been highly successful. It is therefore not surprising that after many years (some of them spent in the imperialist heartlands) of colonial brain-washing many highly educated Zimbabweans are the biggest sell-outs. It is a cruel truism to admit that on the whole our intellectuals have betrayed the Zimbabwean revolution. Not only have the majority of Zimbabwe's intellctuals remained aloof or constituted a modern diaspora (well over 80 per cent of Zimbabwe's graduates are outside the country), but since the signing of the iniquitous sell-out deal of March 3 this year the overwhelming majority of these intellectuals have openly identified themselves with the unholy alliance of Smith, Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau. These intellectuals have been educated for the purpose of assisting our oppressors and it is for this job that they are currently so richly rewarded. These acculturated "elites" are currently the main communication link between the settlers and the subject peoples. This age old tactic is well-known. Under threat of defeat, imperialism always reverts to the cunning device of using local agents rather than outsiders. The harsh reality in most neo-colonial African countries is that these "elites" have continued to serve the interests of imperialism, often unconsciously. This bourgeois intellectual has been conditioned to be dependent on the capitalists economically and is therefore compelled to serve them by word and by deed. This kind of agent is even more dangerous than the capitalist proper whom almost anybody can see. This sneaky use of intellectuals as agents of capitalists, it must be admitted, represents a startling achievement by colonialism and imperialism. We are left in no doubt that this subtle and sophisticated arm of capitalist exploitation must be destroyed root and branch. Revolutionary Education A section of ZANU's basic policy document has the following to say on education: "The imperialists have diluted our rich cultural heritage by way of films, literature, mass-media, schools, church, and doctrinaire dogma. These have plunged our nation into a morass of emotional and spiritual confusion. Most of our people are now at cross-roads. They believe that Western culture is right and that ours is wrong and uncivilised. This is a mental process that has taken years of intense cultural aggression, and which has resultedc, in the loss of our cultural heritage. In an independent Zimbabwe, strenuous efforts will be made to return the nation to its noble self once more. The people will be masters in building a new Zim- Our youth is growing up aware of who our enemy is. Ideological and Revolutionary Education 56 Zimbabwe News babwe culture derived from the best of what our heritage and history (armed struggle) have offered to us. Zimbabweans will also take from foreign culture that which is good and transform it with the indigenous culture, and then develop it to meet the needs of the socialist state of Zimbabwe. Our country will need mental decolonisation just as much as it needs political and economic independence". There is no such thing as an ideologically neutral education; an education system is either colonial and reactionary or revolutionary. Obviously in a revolutionary situation such as ours, education forms an integral part of the struggle. As Lenin has pointed out "An illiterate person stands outside politics, he must first learn his ABC. Without that there can be no politics, without that there are rumours, gossip, fairy-tales and , but not politics". We cannot just copy the colonial educational system wholesale because as has been argued above, this will perpetuate the colonial mentality which will destroy our revolution. Our education system is being evolved under an excellent climate, a climate of an arduous armed struggle. The system is being evolved in circumstances of having to provide educational facilities for over 20000 school youths from among the Zimbabwean refugee population of over 80000 here in Mozambique. School without budget There are over 30000 Zimbabwean youths of school-going age who have fled into Mozambique since 1975. To date we have been able to provide educational facilities for over 20000 of these. We have no budget and depend on the assistance of generous donators for everything. Our school population is not static but is always increasing. Since the signing of the March 3 sellout deal in Salisbury the increase in the number of youth fleeing Zimbabwe into Mozambique is quite astonishing. For example in one school whose enrolement in January was 2500 the number now exceeds 4200. In these circumstances planning and programming our activities is made nearly impossible. But we never dispair of course. A more serious problem which is rather difficult to counter is security. All our schools are within striking distance of the Rhodesian murderous war planes. Under the customary pretext of hunting for guerillas the troops of the rebel Rhodesian regime regularly perpetrate acts of aggression against Mozambique. In these criminal acts much life of innocent Mozambicans and defenceless civilian Zimbabwean youths has been lost. Our schools have become favorite targets of this blood-thirsty criminal army. These mindless acts of killing have disrupted and continue to disrupt our school programmes endlessly. The aggressions are so serious that one of our schools has had to be moved 3 times in the last six months. When we started we had only a handful of competent trained teachers who were also ideologically sound. But by strenuous efforts and in close coordination with the Commissariat Department we have now built a formidable force of over 500 teachers. This has been achieved in the last two years through a crash teacher training programme combining both in service practical teaching and theory. We have no classrooms, our classes are held in the open under shady trees. There is a scarcity of the most basic educational material, things like blackboards, chalk, pencils, exercise books etc. Textbooks are a luxury far beyond our wildest dreams. Lest the difficulties outlined above give the impression that our situation is hopeless this is far from being the case. Thorough Planning One of the earliest steps we took to resolve some of our problems and to facilitate thorough planning was the creation of a research unit. This unit has become the strongest reference point of all our work. Our research group now consists of some of the most competent and ecperienced comrades in our department. All the syllabi, subject matter and methods of teaching are now drawn by our research group. Through thorough scientific investigation, and innovation our researchers have turned some of our weaknesses into our strongest points. Taking full cognisance of our unique circumstances we have succeeded against great odds in providing a good system of education which is inexpensive. The lack of educational aids has forced us to rely on readily available local material. We have made some black- boards from black mud, charcoal and the leaves of certain local trees. These boards are very good. For chalk some local carbonates (soapstone) have been employed although this has not been as successful as the boards. Scarcity of funds has meant that we could never buy enough textbooks. At first we duplicated broad sheets and used these. Later on we improved the situation and have now embarked on ambitious plans to produce our own textbooks starting with those needed at the primary school level. In fact as we go to press our first textbook is being printed for us by a sympathetic donor. But we have more manuscripts than we have takers. The move away from colonial textbooks has greater significance than is immediately obvious to our readers. Most colonial textbooks are full of falsifications and pernicious ideas we would never like our youths to grow up with. The following two examples should serve to illustrate our point. A colonial geography textbook has the following passage on Tanganyika (Tanzania). Question: How do you get to Dar es Salaam? Answer: Get on the 8.00 p.m. train from Waterloo to Southampton where you will board the Union Castle. This liner will stop at either Cape Town or Durban before docking at Dar es Salaam on the East cost of Africa. Another colonial textbook on domestic science shows pictures of Zimbabwean girls surrounding a white Rhodesian woman who is demonstrating how to clean a cooking pot, how to wash, how to iron clothes etc. There are two serious facets with all these pictures. First the pictures give the impression that only white women can teach African girls how to carry out these domestic activities. Secondly it is a well known fact that the Rhodesian white women being the laziest women in the world, would never dirt their hands with these domestic chores. What are servants for? Attacks Build Consciousness The constant attacks on our schools by the fascist terrorist army of Smith and his three black lackeys has achieved the very opposite of what the enemy hoped they would. Rather than cowing down to the enemy's dictates these attacks have inculcated a unique sense of security discipline, consciousness and collec- Ideological and Revolutionary Education Zimbabwe News 57

To build a hut is as important as to write an essay. tive spirit in our youths. Our youths are all conscious of who they are and of their responsibilities to the Zimbabwean revolution. The youths realize that they are an important factor in the Zimbabwe equation, that the regime is scared of them and hence all its concerted afforts to eliminate everyone of them. They know that the regime is more scared of them than the liberation forces whom Smith's troops avoid in the war zones and liberated areas of Zimbabwe in order to come and massacre defenceless school youths in refugee camps in Mozambique. Our youth are very clear about who is the enemy of the Zimbabwean masses thanks to the barbaric aggression of the Smith-Muzorewa- SitholeChirau army of bandits. The necessity of living together, suffering together, struggling together for the good of each and everyone has engendered a very strong collective spirit in all our youths. Our schools are a living testimony of genuine communalism. In the West boarding schools are for the wealthy echelon of society. In such institutions selfish individualism and the cult of personality are nurtured and developed. This is the breeding ground of entrepreneurship. Many pupils at such institutions are forced to live a false life by pretending to be what they are not merely to catch up with the Joneses. Moreover parents and teachers are in open competition for the control of the minds of the youths. No such competition in our case takes place and we dis- covered that the absence of this competition has tremendous benefits for the mental development of our youths. The Unique environment The wonderful thing about our situation is that none of us owns anything. Everything is communal property. We would like to transfer this concept to an independent Zimbabwe where all wealth and resources of the country will belong to the People as a whole. The unique condition under which we are carrying out our educational activities has been crucial in the process of the destruction of the colonial mentalitiy and its replacement with a revolutionary mentality. This overcoming of the colonial mentality is a cardinal prerequisite for the success of the revolution in Zimbabwe. Our system of education is radically different from that of the colonialists. Our educational programmes are primarily designed to develop the creative genius inherent in our people. Instead of authorianism and passivity we encourage from the very beginning group work, group co-operation, group decision making, individual initiative, criticism and group self-criticism. Negative individualism, jealousy and envy among youths, which is so characteristic of the colonial system, is discouraged. Each youth in the colonial system secretly keeps away what he knows. In contrast our youths do not monopolise 58 Zimbabwe News knowledge and spend an awful lot of time helping their less capable classmates. Our schools are run along the lines of socialist and not reactionary forms of discipline. There is a world of difference between socialist discipline and fascist discipline. Fascist discipline involves obedience without thinking whilst socialist discipline means group criticism. To achieve these practices of socialist morals has required and continues to require the creation of a new man, a teacher who is completely freed from the colonial mentality. Symbiotic Relationship In the colonial system the teacher knows everything and the pupils know nothing. In our system there is a symbiotic relationship, the educational process is reciprocated. At one time the teacher imports knowledge to his pupils while at another time his pupils are his teachers. In this way the two learn from each other. Dialogics has replaced the system of learning through prescriptions. As an inseparable unity, a totality, the teacher and the pupils are in pursuit of knowledge. Thus the teacher is not afraid of his pupils knowing something he does not. Initiative, self-reliance, innovation, creativity etc in pupil are valuable qualities that are encouraged. Pupils are therefore treated as responsible people and not morons. We have found it easy to exploit the pupils' natural curiosity and their creative genius. No contradictions whatsoever arise when a teacher discovers that some of his pupils know things he does not. Through our method of dialogics the teacher and pupils are made to realise that no man no matter how knowledgeable has a monopoly of knowledge. Thus the teacher is always learning more as his pupils develop their abilities. The teacher becomes a guide rather than an oracle of knowledge. Our youth are assisted to develop critical independent thinking. Manual work is a major activity in all our schools; our training consists of a triangle whose components are physical training, study and production. It is our aim to produce as much of the food we need as possible. Unfortunately this has not been possible because of the constant attacks from the Rhodesian terrorist army. We teach all our youth that all wealth Ideological and Revolutionary Education

Students recording revolutionary songs at the studios of Radio Mozambique. comes from human labour and that to build a hut is as important as writing an essay. All our huts are the product of our own labour and we take great pride in this. New culture values are very much in evidence. The old colonial practise of treating women as charges is gone. In the colonial system women are considered as spandages of men and mere tools. But when you struggle together with your women folk and see them making supreme sacrifices you can no longer hold on to such erroneous ideas. Our youths are very fond of songs and dance to keep their morale high as well as poems and plays. And we have been encouraging them. When I was at school I was interested in songs and poems about love, wealth, "fame" etc. I was also interested in plays about the same subject and in Western movies in which all Indians were bad guys and all whites good guys. This is not surprising because this is a condition into which I had been carefully canalised by the colonial system. In contrast our youth write poems about the sacrifices the broad Zimbabwe masses are enduring for the sake of the revolution. Their heroes and heroines are the unknown member of ZANLA who is shading his bloody for the liberation war and the poor peasant woman who is shot everyday for curfew breaking in order to feed the liberation forces. On August 8, ZANU DAY, this year, I saw a very sophisticated play which the Form 4 youths had written and produced on the "internal settlement" entitled: "The People are Invincible." In this play you have Chirau representing Smith, Sithole, Muzorewa Ideological and Revolutionary Education ...... A group of ZANU students sent to other countries to continue with their studies. and himself; Goldberg, Oppenheimer (Anglo American Coorporation) and Tiny Roland (Lonrho) representing the multinationals, a member of ZANLA, parts of the Rhodesian terrorist army and others representing the ordinary masses of Zimbabwe who are corralled into concentration camp. The play is very well thought out and expertly acted. The main message of the play was that despite all hardships and imperialist machinations, the people of Zimbabwe will triumph. We felt very proud of what our Form 4 youths were capable of. tion. Enemy culture is never a source of inspiration because it dehumanises. Our struggle on the cultural front is therefore a sythesis of the rebirth of our domant culture and our stollen humanity. Liberated areas We look upon our schools in Mozambique as the cook houses where the recipes of a future educational diet are being evolved. Some of these recipes are already being applied with considerable success to the liberated areas of Zimbabwe which are controlled by our forces. The thrust of the armed struggle has resulted in the complete collapse of the regime's administrative structures and its replacement by ours. In the new social set-up health work production and education are major activities. We have taken well over a 1600 schools which used to be run under the colonial system. Most of these are primary schools but over 70 secondary level education. Zimbabwe News 59

There are enormous problems associated with running these under-the-tree schools. Although we are in control on the ground the Rhodesian terrorist air force can still bomb our schools and hospitals. This rules out the setting up of clearly defined building structures for the time being. Then there is the more serious problem associated with logistical support (food, clothing, educational material etc.). How does one provide these needs for over 30000 school children without a budget? The question of ideologically sound teachers of both formal and none formal education is something we must constantly face. Fortunately the major activity in our liberated areas is political education and the development of awareness. This is an area where we cooperate to the full with the Commissariat Department. Wherever possible we have also transferred some teachers from the rear to the front. We realise the importance of teacher education and have thus embarked on a programme of crash course inservice training. The provision of health facilities, production-brigades, educational activities and a revolutionary administrative super-structure are the very basis on which we are establishing People's Power. Our educational activities are a synthesis of: (a) What the founding fathers of socialism teach us; (b) The struggles and experiences of other countries; (c) The unique nature of our own struggles and the mistakes and successes we have achieved so far. Future Perspective: The Rhodesian colonial administration is based on dualism (African Education, European education, African Health, European health etc.). This dual economy is run on the basis that all skilled manpower are white and all labourers are black. Taking full cognisance of this, our Party has already started training personnel who will fill certain gaps that are likely to be created by the exodus of racist white artisans. The process of training skilled Zimbabwean manpower will however be long and difficult. We are well aware of this. We are also well a- ware of the fact that education, both technical and mental decolonisation, will play a crucial role in this transformation process. As far as formal education is concerned we have already said enough about how we want to develop a revolutionary as opposed to a reactionary system of education. We will abolish all forms of race and in education. There will be no privileges. We will definitely close many institutions and reopen them on a new footing. It will be necessary to bridge the gap between town and country in terms of the provision of educational facilities. We will undertake a massive national literacy campaign to wipe out illiteracy and ignorance in order to raise our People's productive capacity and to facilitate them to live a fuller life. This will probably necessitate turning the whole country into a vast school. Our system will be education for all to serve the interests of the broad masses of Zimbabwe - the makers of the Zimbabwe revolution. We have said that decolonisation can lead to genuine liberation of mankind or to its more efficient domestication. In such a situation it becomes essential to give a critique of the meaning and methods of education. The process of deconditioning minds away from the colonial way of thinking will still leave a legacy of values and attitudes ingrained in the minds of our people who were educated in the colonial days. It will therefore be necessary to continually check and counter reactionary forces and ideas whenever they emerge. In all these educational activities our department will maintain a close working relationship with other teaching departments such as Defence, Commissariat, Agriculture, Information and Publicity, Health etc. just as we are doing now. There will be an enmeshing and intertwinning of departments. The present colonial system of education will be overhauled completely (new syllabi, textbooks and examination boards). Education will remain one of the principal instruments of transformation and liberation in Zimbabwe. In our schools in Mozambique and the liberated areas of Zimbabwe we have learnt some valuable lessons. We have learnt how to maintain a modicum of good quality and inexpensive education. The richest natural resource of our nation are the Zimbabwe people. Comrade Josiah Magama Tongogara, ZANU's Chief of Defence congratulating a ZANU cadre who was chosen as the Most Disciplined Student of the Year at a multinational training centre in Tanzania. Ideological and Revolutionary Education 60 Zimbabwe News

Available: ;NewI cr NC~sgt to he tvolfe f fnihb~eFor further information write to: b the Preident' of th t ma e Aicu Na- / io U ZANU Headquarters, ... . / . Department of Information and Publicity, , 7,; / ,,;$f ,@~ Caixa Postal 743, Maputo ..A. X. ~// /People's Republic of Mozambique A~LT3TZIMBABWE 1979 AFRICAN NATIONAL THE YEAR OF THE PEOPLE'S STORM UNION JANUARY FEBRUARY MARCH APRIL Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat Sun Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat Sun Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat Sun Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat Sun 1234567 1234 1234 1 891011121314 5678 91011 567 891011 23 4 5 6 7 8 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 2223 24 25 26 27 28 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 293031 262728 262728293031 2324 25 26 27 28 29 30 MAY JUNE JULY AUGUST Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat Sun Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat Sun Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat Sun Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat Sun 123456 123 1 12345 78 910111213 456 78910 234 5678 678 9 10 11 12 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 11 12 13 14 is 16 17 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 16 17 18 19 20 2122 20 2122 23 24 25 26 2829 3031 252627 282930 2324 25262728 29 27 28 29 30 31 30 31 SEPTEMBER OCTOBER NOVEMBER DECEMBER Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat Sun Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat Sun Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat Sun Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat Sun 121234567 1234 12 34 567 89 891011121314 56 7891011 34 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 10 11 12 13 14 15 1617 18 19 20 21 22 23 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 17 18 19 20 21 22 2324 25 26 27 28 2930 293031 2627 282930 2425 262728 29 30 _ _ _31 nlernation omlensa y . .hItepo Day / 28.129.Chimurenga Day / I. May, Day o the International Working Class / 6.5. Heroes Day AS.S. frican Liberation Day / 1.6. International Children's Day / 15.6. Takawira Day / 8.8. ZANU Day / 9.8. Nyadzonya Day / 23.1 Rededication Da

IiiUbouti MaloDOw EQUATO flit', NZIBAR 1964 6 COMOROS 1915 i~t LAND D 96 1960 Year of Independence W Independent States M Remaining Colonial Occupied Area on this Principle is to