13th International Colloquium on Late and Vulgar Latin
LATIN VULGAIRE - LATIN TARDIF XIII September 3-7, 2018, Budapest, Eötvös Loránd University
BOOK OF ABSTRACTS
Budapest 2018
13th International Colloquium on Late and Vulgar Latin
LATIN VULGAIRE - LATIN TARDIF XIII September 3-7, 2018, Budapest Eötvös Loránd University
BOOK OF ABSTRACTS
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Budapest 2018
E L U
lvlt13.elte.hu
Edited and designed by Júlia Nemes and Katalin Nemes The 13th International Colloquium on Late and Vulgar Latin has been sponsored by
Faculty of Humanities Hungarian Academy of Sciences of Eötvös Loránd University
Hungarian National Museum Aquincum Museum and Archaeological Park The 13th International Colloquium on Late and Vulgar Latin is organised under the auspices of the Comité international pour l’étude du latin vulgaire et tardif (www.unibg.it/lvlt), whose current members are:
Gerd HAVERLING (Uppsala, Sweden), President of the Committee Béla ADAMIK (Budapest, Hungary), Vice-President of the Committee Carmen ARIAS ABELLÁN (Sevilla, Spain) Frédérique BIVILLE (Lyon, France) Alfonso GARCÍA LEAL (Oviedo, Spain) Sándor KISS (Debrecen, Hungary) Piera MOLINELLI (Bergamo, Italy) Maria SELIG (Regensburg, Germany) Heikki SOLIN (Helsinki, Finland) Roger WRIGHT (Liverpool, United Kingdom)
Comité d’honneur pour l’étude du latin vulgaire et tardif:
Gualtiero CALBOLI (Bologna, Italy), Honorary President of the Committee Louis CALLEBAT (Caen, France) Benjamín GARCÍA HERNÁNDEZ (Madrid, Spain) Maria ILIESCU (Innsbruck, Austria) The 13th International Colloquium on Late and Vulgar Latin (Latin vulgaire – latin tardif XIII) is held at the Faculty of Humanities of the Eötvös Loránd University (1088 Budapest, Múzeum körút 4/F, Hungary), from Monday, September 3rd to Friday, September 7th, 2018. It is organized by the Latin Department of the Institute of Ancient and Classical Studies of the Eötvös Loránd University in collaboration with the ‘Momentum’ Research Group for Computational Latin Dialectology at the Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.The Colloquium of Budapest 2018 is dedicated to the memory of József Herman who organized the first Colloque international sur le Latin Vulgaire et Latin Tardif (Latin vulgaire – latin tardif I) in Pécs, Hungary in 1985.
Members of the local organizing committee are:
Béla Adamik, Andrea Barta, Attila Gonda, Júlia Nemes, Zsolt Simon
Honorary members:
Tamás Adamik, László Borhy, Sándor Kiss, Zsigmond Ritoók, Gábor Sonkoly
Organizing Assistants:
Dóra Bohacsek, Ágnes Jekl, Szilvia Nemes, Alessandro Papini, Sára Sánta, Dániel Seres, Tünde Vágási, Nóra Zelenai Contents
Abstracts in the alphabetical order of authors ...... p. 7
Participants ...... p. 102
Adamik Béla Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences - Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest
On the loss of final -m: phonological or morphosyntactic change?
In his study on the Vulgar Latin of the Pompeian inscriptions, Väänänen (1966: 71- 77) dealt with the problem of the dropping of final -m in a peculiar way. He grouped the omissions of final ‑m in three categories as follows: a) cases where the omission of ‑m can be explained by non-phonetic, i.e. technical reasons (e.g. by the lack of space at the end of a line such as ad ampitheatru(m) |, or by a potential abbreviation (such as plurima(m) salut(em) or before a word-initial m- such as cu(m) media) or morphosyntac- tic reasons (by confusion of the cases such as the use of nominative for accusative, e.g. halica(m) … palmas or ablative for accusative, i.e. in conventu(m) veni with a facultative explanation by dropping of final -m); b) where ‑m is omitted without any reason, i.e. due to a phonetic process, such as inqua(m) or collegioru(m) and Succesus amat ancilla(m) or ad porta(m) Romana(m) etc.; and c) where a final -m is added hypercorrectly such as peperit die{m} Iovis etc. Väänänen’s categorisation is problematic on more than one account, however. Sev- eral items of category b) (‘m omis sans raison apparente’) could be inserted in category a) as well, since the reason for an omission is not necessarily phonetic; they can also be morphosyntactic. A considerable part of Väänänen’s examples consists of either “Accu- satifs en ‑a(m)” like Succesus amat ancilla(m) and ad porta(m) Romana(m) or “Accusatifs en ‑e(m)” such as qu(a)e amas Felicione(m) and ante aede(m), which can all be interpreted also as examples of confusing cases, and therefore — contrary to the items as inqua(m) or collegioru(m) — they are to be excluded from a purely phonetic analysis. With the help of the Computerized Historical Linguistic Database of the Latin In- scriptions of the Imperial Age (http://lldb.elte.hu), present paper tries to evidence that in cases like Succesus amat ancilla(m) and ad porta(m) Romana(m) the potential influ- ence of morphosyntactic changes cannot be left out of consideration, since in Vulgar Latin the merger of the accusative and ablative cases was a general process affecting all declensions both in the singular and in the plural, occurring in prepositional phrases as well as without prepositions, also appearing in the ablative absolute clause, cf. the illus- trative examples in Adamik (2017: 9, in note 9). Moreover, we will present (and refute) a potential counter-argument based on the relative rarity or even lack of confusions be- tween accusative and ablative cases as for the objective use of the accusative (of the type curam egit, memoriam posuit, arcam comparavit etc.) in plural as evidenced in inscrip- tions. While could be an argument against the morphosyntactic explanation, it can be probably offset by the frequency analysis to be presented (executed on the inscriptional material with the help of the EDCS http://db.edcs.eu/epigr/), which shows that the rel- evant plural phrases are actually either non-existent (e.g. we have no arcas posuit, only
7 arcam posuit etc.) or extremely rare (such as memorias fecit or comparavit occurs twice only while memoriam fecit or posuit etc. occur very often).
Bibliography: Adamik (2014). In Search of the Regional Diversification of Latin: Changes of the De‑ clension System According to the Inscriptions. In: P. Molinelli, P. Cuzzolin, Ch. Fedriani (edd.). Latin Vulgaire Latin Tardif X: Actes du X e colloque international sur le latin vul‑ gaire et tardif, Bergamo, 5-9 septembre 2012. Bergamo 641-661. Adamik (2017). The problem of the omission of word-final -s as evidenced in Latin in‑ scriptions. Graeco-Latina Brunensia 22/2 5-21. Väänänen, V. (1963). Le latin vulgaire des inscriptions pompéiennes. Berlin.
Adamik Tamás Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest
Vocabulary of Catullus’ Poems: Hapax legomena
„There are 150 words in Catullus which occur once only in his writings, and of these more than 70 per cent are rare in the whole of Latin literature, and more than 90 per cent do not occur in Vergil at all” – writes J. Whatmough in his work Poetic, Scientific, and other Forms of Discourse, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1956, 41. It is necessary to dis- tinguish between genuine and apparent once-words. The true once-word is a coinage that never recurs; the number of the true once-words is exceedingly small. Catullus’ once-words were well known, but not in writing. Theoretically one would expect such words to be polysyllabic; so are the comic jawbreakers of Aristophanes which fit the pat- tern of his verse so well. The hapax legomena of Catullus are not genuine once-words of the spoken language, but they are vulgar and in some contexte obscene. We can, there- fore, regard them as taboo words. They occur sometimes in similes; cf. Poems 17, 23, 25, 97. In my paper I would like to analyse some vulgar hapax legomena of Catullus.
Aerts, Simon Ghent University
Latin tense and aspect in the writings of Gregory of Tours: a Systemic Functional analysis of tense usage in the Historia Francorum
The Classical Latin verb system displays a twofold morphological distinction be- tween perfectum and infectum tenses, based on the verb stems of which the exact na- ture - relative tense (e.g. Pinkster 1983, 2015; Kroon 2007; Adema 2008) vs. grammatical
8 aspect (e.g. Touratier 1994; Oldsjö 2001; Haverling 2010) - has been a matter of much debate. The discussion comes down to the question whether grammatical aspect is re- quired as a category to be able to account for the language data. With regard to the Late Latin system, the supposedly full grammaticalization (cf. Kiss 1982) of the additional analytical construction with habere + past participle, which was reportedly increasingly necessary to make the aspectual meaning of resultativity explicit, and which was the forerunner of the Romance descendants, has been questioned in recent research (Ţâra 2014; Haverling 2016). In this context of theoretical discord, I propose to appreciate both tense and aspect in their full semantic potential using a modern Systemic Functional Linguistic approach (Bache 2008), which is applied to a corpus made up of excerpts from Gregory of Tours’ historiographical narrative. SFL recognizes three metafunctions or levels of meaning, on which language phe- nomena such as tense and aspect may potentially express meaning, as identified by means of a range of cotextual cues (for the threefold interpretation of grammatical as- pect, cf. Coseriu 1980, Boogaart 2004). First, on the ideational level, our conception of reality is construed: ideational tense locates a state of affairs with respect to the speech moment, while ideational aspect construes a state of affairs as terminated or unter- minated at reference time. Second, on the textual level, a narrative is presented as a structured whole, i.e. with a foreground and a background. Textual tense contributes to this distinction by virtue of the nature of the tenses (absolute tense vs. absolute-relative tense), while textual aspect presents foregrounded events as globally viewed, indivisi- ble wholes, and backgrounded situations as partially viewed states of affairs. Third, on the interpersonal level, the narrator invites his audience to take an external or internal perspective on the states of affairs. Interpersonal tense conveys this idea by linking a state of affairs to the deictic centre (retrospective hindsight) or by identification with a past reference point (a story-internal character), while interpersonal aspect invites the audience to take a viewpoint from without (story-external knowledge) or from within (experience, reasoning, etc. of the characters). This SFL-inspired approach provides both relative tense theory and aspectual theo- ry with a potentially stronger claim, allowing them to account for more language data with only one model. A thorough close reading of a number of text excerpts from Greg- ory of Tours’ Historia Francorum shows that in a significant number of cases, aspectual values are necessary for the correct interpretation of the verb tenses. Such case studies seem to indicate that aspect was still a relevant category in the Late Latin verb system, even for the still prevalent synthetic perfect, supporting the claim that the analytical perfect had not fully grammaticalized before the start of the Romance languages.
Bibliography:
Adema, S.M. 2008. ‘Discourse Modes and Bases: A Study of the Use of Tenses in Ver‑ gil’s Aeneid’. Amsterdam: Vrije Universiteit. Aerts, S. forthcoming. ‘Tense, Aspect and Aktionsart in Classical Latin: Towards a New Approach.’ Symbolae Osloenses 92.
9 Bache, C. 2008. English Tense and Aspect in Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar: A Critical Appraisal and an Alternative. London: Equinox. Boogaart, R.J.U. 2004. ‘Aspect and Aktionsart’. In Morphology: An International Handbook on Inflection and Word-Formation, edited by G. Booij et al., 1165–80. Berlin: de Gruyter. Coseriu, E. 1980. ‘Aspect verbal ou aspects verbaux? Quelques questions de théorie et de méthode’. In La notion d’aspect, edited by R.B. Martin and J. David, 13–23. Paris: Libra‑ rie Klincksieck. Haverling, G.V.M. 2016. ‘On the Use of habeo and the Perfect Participle in Earlier and in Later Latin’. In Early and Late Latin, edited by J. Adams and N. Vincent, 180–201. Cam‑ bridge: University Press. ———. 2010. ‘Actionality, Tense, and Viewpoint’. In New Perspectives on Historical Latin Syntax. Vol. 2: Constituent Syntax: Adverbial Phrases, Adverbs, Mood, Tense, edited by P. Baldi and P. Cuzzolin, 277–523. Berlin: de Gruyter. Kiss, S. 1982. Tendances évolutives de la syntaxe verbale en latin tardif. Debrecen: Kos‑ suth Lajos Tudományegyetem. Kroon, C.H.M. 2007. ‘Discourse Modes and the Use of Tenses In Ovid’s Metamorpho‑ ses’. In The Language of Literature: Linguistic Approaches to Classical Texts, edited by R.J. Allan and M. Buijs, 65–92. Leiden: Brill. Oldsjö, F. 2001. Tense and Aspect in Caesar’s Narrative. Uppsala: University Library. Pinkster, H. 1983. ‘Tempus, Aspect and Aktionsart in Latin (Recent Trends 1961-1981)’. Aufstieg Und Niedergang Der Römischen Welt 29 (1): 270–320. ———. 2015. The Oxford Latin Syntax. Vol. 1: The Simple Clause. Oxford: University Press. Ţâra, G.B. 2014. Les périphrases verbales avec habeo en latin tardif. Paris: L’Harmattan. Touratier, C. 1994. Syntaxe latine. Louvain-la-Neuve: Peeters.
Andoková, Marcela Comenius University, Bratislava
“Ut nos simus codex ipsorum”. The interpretation of verba dubitationis in St. Augustine’s homiletic œuvre
St. Augustine as a preacher used a language close to his multi-ethnical North-African audience who were often poorly educated in Latin, if not illiterate. Many a time, when he was explaining different biblical passages translated from Greek into old Latin (Ve‑ tus Latina), he had to search for appropriate expressions which were often not conform with Latin standards taught at schools. In this paper, therefore, I would like to focus on spoken Latin used by Augustine in his homiletic œuvre, especially in his Sermons and selected Commentaries on the Psalms with special regard to his interpretation of several Punic (respectively Hebrew) and Greek words into Latin. I pay particular attention to
10 his interpretation of verba dubitationis as presented in his Enarratio in Psalmum 123,8, Tractatus in Iohannis Evangelium 37,3.5, and other related passages.
Arias Abellán, María Carmen Universidad de Sevilla
Observaciones sobre la sintaxis nominal en la toponimia del Itinerario del Pseudo Antonino de Piacenza
One of the basic features of the itineraries is the presence of toponyms. In the par- ticular case of the Christian itineraries, toponyms operate in two different levels: in the places of the biblical past that is meant to be recalled in the peregrination itself and in the places ‘truly’ visited. This fact gives toponyms a very interesting ‘diversity’, not only from a cultural standpoint, but also because of all kinds of linguistic facts: phonetic, morphologic, sintactic, etc. These facts reflect the situation and evolution of late Latin, the study of which is the main concern of my communication.
Bibliografía:
Arias Abellán, Carmen (2000): Itinerarios latinos a Jerusalén y al Oriente cristiano, Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla. Bellanger, L. (1902): In Antonini Placentini Itinerarium grammatica disquisitio, París. Geyer, P. (1892): Kritische und sprachliche Erläuterungen zu Antonini Placentini Itin‑ erarium, Augsburg. Herman, József (2014 =1997): El latín Vulgar, ed. española reelaborada y ampliada con la colaboración de C. Arias Abellán, Barcelona: Ariel. Heurgon, Jacques (1952): “La fixation des noms de lieux en latin d´après les Itinéraires routiers”, RPh 26: 169-178. Hofmann, Johann Baptist & Szantyr, Anton (1972): Lateinische Syntax und Stilistik, München: Beck´sche Verlagsbuchhandlung. Leumann, Manu (1977): Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre, München: Beck´sche Ver‑ lagsbuchhandlung. Milani, C. (1970): “Spigolature linguistiche sul texto dello pseudo Antonino di Piacen‑ za”, Rendiconti dell’ Istituto Lombardo 104, 1-47. Tobler, T. (1863): De locis quae perambulauit Antoninus Martyr circa a.d. 570, San Gall, 1863.
11 Barchi, Serena Università “La Sapienza”, Roma
Varianti grafo-fonologiche nelle epistole documentarie: ~
Il presente lavoro ha come oggetto l’indagine, condotta secondo una prospettiva so- ciolinguistica, di alcuni fenomeni di carsismo linguistico. L’analisi, sia quantitativa, sia qualitativa, si concentra sul piano grafo-fonologico, in particolar modo sull’occorrenza dei grafemi
Bibliografia essenziale:
Adams, J. N. 1977, The Vulgar Latin of the Letters of Claudius Terentianus, Manchester University Press, Manchester. Adams, J. N. 2013, Social Variation and the Latin Language, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
12 Adams, J. N. 2016, An Anthology of Informal Latin, 200 BC – AD 900. Fifty Texts with Translations and Linguistic Commentary, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Cugusi, P. 1992-2002, Corpus epistularum latinarum, papyris tabulis et ostracis serva‑ tarum, voll. I-III, Firenze, Gonnelli. Marotta, G. 2015, Talking stones. Phonology in Latin inscriptions?, in «Studi e Saggi Linguistici», 53/2: 39-63. Vineis, E. 1984, Problemi di ricostruzione della fonologia del latino volgare, in Vineis, E. (ed), Latino volgare, latino medioevale, lingue romanze, Pisa, Giardini: 45-62.
Barta Andrea Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest
The Latin Curse Tablets of Pannonia. A linguistic Point of View
For more than one hundred years, curse tablets have been representing one of the main direct sources of Vulgar Latin. Besides being essential for scholars in field of an- cient magic and religion these small sheets of metal usually containing a unique and ’hand-made’ text may contribute to the results or data what linguists can obtain from the much more formulaic and even checked stone inscriptions. As regards quantity, the collection of curses found in Pannonia is quite narrow, the number of these findings is far from being so abundant as it is in Britannia, North Afri- ca, Rome, or in Mainz, Germany. However, since in the past few years new pieces were found, the grown number of these objects can now deservedly be considered as a source for linguistical research (and conversely, with the help of linguistic research former readings can be reconsidered). The newly found curse tablets (coming from proper- ly examined archaeological circumstances) not only have added new evidences to the Latin of Pannonia, but they present characteristics wich were previously not known or were documented only from later texts in any part of the Latin speaking territories. This study answers three questions: (1) does this relatively limited but in many respects really heterogeneous collection of curse tablets alter our view of the general language conditions in Pannonia reconstructed on the basis of other sources, mainly inscriptions, (2) to what extent do they contribute to getting to know the spoken lan- guage of the province, (3) is the statement still tenable that the language of magical communication was Greek in Pannonia?
References:
Adamik, B. (2012): In Search of the Regional Diversification of Latin: Some Methodolog‑ ical Considerations in Employing the Inscriptional Evidence. In: Biville, Fr. (ed.) et al. Latin vulgaire - latin tardif IX. Actes du IXe colloque international sur le latin vulgaire et tardif, Lyon, 6 - 9 septembre 2009. Publications de la Maison de l’Orient e la Méditerranée, Lyon, pp. 123-139.
13 Barta, A. (2015): Ito Pater, Eracura and the Messenger. A Preliminary Report on a New Curse Tablet from Aquincum. Acta Classica Universitatis Scientiarum Debreceniensis 51, 101-113. Barta, A. (2016): New Remarks on the Latin Curse Tablet from Savaria. In: Szabó Á. (ed.): From Polites to Magos. Studia György Németh sexagenario dedicata. Hungarian Po‑ lis Studies 22. (2016) 63-69. Barta, A. (2017): A Letter to the Underworld. A Research Report on the Curse Tablet Aq- 2. Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 57, 45-56. Barta, A. (2017): The Siscia Curse Tablet from a Linguistic Point of View. A New Autop‑ sy. Graeco-Latina Brunensia 22, 23-41. Fehér, B. (2007): Pannonia latin nyelvtörténete [The History of the Latin Language in Pannonia]. Budapest. Herman, J. (2000): Vulgar Latin (translated by R. Wright). University Park, Pennsylvania. Kropp, A. (2008): Magische Sprachverwendung in vulgärlateinischen Fluchtafeln (de‑ fixiones). Tübingen.
Berger, Łukasz Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań
Dialogue structure and politeness in Querolus: imitation and change
The comedy genre is successfully used as a data source in the study of the conversa- tional register of classical languages. Unfortunately for Latin, the only extant complete Roman comedies are separated from each other by more than 600 years. The biggest corpus comes from the Archaic period and consists of 26 (complete) plays by Plautus and Terence written between (approximately) 205 and 160 B. C. After that, we can only recur to the anonymous play Querolus dated for the late fourth or early fifth century (for the state of the art see Lana 1985, updated in Rzepkowski 2006).
The aim of this paper is analyse the linguistic features of the last Roman comedy in order to highlight possible elements of imitation and change in the politeness routines related to management of the conversational structure. The politeness in Querolus has been recently examined by Unceta (2017) but some of the phenomena mentioned there deserve a more detailed study, especially such communicative rituals as greetings and leave-taking (Unceta 2017: 153, 154-155). I believe that a fuller comparison with the Plau- tine idiom (see e. g. López 2012) would give some further insights. In the Republican Roman comedy, one can appreciate a great diversity of dialogue openings and closings (Roesch 2002, Barrios-Lech 2016, Berger 2017) strictly depending on register and po- liteness matters. Despite its incompleteness and its particular interactional dynamics,
14 Querlous also presents some important variation of conversational formulae of greeting (A) and, at a lesser extant, parting (B).
(A) Salue, Querole (18). Saluus esto qui salvos esse nos iubes (48). Salvos esse vos volo (51). Aue, mi Querole (95).
(B) Vale! Ite et conserite amicitias! (17) Omnia igitur peregisti, totum commerui. Vale. (21)
After a close reading of those passages, we will identify the elements of the context that may be responsible for the selection of particular forms. Thus, this presentation will shed some light on a possible (hyper)imitation, innovation, and, ideally, natural evolution of the late (Gaul’s) Latin pragmatic markers.
References:
Barrios-Lech, P. (2016). Linguistic Interaction in Roman Comedy. Cambridge. Berger, Ł. (2017). “Estrategias de la cortesía positiva en la apertura diálogica en Plauto y Terencio”. Revista de estudios latinos: RELat, (17), pp. 11-35. Lana, G. (1985). “Rassegna critica di studi sul Querolus dal 1800 al 1979”. Boll. di studi lat, 15, pp. 114-121. López Gregoris, R. (2012). “El uso del ‘diminutivo’como recurso expresivo, de Poenulus a Querolus”. Collection de la Maison de l’Orient méditerranéen ancien. Série philologique, 49(1), pp. 679-692. Roesch, S. (2002). “Les stratégies de clôture du dialogue dans les comédies de Plaute”. In Theory and Description in Latin Linguistics: Selected Papers from the XIth International Colloquium on Latin Linguistics, edited by AM Bolkestein et al, pp. 317-332. Rzepkowski, K (2006). ‘Zrzęda (Querolus)’. Sceniczność utworu na tle komedii Plauta, Warszawa. Unceta Gómez, L. (2017). “Estrategias de cortesía lingüística en Querolus”. Latomus: revue d’études latines, 76(1), pp. 140-161.
Biville, Frédérique Université de Lyon
Latinité d’Occident, latinité d’Orient: le ‘latin’ du Livre des Cérémonies de Constantin Porphyrogénète
Après la chute de l’Empire romain d’Occident, le rituel impérial s’est maintenu et sys- tématisé en Orient, dans l’Empire ‘byzantin’, en s’amplifiant et en se christianisant. Le
15 livre des cérémonies de Constantin VII Porphyrogénète, rédigé au Xe siècle, en grec, par compilation de rituels des siècles précédents, rassemble une riche collection de règles protocolaires à observer lors des grandes cérémonies religieuses ou civiles qui accom- pagnaient les événements marquants des règnes des souverains et les manifestations sportives qui se déroulaient à l’hippodrome. Nous nous interrogeons sur la permanence et le devenir de la langue latine dans le cérémonial de la cour de Constantinople: survivance d’énoncés formulaires jussifs et acclamatifs en latin (rhômaïzein), formules latines sous-jacentes au formulaire grec, et présence, dans le lexique institutionnel, de nombreux ‘latinismes’ (rhômaï(k)a lexis), souvent inédits en latin, qui témoignent de processus d’intégration et de phénomènes d’aller-retour entre l’Occident et l’Orient, entre le grec et le latin.
Bibliographie:
Constantini Porphyrogeniti imperatoris, De cerimoniis aulae Byzantinae libri duo graece et latine, J. J. Reiske ed., 2 vol., CSHB, Bonn, 1829-1830. Constantin VII Porphyrogénète, Le Livre des cérémonies (livre I). Texte établi, traduit et commenté par A. Vogt, 4 vol., Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 1935 et 1940 (repr. 1967). Constantine Porphyrogennetos, The Book of Ceremonies, 2 vol., translated by A. Mof‑ fatt and M. Tall, with the Greek edition of the CSHB (Bonn, 1829), Canberra, 2012.
Adamik B., 1999, « Bemerkungen zur Problematik “Latein in Byzanz”. Über die lateinischsprachige Bevölkerung von Konstantinopel’, in H. Petersmann, R. Kettemann (eds), Latin vulgaire – latin tardif V (Heidelberg, 5–8 septembre 1997), Heidelberg, p. 69-79. — 2001, « Zur Problematik der lateinischsprachigen Bevölkerung in Konstantinopel. Das Zeugnis der lateinischen Texte in dem Werk De cerimoniis aulae Byzantinae des Kai‑ sers Konstantin VII Porphyrogennetos », in H. Solin, M. Leiwo, H. Halla-aho (eds), Latin vulgaire – latin tardif VI (Helsinki, 29 août – 2 septembre 2000), Hildesheim, p. 201-218. Biville F. (à paraître), « Le rituel des acclamations: de Rome à ‘Byzance’ », in A. Garcea, M. Rosellini, L. Silvano (eds), Latin in Byzantium. Contexts and Forms of Usage in Late Antiquity (Colloque « Le latin à Byzance », Paris, Sorbonne, 28-30 juin 2016), Brepols, Lin‑ gua Patrum.
Cafiero, Florian & Verdo, Rémy École nationale des chartes & Centre Jean-Mabillon, Paris
From Registers to Languages: Modelling the transition from Latin to Romance vernaculars through text mining (650-877)
The passage from a “dilated diasystem”, where Latin becomes more and more com- plex, to a “disconnected diasystem”, where two distinct linguistic systems appear, have been described in several models. (e.g. Pulgram, 1950 ; Berschin, 1986). Relying on their
16 authors’ extensive experience, these models however leave some problems unadressed. In particular, they consider the language of a specific period as an homogenous entity. They thus mostly ignore the variations of registers existing in the language at a same time, or even in the same text. In this paper, we propose a methodology to systematically study the evolution of the various registers used in texts written in later Merovingian and Carolingian ages. This methodology involves computerized statistical analysis and artificial intelligence, but should not be seen as an automated process disconnected from the linguist’s analysis. On the contrary, it has been designed as a way to extend the way of thinking of a par- ticular expert. It enables to partially re-create his own point of view, and to apply it to a large amount of texts, too large to be analyzed otherwise. The first step consists in the analysis on a selection of texts, aimed at differentiat- ing several registers used inside the texts of our period of interest. Our sample corpus consists in three hagiographical texts and twenty one diplomatic texts. Our three ha- giographical texts were written in later Merovingian or in early Carolingian ages (ca. 650-780), then rewritten during the Carolingian Renaissance (from 780 to the death of Charles the Bald). The diplomatic texts are 21 original Frankish royal charters dating from ca. 665 to 868. Most of them are accounting for a judgment. Following Michel Banniard’s works (Banniard, 2008), we define five language regis- ters, ranked from one to five according to their decreasing proximity to the forms of an- cient Latin, and design a table of criteria to characterize them. We then analyze every paragraph of our texts, annotating each with the register used. Using this annotated corpus as training data, we train an artificial intelligence (with the software Weka) to identify the various registers used in a text. The model uses logit regression, applied to n-grams (3 to 6) of characters, words, and n-grams of words (up to 3), and gives satisfying predictions (precision: 0,74). This artificial intelligence is then applied to a large selection of texts written during the same period. The results show that registers used tend to slowly yet significantly « decrease » during the end of the Merovingian era. Then, as expected, the registers used sharply increase. The synchronic variation of registers have a more surprising evolution. While during the Merovingian era, these are variations are quite limited, we observe a much greater variaibility in the registers used during the Carolingian Renaissance. If the « mean » written language is indeed closer to some sermo altus, it also includes passages written in very different registers.
Bibliography (selection):
Michel Banniard, « Du latin des illettrés au roman des lettrés: la question des niveaux de langue en France (viiie-xiie siècle) », in Zwischen Babel und Pfingsten: Sprachdifferenzen und Gesprächsverständigung in der Vormoderne (9.-16. Jh.): Akten der 3. deutsch-franzö‑ sischen Tagung des Arbeitskreises « Gesellschaft und individuelle Kommunikation in der Vormoderne » (GIK) in Verbindung mit dem Historischen Seminar der Univ. Luzern, Höhn‑ scheid (Kassel), 16-19 nov. 2006, Peter von Moos ed., Münster, 2008, p. 269-286.
17 W. Berschin, Biographie und Epochenstil im lateinischen Mittelalter, Stuttgart, t. 3: Karolingische Biographie, 750-920, 1991. Piera Molinelli, « Per una sociolinguistica del latino », in Latin vulgaire – latin tardif: actes du VIIe colloque international sur le latin vulgaire et tardif (Séville, 02-06 septembre 2003), éd. Carmen Arias Abellán, Séville: Universidad de Sevilla, 2006, p. 463-474. Giovanni Polara, « Problemi di ortografia e di interpunzione nei testi latini di età car‑ olina », Grafia e interpunzione del latino nel Medioevo (Roma, sept. 1984), éd. Alfonso Maieru, Rome, 1987. Ernst Pulgram, « Spoken and written Latin », Language. Journal of the Linguistic Soci‑ ety of America, t. 26, 1950
Calboli, Gualtharius Uniuersitatis Bononiensis
The Vindolanda Tablets, again and now more
Quoniam exspectandum etiam atque etiam est, dum nouae tabellae, quae nuper Vin- dolandae repertae sunt, infra-rubris radis legantur et edantur, facere non potui, quin ad ueteres reuenirem tabellas. In animo enim fuit iterum tabellas ligneas ueteres et nouas considerare, quae Vindolandae, Romano in castro, ad Hadriani limes adposito, reper- tae sunt. Quae tabellae non multum a ceris, id est a tabellis cera oblitis, differunt, nisi quod peniculo, non stilo sunt exaratae. Materia autem, in qua tabellae conscriptae sunt, ex ligno constat, quod nonnihil ponderis ad litterarum formas et ad rationem ipsam scribendi fuisse consentaneum est. Quodsi nonnullas tabellas ex Vindolanda sumpseris et legeris, ut Octaui et Chrautti, hoc proprium fuisse uidetur, ut res tamquam continu- ata scriptura, nullis coniunctionibus adhibitis, nullis interpunctionis signis interpostis expositae esse uideantur. At si Flauii Cerialis praefecti tabellas inspexeris et ad ipsum Cerialem missas, particulas, etsi non illas quidem frequentes, at tamen nonnumquam adhibitas, quae sunt enim, autem, nam, quod si facile inuenias. Iam enim Adams (2013: 18) distinxerat: “these texts were written by under-officers who were literate and by definition not of the lowest educational level”. Nec satis est. Id enim etiam inuestigan- dum censeo, quomodo participio, infinitiuo et aliis subordinationis instrumentis his in tabellis usi sint, qui tabellas conscripserint, ne de Celticis et Germanicis uerbis et locutionibus loquar, quae iam Adams (2003: 441-456; 744) inserta esse docuit. Suptilius igitur res explicari posse uidetur et quod milites et mercatores propter rusticitatem non admiserint et materia ipsa scriptoria, simplicitatem suadente, addere non curau- erint, nempe particulas, quibus sententiae seiungerentur, eas magistratus Romanos et Cerialem, cohortis Batauorum praefectum, bonae Latinitatis defensores addere idcirco curasse, quod illiberalem admodum sermonem quoquo modo uitare non essent obliti. Ad eam igitur reueniamus oportet quaestionem, quam primo et tertio magno suo uolu- mine Adams tractauit, quid nimirum inter illiberalem et bonam loquendi et scribendi
18 consuetudinem Romae et liberae rei publicae et dominatus temporibus interfuerit, quid in prouinciis Imperii Romani et Vindolandae acciderit. Quod cum a grammaticis et rhetoribus (ut, ex.gr. Rhet.Her.4,12,17) diligenter cautum sit, ubique inter Imperi fines et Vindolandae non minus seu seruatum seu omissum uidemus. Quam saepe et a quibus inuestigare operae pretium esse non dubitaui.
Bibliographia:
Adams, James Noël, 2003. Bilingualism and Latin Language, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Adams, James Noël, 2013. Social Variation and the Latin Language, Cambridge, Cam‑ bridge University Press. Bowman, Alan K.-J.David Thomas and J.N.Adams, 1990. “Two Letters from Vindolan‑ da”, Britannia 21, 33-52+8 Plates. Bowman, Alan K.-J.David Thomas (with contribution by J.N.Adams), 1994. The Vin‑ dolanda Writing-Tablets (Tabulae Vindolandenses II), London, British Museum Press.
Callebat, Louis Université de Caen-Normandie
Une théorie résurgente: l’africitas. Essai de mise au point
La théorie de l’africitas, à propos de laquelle Einar Löfstedt écrivait, en 1959, dans Late Latin, qu’« elle ne présentait plus guère qu’un intérêt historique », connaît cepen- dant aujourd’hui, dans les premières décennies du XXIe siècle, une résurgence mili- tante, notamment développée à partir de l’œuvre d’Apulée . Rappelons que le terme africitas, dont le premier exemple connu figure chez un hu- maniste du XVIe siècle, Juan Luis Vives, n’a été précisément actualisé que dans le derni- er tiers du XIXe siècle comme concept opératoire susceptible d’être appliqué à des par- ticularités linguistiques et stylistiques de l’Afrique romaine. Initiée par Michael Zink et Karl Sittl, cette actualisation fut systématisée en théorie linguistique par un groupe de savants allemands (Edouard Wölfflin, Phillip Thielman, Gustav Landgraf, Bernhard Kübler) auxquels s’associa, avec enthousiasme, le français Paul Monceaux. Dans le vif débat qui s’ensuivit, la réfutation scientifiquement rigoureuse des opposants au concept d’africitas (Eduard Norden, William Kroll, Dorothy Brock), la retractatio aussi de Sittl, apparurent suffisamment convaincantes pour entraîner sa deshérence progressive. Notre communication vise un double objectif: 1. Évaluer la pertinence théorique et méthodologique des thèses soutenues par les tenants contemporains d’une africitas revivifiée. 2. Tenter, avec le recul de plus d’un siècle, une mise au point, tirant profit des acquis scientifiques touchant plus largement les paramètres impliqués dans l’établisse- ment de cette théorie: nature du corpus ; méthodes de recherche ; diversification régio-
19 nale du latin ; état linguistique de l’Afrique romaine ; lieux de production littéraire dans l’Empire romain ; sermo cotidianus et langues de culture ; présupposés idéologiques…
Cañas Reíllo, José Manuel Instituto de Lenguas y Culturas del Mediterráneo y Oriente Próximo (CSIC), Madrid
El papel de la Vetus Latina en el conocimiento del latín vulgar
La Vetus Latina (VL) ocupa aún un lugar marginal en los estudios sobre latín vul- gar. Hasta hace poco la carencia de ediciones críticas había impedido acceder a estos textos con fiabilidad. Además, la investigación tradicional ha enfatizado el carácter de la VL como literatura de traducción, lo que, en su opinión, le habría restado valor como testimonio del latín de la época. El progreso de las ediciones y nuevos planteamientos lingüísticos están abriendo nuevas posibilidades en la investigación de estas versiones como testimonio del latín vulgar, o, preferimos considerarlo así, del latín hablado entre los siglos II y V. Estas versiones comenzaron a traducirse a partir del griego en la segunda mitad del siglo II para uso entre hablantes de clases bajas, precisamente las primeras en las que se implantó el Cristianismo en regiones de habla latina. Los traductores eligieron, por tanto, un registro lingüístico ya existente en el latín de la época adecuado a sus potenciales lectores; de ningún modo crearon una lengua de grupo o transformaron la lengua para adaptarla a un nuevo contexto. En el estadio más antiguo (texto africa- no en las ediciones del Vetus Latina Institut), abunda un léxico que tradicionalmente se ha asociado al latín vulgar, presente también en Plauto, en los tratados técnicos de agricultura y ganadería, en Petronio y en escritores cristianos, con continuidad en las lenguas romances. Del mismo modo, la VL presenta extraordinarias coincidencias con las lenguas romances en lo que se refiere a fenómenos sintácticos en pasajes en los que presenta una traducción más o menos libre del griego, lo que nos puede indicar que, seguramente, tales fenómenos ya estaban presentes en el latín hablado del siglo II. En estadios posteriores (texto europeo), el estrato inicial, próximo al latín hablado, fue re- visado en los siglos IV y V para acercarlo a un nivel de lengua más culto. Ciertamente la VL es una literatura de traducción, y en ella la influencia del griego es evidente. Hay que tener en cuenta, sin embargo, que muchos de los helenismos presentes en ella estaban ya muy bien naturalizados en el latín hablado en la época.
20 Costa, Ioana University of Bucharest
Ausonius: ut doceam docendus ipse
Centones are works that represent a fertile field for analysis. We might interpret them as bis in idem, in a positive manner, being simultaneously a revitalisation of prior works and an independent piece, which grants a perception per se. In addition to their poetic value, a major relevance is to be found from the standpoint of the text itself, as descendant from a previous source, perfectly known not only to the author of the cento, but to the public as well, capable to appreciate the virtuosity. Cento nuptialis composed by Ausonius is an outstanding example, both as Vergilian inheritance manoeuvred with poetic skill and as binomial of theory and practice, pre- served in the letter addressed to Paulus that embraces the 131 verses of the cento. Two formal aspects might be examined: the iunctura points and the entire verses taken from Vergil. The iunctura of the hemistichs seems to be occasionally generated (or, at least, facilitated) by the presence of a certain word, as in v. 7, where the second hemistich begins with magnae, while magnum is the first missing word of Aeneis 4.94, the source of the first hemistich. Regarding the entire Vergilian verses, the letter ad- dressed to Paulus states that two consecutive entire verses ineptum est: The assertion might be understood either as aiming at two consecutive verses in the source text, or as two entire verses, belonging to different parts of the source text. If the second inter- pretation is correct, Cento nuptialis begins inelegantly (ineptum) and the fact would be consistent with Ausonius’ deliberately modest portrait of himself: ut doceam docendus ipse.
Bibliography:
Ausonius, Opuscula, ed. S. Prete, Leipzig: Teubner, 1978. Sara Ehrling, De inconexis continuum. A Study of Late Antique Latin Wedding Centos, Göteborg: Göteborgs Universitet, 2011 (gupea.ub.gu.se)
Cotugno, Francesca see under Tarsi, Matteo & Cotugno, Francesca
21 Cuzzolin, Pierluigi Università di Bergamo
Riflessioni per la costituzione di un corpus di latino tardo.
Da molto tempo ormai negli studi di linguistica latina (ma l’osservazione potrebbe essere estesa anche ad altre lingue antiche come il greco) si è soliti basare l’esemplifi- cazione usata per illustrare il fenomeno scelto come oggetto di studio su un corpus di maggiore o minore estensione. Sembra innegabile che una certa influenza sia stata e sia esercitata dal notevole successo che ha avuto in questi ultimi anni la cosiddetta linguis- tica dei corpora, cioè la corpus linguistics, la cui bibliografia è troppo nota e ricca per essere qui ricordata. Tuttavia una seria riflessione sui problemi della costituzione di un corpus rappre- sentativo di una varietà molto complessa come quella del latino tardo, e dell’applica- zione eventuale dei principi e dei metodi della corpus linguistics resta a mio parere ancora da fare. Si cita qui solo un esempio della problematica coinvolta: la linguistica dei corpora si basa su lingue tuttora parlate mentre il latino è lingua a corpus sostanzialmente chiuso, in cui i testi, e dunque i dati a disposizione, sono esclusivi e diafasicamente preselezi- onati. Questo stato di cose impedisce per esempio che nella costituzione di un corpus di latino tardo si possano usare correttamente i metodi dell’inferenza statistica. Nel presente contributo si cercherà di suggerire qualche linea guida per la costituzi- one di un corpus rappresentativo e affidabile del latino tardo.
Dalbera, Joseph & Fialon, Sabine & Longrée, Dominique UMR 6240 –Lisa, Université de Corse & LASLA, ULiège
La langue des Métamorphoses à l’aune de la statistique: Apulée comparé à un corpus de textes narratifs classiques et tardifs
La langue d’Apulée a, de longue date, fait l’objet de diverses études. Une des ques- tions que l’on peut se poser à la lecture des Métamorphoses est de savoir dans quelle me- sure les particularités linguistiques que l’on y rencontre, comme par exemple l’emploi de diminutifs, relèvent soit de l’apparition de traits vulgaires ou tardifs dans le latin de l’auteur, soit de choix propres liés au programme d’écriture annoncé dans le prologue. Pour tenter de répondre à ces questions, les instruments quantitatifs peuvent apporter au dossier des éléments d’information non négligeables. L’UMR Lisa (CNRS - Université de Corse) et le LASLA (ULiège) se sont donc associés pour entreprendre le traitement du texte des Métamorphoses selon les méthodes du LASLA, à savoir la lemmatisation et l’annotation morphosyntaxique complète de chaque forme du texte, selon une méthode
22 semi-automatique d’analyse requérant un sélection et une validation systématiques par un philologue confirmé. Par ailleurs, au cours de la dernière décennie, le corpus de textes narratifs en prose traités par le LASLA s’est largement enrichi. Aux oeuvres historiques traitées antérieure- ment, à savoir, l’ensemble du corpus césarien, y compris les ouvrages des continuateurs et imitateurs, Salluste, Quinte-Curce et Tacite, se sont ajoutées les Vies de Cornelius Nepos, les Vies des douze César de Suétone et la première décade de Tite-Live. Un grand projet, mené en collaboration avec C. Bertrand-Dagenbach (Université de Lorraine) a abouti récemment au traitement de l’ensemble d’une œuvre historique tardive majeure, à savoir l’Histoire Auguste. En outre, les fichiers du LASLA contiennent également le Satiricon de Pétrone. Toutes les conditions sont donc aujourd’hui réunies pour pouvoir tenter de préciser la place des Métamorphoses par rapport à un large corpus de textes narratifs. En utilisant le logiciel Hyperbase Web Edition mis au point dans le cadre de l’UMR 7320 « Bases, corpus, langage » (CNRS –Université Côte d’Azur), nous tenterons de déterminer les principaux traits linguistiques (par exemple, emploi des parties du dis- cours, des temps verbaux, de l’Ablatif absolu et des subordonnées conjonctionnelles…) que l’œuvre d’Apulée peut partager soit avec l’autre roman du corpus (à savoir le Satir‑ icon), soit avec les textes historiques, classiques ou postclassiques, voire tardif, comme l’Histoire Auguste.
Références:
Callebat L., (1978), La prose des Métamorphoses. Genèse et spécificité, in B. L. Hijmans et R. T. van der Paardt (éds), « Aspects of Apuleius’ Golden ass », Groningen, pp.167-187. Callebat L., (1994), « Formes et modes d’expression dans les oeuvres d’Apulée », ANRW, II, 34, 2, pp. 1600-1664 Longrée D. et Bertrand-Dagenbach C., (2014), « Le traitement de l’Histoire Auguste sel‑ on les méthodes du LASLA: descriptif du projet et perspectives linguistiques », in P. Cuz‑ zolin, Ch. Fedriani et P. Molinelli (éd.), Actes du Colloque Latin vulgaire et Latin Tardif, LVLT 10, Bergame, 5-8 septembre 2013, (Series Bergamo University Press), Bergamo, Ses‑ tante Publishing House, pp. 519-530. Rocca S., (1979), « Mellitus tra lingua familiare e lingua letteraria », Maia, 31, pp. 37-43
Danckaert, Lieven CNRS / Université de Lille
Subject omission in Late Latin: a first exploration of the data
In his 1991 article (‘On the grammatical subject in late Latin’, in: Coleman, R. (ed.), New studies in Latin linguistics, Amsterdam: Benjamins, 415-25), József Herman states that “the proportion of third person verbal forms without a subject present in the same
23 clause is significantly, if not dramatically, lower in late, especially so-called vulgar, texts than in those of the classical period”. The author goes on to claim that the observed tendency is “certainly not a purely chronological one”, but that factors related to text- type and literary register also play a role. The aim of this paper is assess whether Herman’s hypotheses can be confirmed by data from a systematic corpus study, and if so, how the relevant observations are to be interpreted from a linguistic point of view. Concretely, in this first empirical study of subject omission in the history of Latin, it is tested (i) whether the data support the claim that there is indeed a robust diachronic development, and (ii) whether it is pos- sible to identify synchronic determinants (register, genre) of the way in which third person subjects are encoded. T he cor pus con sist s of a selec t ion of te x t s f rom d i fferent per iods a nd te x t t y pes (st a r t- ing with Plautus), and crucially also includes texts from the PaLaFra-corpus (https:// www-app.uni-regensburg.de/Fakultaeten/SLK/Medieninformatik/PaLaFra/?lang=en). This database documents Merovingian Latin (ca. 600-900 AD), i.e. texts that were com- posed in the one geographical area of the Romania in which the possibility for referen- tial subjects to be left unexpressed would eventually be lost (cf. the obligatory presence of an overt grammatical subject in many (but not quite all) Gallo-Romance varieties). Methodologically, the paper is to be situated in a ‘Variation and Change’ frame- work, which heavily emphasizes the need for variationist linguistic studies to be based on solid empirical foundations, which in the case of historical linguistics necessarily includes quantitative corpus data, as well as appropriate statistical analyses.
D’Argenio, Elisa Università di Napoli “Federico II”
Sui tecnicismi giuridici nelle leggi longobarde
Questo contributo intende proporre alcune riflessioni sullo statuto dei tecnicismi giuridici delle Leges langobardorum (643-866), affrontando in particolare due questioni. In primo luogo, si prenderà in considerazione il ruolo che la procedura di redazione delle leggi longobarde esercita nel determinare le caratteristiche specifiche del lessico tecnico-giuridico in esse contenuto. Il passaggio dall’oralità alla scrittura in latino del diritto consuetudinario longobardo comporta complessi processi di mediazione di cui è possibile cogliere traccia anche nelle scelte linguistiche. Il patrimonio giuridico lon- gobardo si trasfonde in latino sotto l’influenza di fonti giuridiche di diritto romano di epoca tarda, dando luogo ad un lessico in cui è possibile distinguere componenti frutto di differenti meccanismi di rielaborazione: da un lato, termini longobardi – non sem- pre adattati alla morfologia latina o glossati – e lessemi che conservano le accezioni tecniche del latino giuridico, dall’altro, lessemi interessati da fenomeni di innovazione e rimodellamento di significato.
24 In secondo luogo, si tratterà della duplice natura del tecnicismo giuridico e di come essa si esplichi nelle leggi longobarde. Se è vero che il discorso giuridico, orientato nei fini alla massima chiarezza, tende al largo uso di tecnicismi che non consentano in- terpretazioni ambigue, va però rilevata anche la tendenza dei termini del diritto alla polisemia. È proprio questa natura duplice a soddisfare l’esigenza di tenere insieme, attraverso la duttilità interpretativa, princìpi generali astratti e prassi e di mediare tra l’azione di statuizione teorica del diritto e quella della sua attuazione nella pratica della giustizia. Le leggi longobarde rispondono in maniera peculiare a tale esigenza: la scrit- tura, come volontà di superare il carattere di oralità, anche nell’accoglimento di norme e principi desunti da altre fonti, può essere letta come uno strumento “alto” e massima- mente “pratico” al tempo stesso, che permette di recepire le istanze dell’organizzazione sociale che il legislatore intende regolare e di comporle con le consuetudini tradizionali. Come si mostrerà attraverso alcune esemplificazioni, nelle Leges langobardorum il peso della chiarezza della formulazione della legge sembra ricadere maggiormente, a livel- lo macrotestuale, sul contesto e, a livello microtestuale, sulle iuncturae, poiché in tali codificazioni spesso tecnicismo non equivale a monosemia. Inoltre risulta frequente il ricorso a lessemi, per così dire, non “intrinsecamente” tecnici, ma che ricevono giu- ridicità per condizionamento contestuale, testimoniando le profonde interrelazioni tra lessico tecnico e lessico d’uso comune. Oltre a creare termini nuovi, in qualità di tecn- icismi specifici, la lingua giuridica riprende spesso, infatti, ma specializzandoli, ossia delimitandoli e determinandoli con precisione nei significati, parole dell’uso comune. Nelle leggi longobarde ciò è particolarmente necessario quando, per l’espressione di is- tituti propri del diritto longobardo, non si ricorre a termini in longobardo ma si attinge al lessico d’uso comune latino. Attraverso la discussione delle questioni esposte sopra, questo contributo si propone di porre l’attenzione sull’importanza che l’analisi del lessico giuridico delle leggi longo- barde può rivestire per lo studio delle dinamiche di ibridazione culturale che sono alla base della formazione dell’Europa medievale e moderna. Soprattutto in considerazione del fatto che per i longobardi il diritto rappresenta uno degli aspetti che maggiormente contribuisce alla determinazione della loro identità e al contempo ne costituisce una delle manifestazioni più vitali.
Dascălu, Ioana-Rucsandra Université de Craïova
Les occlusives aspirées dans les Chroniques, les Passions et les Vies des Saints
La transformation de la consonne intervocalique t en consonne aspirée dh en ancien français, au XIe siècle ap. J. Chr. m’a rendue consciente de l’intérêt que l’on doit porter
25 à l’étude des consonnes occlusives (ch, th, rh, ph) en latin tardif, comme préambule de leur évolution dans les langues romanes (a.fr. cata+una > cadhuna = chacune). Dans un corpus constitué de textes mérovingiens du VIe au VIIIe siècle ap. J. Chr. j’ai retrouvé des mots d’origines diverses qui contiennent des consonnes aspirées ; d’abord, comme il s’agit de documents chrétiens, les mots d’origine hébraïque sont nombreux: des mots rituels: pascha ou des noms propres: Seth, Lamech, Iafet/ Iaphet (Fredegarius), Sabaoth (Passio Quirini). Ensuite, les mots grecs empruntés par le latin portent aussi des aspirations: des noms de tribus ou de populations (Cythienses, Scithes), des noms communs d’origine grecque: machinatio, monachus, thensaurus, prophetes(a). Dans certains mots on hésite entre la graphie à consonne aspirée et celle à la consonne simple (ou fricative): barcha/ barca, triumphavit/ triumfavit. D’ailleurs, au temps de Cicéron, on entendait encore tri‑ umpus. Les mots à consonnes aspirées sont intéressants aussi au niveau syntagmatique et sémantique, les athletae Christi étant un groupe particulier de croyants. Je considère que les hésitations entre les consonnes simples et les consonnes as- pirées dans un si grand nombre de mots grecs ou hébreux qui contiennent des aspira- tions sont importants pour l’histoire des langues romanes, où elles ont été préservées ou éliminées, de même que pour la permanence des éléments cultes dans les langues modernes.
Bibliographie:
Albert Blaise, Manual de latină creștină, Timișoara, Editura Amarcord, 2000. Veikko Väänänen, Introduction au latin vulgaire, Paris, Editions Klincksieck, Paris, 1981.
Sources textuelles:
Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum: http://www.dmgh.de/de/fs1/object/display.htm‑ l?sortIndex=010 Fredegarii et aliorum opera: http://www.dmgh.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb00000749_ meta:titlePage.html?zoom=0.75&sortIndex=010:020:0002:010:00:00 Passiones vitaeque sanctorum aevi Merovingici et antiquiorum aliquot: http:// www.dmgh.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb00000749_00002.html?sortIndex‑ =010%3A020%3A0002%3A010%3A00%3A00&zoom=0.75
26 Denecker, Tim Research Foundation – Flanders (FWO) at KU Leuven and UGent
Appellatus autem barbarismus a barbaris gentibus. Migration, variation and correctness in late antique and early medieval thought on language
Throughout the history of western thought, migration has been associated with linguistic variation. Often, this perceived association has been formulated in negative terms. From this perspective, migration, primarily of the ‘collective’ kind (Germ. Völker‑ wanderung), is believed to constitute a threat to linguistic ‘purity’, alongside moral (and sometimes ethnic) ‘purity’. Whereas the belief is already voiced in a famous passage in Cicero’s Brutus (258), it seems safe to assume that it was reinforced in the Christian west of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages. There are two main reasons for this. On the one hand, the biblical narrative about the events of Babel (Gen. 11), accounting for the origin of linguistic variation, includes two migration episodes (one ‘centripetal’, another ‘centrifugal’). On the other, the Christian west of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages showed an increasing linguistic diversity, as Latin gradually began to di- versify in the direction of the Romance languages, and as formerly peripheral (Celtic and Germanic) languages interacted more closely with Latin. In this changing linguis- tic landscape, migration and linguistic ‘corruption’ are frequently opposed to the norm prescribed by Latin (school) grammar, in the form of Latinitas, which mostly involves a notion of correctness. In Isidore of Seville’s encyclopaedia, terms denoting specific types of errors (primarily barbarismus and soloecismus) are explicitly connected to mi- gration and to contact influence (‘mixture’). By analysing how the notions of migration, variation and correctness interact (according to Isidore and to others active before and after him) I aim to contribute to our knowledge of the (pre)history of ‘standard lan- guage ideology’ in western culture.
Bibliography:
Amsler, Mark E. 1993. History of Linguistics, ‘Standard Latin’, and Pedagogy. Historio‑ graphia Linguistica 20, 49–66. Banniard, Michel. 1992. Viva Voce: Communication écrite et communication orale du IVe au IXe siècle en Occident latin. Paris: Institut des études augustiniennes. Denecker, Tim. 2017. Ideas on Language in Early Latin Christianity: From Tertullian to Isidore of Seville. Leiden–Boston: Brill. Holtz, Louis. 1981. Donat et la tradition de l’enseignement grammatical: étude sur l’Ars Donati et sa diffusion (IVe–IXe siècle) et édition critique. Paris: CNRS. Joseph, John Earl. 1987. Eloquence and Power: The rise of language standards and stan‑ dard languages. London: Pinter. Milroy, James / Milroy, Lesley. 1985. Authority in Language: Investigating language prescription and standardisation. London–Boston–Henley: Routledge–Kegan Paul.
27 Müller, Roman. 2001. Sprachbewußtsein und Sprachvariation im lateinischen Schrift‑ tum der Antike. München: Beck. —. 2006. Die spätantike Historiographie und Isidors Epochen des Lateinischen. Latin vulgaire – latin tardif VII: Actes du VIIe colloque international sur le latin vulgaire et tardif (Séville, 2–6 septembre 2003), ed. C. Arias Abellán. Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla – Secre‑ tariado de publicaciones, 489–98. Wright, Roger. 1982. Late Latin and Early Romance in Spain and Carolingian France. Liverpool: Cairns.
Di Marco, Michele Università degli Studi Roma Tre
Su alcune peculiarità lessicali di ambito liturgico nella Regula monachorum di Isidoro di Siviglia
Nel quadro di una più ampia ricerca volta a individuare i non pochi elementi di in- novatività che si riscontrano nel lessico monastico di Isidoro di Siviglia, il contributo si concentra sull’analisi di alcuni dei termini che l’autore adopera allorché, nella sua Regula monachorum (615-619 ca.), fa riferimento alla preghiera e alle celebrazioni litur- giche, e più in generale ai riti e ai rituali del coenobium Honorianense cui lo scritto era originariamente destinato. I termini presi in esame, oltre a fornirci nuovi elementi di conoscenza circa le fonti a cui Isidoro potrebbe aver attinto, si configurano a volte come veri e propri neologismi rispetto al latino classico, più spesso come varianti grafiche o innovazioni semantiche finora scarsamente o per nulla rilevate sia negli studi sia nei lessici della latinità cristiana e medievale.
Dimitrijević, Dragana University of Belgrade
On the Use of the Rhetorical Question ‘Quid?’ in St. Augustine’s Sermons
Many scholars have mentioned that Christian writers, even the best-educated ones, were following a stylistic tradition which was characterized to some extent by features of spoken language. For example, József Herman rightly points out that St. Augustine was ‘deliberately trying to write in a style that was not too far removed from that of the normal speech...particularly when compiling sermons and similar material, so as to reach the widest audience’ (Herman 2000: 24). Although Augustine’s sermons have been analysed from the point of view of oral delivery (cf. Deferrari 1922), there is still room for further investigation. The present
28 paper will explore the use of the rhetorical question ‘Quid?’ in Augustine’s sermons as an indicator of their colloquiality. It has already been argued that the question ‘Quid?’ should be viewed as a feature connected to colloquial style, since it is found in ‘interac- tive contexts’ (Adams 2016: 149). This paper will also discuss a possible inspiration and motivation for Augustine’s use of this feature in his sermons. Despite his real debt to the Roman rhetorical tradition, Augustine’s affinities were with the so-called ‘anti-in- tellectual’ strain in the Christian literature which may be traced back to biblical texts. Thus, on the one hand, Augustine could grasp from Cicero’s orations with the abundant use of the question ‘Quid?’ (Dimitrijević 2017), and on the other hand, he could find an inspiration for this practise in the Bible, particularly in St. Paul’s letters.
Bibliography:
Adams, J. N. 2016. An Anthology of Informal Latin, 200 BC – AD 900: Fifty Texts with Translations and Linguistic Commentary. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Coleman, R. 1987. ‘Vulgar Latin and the diversity of Christian Latin’, in J. Herman (ed.), Latin vulgaire – latin tardif: Actes du I er Colloque international sur le latin vulgaire et tar‑ dif (Pécs, 2-5 septembre 1985), Tübingen, 37-52. Ctibor, M. 2017. ‘Introductory Quid: Reconsideration of Utterances Traditionally Edit‑ ed as ‘Quid?’’, in The 19th International Colloquium on Latin Linguistics, 24th -28th April 2017 (Book of Abstracts). München: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 28-29. Deferrari, R. J. 1922. ‘St. Augustine’s Method of Composing and Delivering Sermons’, American Journal of Philology 43.3, 193-219. Dimitrijević, D. 2017. ‘The Functions of the Rhetorical Question ‘Quid?’ in Cicero’s Phi‑ lippics I-II’, in V. Tomovska et al. (eds.), Studia classica anniversaria: Proceedings of the International Conference Held on the Occasion of the 70th Anniversary of the Institute of Classical Studies, 22nd-23rd November 2016, Skopje. Skopje: Filozofski fakultet, 107-126. Herman, J. 2000. Vulgar Latin (trans. R. Wright). University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press. Stump, E. and N. Kretzmann (eds.). 2001. The Cambridge Companion to Augustine. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Duerrschnabel, Chaja Vered (Vera) Universität Bern, Institut für Judaistik
Witterungsverben im Lateinischen der Vulgata
Obwohl das Lateinische der Vulgata zunächst weniger eine natürliche, gesprochene als viel mehr eine artifizielle, zur Übertragung der Bibel ins Lateinische geschaffene Übersetzungssprache darstellte (cf. Luraghi 2013), beeinflusste der dadurch angestos- sene Sprachwandel nicht nur die weitere Entwicklung des christlichen und spätantik- en Lateinischen massgeblich, sondern ist ebenfalls in den verschiedenen romanischen
29 Sprachen greifbar (cf. García de la Fuente 1981). Während viele der sprachlichen Ei- gentümlichkeiten des biblischen Lateins traditionell als Hebraismen oder Graezismen erklärt wurden (cf. Plater/White 1926), zeigt dieser Beitrag nun am Beispiel der Witter- ungsverben, dass es sich dabei weniger um syntaktische Lehnübersetzungen (calques) handelt, sondern vielmehr um die Verstärkung von bereits dem Lateinischen inne- wohnenden syntaktischen Strukturen. Während Witterungsverben wie pluit /tonat /rorat im klassischen Lateinischen meist eine unpersönliche Strukturen aufweisen, findet sich im Lateinischen der Vulga- ta eine klare Präferenz für kanonische, d. h. persönliche Konstruktionen, z. B. non enim pluerat Dominus Deus super terram (Gen 2,5). Zunächst wird dieser Tagungsbeitrag ein- en kurzen Überblick über die diachrone Entwicklung der Witterungsverben sowohl in den alten indogermanischen (cf. Bauer 2000) als auch in den alten semitischen Sprachen (cf. Melnik 2013 und Mettouchi/Tosco 2011) geben, bevor einerseits einzelne Textstellen aus der Vulgata genauer untersucht und mit ihren hebräischen Parallelen verglichen werden, andererseits jedoch auch mit vulgärlateinischen das Witterungsgeschehen beschreibenden Strukturen in Beziehung gesetzt werden. Ein besonderes Augenmerk wird dabei auf den verschiedenen Übertragungsvarianten der hebräischen Strukturen ins Lateinische der Vulgata liegen.
Bibliographie:
Bauer, B. (2000): Archaic Syntax in Indo-European: The Spread of Transitivity in Latin and French. Berlin & New York Duerrschnabel, C. V. (2017): »(Un)persönliche Strukturen im Lateinischen der Vulgata und ihre hebräischen Parallelen«. Philologia Classica. Vol. 12. Fasc. 2. pp. 160-176 Garcia de la Fuente, O. (1981): Consideraciones sobre el influjo hebreo en el Latín Bíbli‑ co. Emerita, Vol. 49, núm. 2, pp. 307-342 Kienpointner, M. (2016): »Weather verbs in Latin, German and other languages. Con‑ trastive and typological remarks«. Pallas 102 Luraghi, S.: »Contact Trough Translation«. In: Giannakis, G. K. (2013): Encyclopedia of Ancient Greek Language and Linguistics. Leiden & Boston Brill Online, 2014. Reference. UZH Hauptbibliothek / Zentralbibliothek Zuerich. 23 December 2014
30 Pinkster, H. (2015): Oxford Latin Syntax, Oxford. Plater, W. E. & White, H. J. (1926): A Grammer of the Vulgate. Oxford.
Ekler Péter Hungarian National Archive (Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár), Budapest
“‛cambio’, ἀμείβω, ponit Charisius et eius praeteritum ‛campsi’ …” (GL II, 541, 13-14.). Charisius as a source and point of reference for Priscian’s Institutiones
Priscian’s most famous work, the Institutes of Grammar (Institutiones Grammaticae), is a systematic exposition of Latin grammar. Originating from Caesarea, Priscian (5th- 6th century AD) composed his Latin grammar in Constantinople, in a Greek rather than a Latin environment. On several occasions, Priscian refers to Flavius Sosipater Charisius, who was prob- ably active in Constantinople in the second half of the 4th century AD, and dedicated his grammar to his son. In some cases, the examples cited from Charisius are different from the well-known and widely used language forms, but they still exist are in usage. These examples are found primarily in Books IX-X of Institutiones (De generali verbi declinatione; De praeterito perfecto). The aim of this paper is to identify in Charisius’s work the context of the grammar forms cited by Priscian. In some of the cases examined, besides Charisius Priscian also refers to Diomedes (4th century AD), Flavius Caper (2nd century AD) and Marcus Valerius Probus (c. 20/30– 105 AD). Another objective is to examine the grammar works of Diomedes, Caper and Probus and their relevant sections.
Fedriani, Chiara University of Genoa
The pragmatic development of si (tibi/vobis) placet in Late Latin
This paper takes into account the pragmatic development of the hypothetic clause si (tibi/vobis) placet ‘if it pleases (you)’ in Late Latin. Some scholars (Fraenkel 1956; Hofmann 1985: 290) link the pragmatic use of si placet to the ancient formula si dis placet, which originally carried a religious meaning (‘gods willing!’), and as such is found in Plautus (Capt. 454) and in Terence (Eun. 919). Already in early comedians, however, we also find the form si placet used as a hedge in directive acts (ex. 1). As such, it functioned as a comment clause, that is, a parenthetical disjunct, which in this case makes the direc- tive content dependent on an implied condition: by explicitly including the addressee,
31 the speaker divides his responsibility with him (responsibility dividing device: Schneider 2007: 110).
(1) parcas istis verbis si placet (Afran. com. 355)
Interestingly, out of the 53 occurrences of si placet from Early Latin to the 1st century CE, 45 are found in Cicero; next come Seneca and Petronius, with, however, only two occurrences each. Importantly in the present context, 40 tokens occur in Cicero’s phil- osophical and rhetoric works, where si placet has scope over a specific discursive move, namely that of proposals made in the subjunctive for metatextual purposes (typically, switching to a new topic: ex. 2).
(2) sed iam, si placet, ad instituta redeamus (Cic. de or. 3, 90)
These data show that in Classical Latin si placet emerged in a particular discourse tradition, that of cultured treatises, which circulated within a restricted peer group sharing certain metatextual patterns of discourse management. As such, si placet can be better seen as a typical Ciceronian pragmatic and stylistic “formula of polite option- ality” (Risselada 1993: 160) representing a discursive convention specific to a linguistic community/readership. Now, it has long been established that discourse traditions foster the conventional- ization of textual practices which can play a major role in processes of language change (see, e.g., Kabatek 2008). Along these lines, the aim of this paper is to analyze the grad- ual spread of si (tibi/vobis) placet as a politeness marker in Late Latin. An explorative research in this respect has indeed revealed that in late authors si (tibi/vobis) placet is again frequently used to manage discourse organization in historical treatises (ex. 3):
(3) Vellim, si placet, parumper conferre… (Greg. Tur. Hist. III incipit)
The analysis, which is corpus-based and carried on the Scriptores section of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica corpus, aims to establish the role of specific discourse traditions in this process of pragmaticalization in Late Latin, which eventually led to Romance outcomes (French s’il te/vous plaît, Catalan si us plau).
References:
Fraenkel, E. 1956. Si dis placet. Studi italiani di filologia classica 27-28: 123-124. Hofmann, J. B. 1985 [1936]. La lingua d’uso latina. Bologna: Pàtron. Kabatek, J. (ed.) (2008). Sintaxis histórica del español y cambio lingüístico: Nuevas per‑ spectivas desde las Tradiciones Discursivas. Frankfurt a. M./Madrid: Vervuert-Iberoamer‑ icana. Risselada, R. 1989. Latin illocutionary parentheticals. In Marius Lavency & Dominique
32 Longrée (eds.), Proceedings of the Vth Colloquium on Latin Linguistics. Louvain- la-neuve: Peeters, 367-378.
Ferrari, Valentina Università di Napoli “Federico II”
Aspetti dell’Accusativus cum Infinitivo nel De consolatione philosophiae di Boezio
Oggetto del lavoro è la subordinazione completiva in dipendenza da verba dicen‑ di et sentiendi nel De consolatione philosophiae di Boezio. La forte preponderanza di strutture del tipo AcI caratterizza il testo con l’intenzione di rispettare un modello che rimanda alla tradizione classica, secondo una tendenza non estranea anche ad altri au- tori tardolatini, in un’epoca in cui si assiste alla sempre maggiore diffusione delle subor- dinate esplicite introdotte da quod. La configurazione interna delle completive mostra una generale adesione al modello canonico, evidenziando tuttavia alcune caratteris- tiche ricorrenti, come la preferenza per gli infiniti del verbo esse e per forme di infinito perfetto, presenti in misura nettamente maggioritaria. Particolare attenzione richiede l’interpretazione sintattica e semantica dei predicati reggenti, non sempre definibili in maniera univoca (si veda l’ambiguità di verbi come concedo, constituo, definio con pos- sibile valore manipolativo). I dati saranno analizzati al confronto con gli usi riscontrati in altri autori della tarda latinità e in altri testi filosofici, allo scopo di definire i caratteri del trattato di Boezio in rapporto alle tendenze evolutive della subordinazione comple- tiva e in relazione alla tradizione discorsiva in esame. In considerazione del ruolo cru- ciale ricoperto dalla competizione delle completive con quod e dell’AcI nel passaggio dal latino alle lingue romanze, lo studio servirà inoltre a gettare le basi per approfondire dal punto di vista sintattico e stilistico l’influsso della fortuna di Boezio nel Medioevo.
Bibliografia:
Albesano, S., 2006, Consolatio Philosophiae volgare. Volgarizzamenti e tradizioni dis‑ corsive nel Trecento italiano, Heidelberg, Universitätverlag Winter. Bodelot, C. (a cura di), 2003, Grammaire fondamentale du latin, Vol. X, Les proposi‑ tions complétives en latin, Leuven, Peeters. Cuzzolin, P., 1994, Sull’origine della costruzione dicere quod: aspetti sintattici e seman‑ tici, Firenze, La Nuova Italia. Dienelt, K., 1941, Sprachliche Untersuchungen zu Boethius’ Consolatio philosophiae in Glotta, 29, pp. 98-128. Herman, J., 1989, «Accusativus cum infinitivo et subordonnées à quod, quia en Latin tardif – Nouvelles remarques sur un vieux problème» in Calboli, G. (a cura di), Subordina‑ tion and Other Topics in Latin: Proceedings of the Third Colloquium on Latin Linguistics, Bologna, 1-5 April 1985, Amsterdam / Philadelphia, John Benjamins Publishing Company.
33 Wirth-Poelchau, L., 1977, AcI und quod-Satz im lateinischen Sprachgebrauch mit‑ telalterlicher und humanistischer Autoren, Inaugural Dissertation, Nürnberg, Friedrich Alexander Universität.
Ferrari, Valentina see also under Greco, Paolo & Ferrari, Valentina
Ferri, Rolando & Zago, Anna Università di Pisa
Greek and Latin terms for colours in ancient bilingual glossaries
Colours are a crucial area of translation theory, and studies of language contact, be- cause the colour spectre is differently segmented by different cultures (a comprehen- sive overview on this subject has been provided by Oniga 2007, following the theory of Berlin and Key 1969). Crucially, colours, ostensibly the most conspicuous mark of iden- tity of an object, receive different denominations across cultures. Translation of texts containing colour notations is never simple, and a crucial passage in Aulus Gellius 2.6 (see Garcea 2003) neatly encapsulates the problem for ancient scholars, in a debate be- tween Favorinus and Fronto on the respective merits and superiority of the Greek and the Latin language: Gellius muses about the terminological confusion between Greeks and Romans in naming colours. In this paper, we analyze the colour equivalents occurring in the corpus of bilingual Greek-Latin dictionaries going under the name of hermeneumata, with special refer- ence to the hitherto unpublished Hermeneumata Celtis, which we are jointly editing. What are the lexical areas from which ancient bilingual lexicography draws its colour terminology? Were there traditions reflecting on such syntagmatics? And how did an- cient lexicographers cope with, or even perceive, the different semantics of colour terms in Greek and Latin? An in-depth analysis of the Greek-Latin matches for colour terms in the Her‑ meneumata Celtis provides an excellent testing ground for a better assessment of the making and character of this large bilingual collection and for our knowledge of the Late Latin vocabulary.
Selected references:
J. André, Étude sur les termes de couleur dans la langue latine, Paris 1949 B. Berlin, P. Key, Basic Color Terms: Their Universality and Evolution, Berkeley 1969 M. Bradley, Colour and Meaning in Ancient Rome, Cambridge 2009
34 R. Ferri, Hermeneumata Celtis. The making of a late-antique bilingual glossary, in R. Ferri (ed.), The Latin of Roman Lexicography, Pisa – Roma 2011, 141-170 A. Garcea, Gellio, il bilinguismo greco-latino e i nomi dei colori, in R. Oniga (ed.), Il plu‑ rilinguismo nella tradizione letteraria latina, Roma 2003, 173-198 R. Oniga, La terminologia del colore in latino tra relativismo e universalismo, “Aevum Antiquum” n.s. 7 (2007), 269-284.
Fialon, Sabine see under Dalbera, Joseph & Fialon, Sabine & Longrée, Dominique
Galdi, Giovanbattista University of Ghent
Support verb constructions in late and Merovingian Latin
Support (or light) verb constructions (henceforth SVC’s) are documented through- out the history of Latin as well as in many other – also typologically irrelated – languag- es. This type of syntagm is characterized by the presence of a verb exhibiting a more or less reduced semantic force, and a predicative (usually abstract) noun. The semantic and syntactic link between these two elements is so tight that SVC’s have been defined as “multi-headed predicates” (Alsina, Bresnan and Sells 1997, 1), which form a “solid syn- tagmatic unit” (Hoffmann 2015, 362). Notoriously, a wide range of SVC’s appears in Latin, such as verb + prepositional phrase (e.g. in oblivionem venire, in cognitione versari) or ablative + passive SV (e.g. spe capi) (cf. Pompei 2016, 102ff). However, the great bulk, on which we will focus in this paper, consists of a transitive (hence passivizable) SV governing an accusative object. A number of studies have investigated the use and distribution of SVC’s in archa- ic Latin (especially in Plautus) as well as in classical and early Imperial times (for an overview, see Baños Baños 2016). In particular, scholars highlighted the possibility of combining either one and the same verb with different abstract nouns, such as face‑ re mentionem “to mention”, ludos “to make fun of”, verba “to speak” etc., or one noun with a variety of verbs (e.g. impetum facere “to make an assault”, sustinere “to sustain an assault”) (Pinkster 2015, 77ff). Conversely, little to no attention has been paid to late sources and early Middle Ages. In the present contribution, we will seek to, at least partially, bridge this gap by analysing a large corpus of (mostly literary) Latin texts. These include, on the one hand, late works typically associated with low and colloqui- al registers (e.g. the Itinerarium Egeriae, Augustine’s Sermones and Gregory’s Historia Francorum) and, on the other hand, Merovingian sources ranging from the 5th to the 9th century AD. Key-issues to be addressed in the discussion include: (a) the survival and distribution in the corpus of selected SVC’s that previous studies have proved to be
35 common in earlier phases of Latin; (b) the appearance of new constructions and their frequency in the corpus; (c) the role and distribution of facere as support verb and its alleged connection with “Vulgar” Latin (cf. Hofmann-Szantyr 1965, 755); (d) the relation between the new constructions and the corresponding simple verb, with a special focus on Christian SVC’s (e.g. benedicere vs. benedictionem dare).
Bibliographic references:
Alsina, Alex, Bresnan, Joan & Sells, Peter 1997 (eds.). Complex Predicates. Stanford Uni‑ versity: CSLI Publications Baños Baños, José Miguel 2016. “Las construcciones con verbo soporte en latín: sin‑ taxis y semántica”, in E.B.Vidal, Ó. de la Cruz Palma (eds.), OMNIA MVTANTVR: Canvi, transformació i pervivència en la cultura clàssica, en les seves llengües i en el seu llegat. Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, p. 3-27 Hoffmann, Roland 2015. “On Sentential Complements of Latin Function Verb Construc‑ tions”, in G. Haverling (ed.), Latin Linguistics in the Earley 21st Century. Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, p.362-373 Hofmann, Jean Baptiste & Anton, Szantyr 1965. Lateinische Syntax uns Stilistix. München: Beck. Pinkster, Harm 2015. Oxford Latin Syntax. Oxford: OUP Pompei, Anna 2016. “Construction Grammar and Latin: The case of habeo”, in O. Spe‑ vak (ed.), Études de linguistique latine I, Pallas 102, p. 99-108
García Leal, Alfonso Universidad de Oviedo
De las Historias de San Isidoro a Las Crónicas de Alfonso III: tradición e innovación en la lengua de los relatos historiográficos hispanos
La Historia (de regibus) Gothorum narra la historia de los godos entre los años 265 al 624, y fue escrita en latín por uno de los autores más relevantes del período final del mundo antiguo: Isidoro de Sevilla (Cartagena, c. 556 – Sevilla, 4.4.636). Fue compuesta en dos versiones: la primera, realizada probablemente en 619, es la más corta; mientras que la más larga fue probablemente terminada en 624. Por su parte, la Crónica de Alfonso III, que se atribuye al propio rey, pretendía haber sido una continuación de la Historia de los godos de Isidoro. Abarca el período que va de Wamba (646-688) hasta el final del reinado de Ordoño I de Asturias (Oviedo, 821 – Oviedo, 27.4.866). Existen varias versiones de esta Crónica: la Rotense (que recibe este nombre por encontrarse en el códice de Roda) y la Sebastianense (también con- ocida como Ovetense, ad Sebastianum o Erudita). Ambos textos, junto con la Crónica Albeldense (así llamada por haberse conservado en un códice del monasterio de Albel- da), componen las denominadas Crónicas Asturianas. Todas ellas fueron escritas en la
36 penúltima década del s. IX, durante el reinado de Alfonso III, si bien han llegado a no- sotros a través de copias posteriores. Las Crónicas, en las que se aprecia la influencia de Isidoro, de la Biblia y de otros tex- tos que los cronistas pudieron consultar en la biblioteca de la corte ovetense de Alfonso III, permiten observar la convivencia de tradición e innovación en la lengua de estos relatos historiográficos hispanos.
Garnier, Romain Université de Limoges
About Gerund and Gerundive in Late and Republican Latin
It is well know that Late Latin uses the gerund as a substitute for the present partici- ple, for example in Peregr. 15.5, redirent mature…dicendo psalmos, where the ablative di‑ cendo stands for *dicentes or in Ammian. 24.3.7, moriar stando. According to Väänänen (1981: 140), this non-classical use of “absolutive” gerund is attested in Plautus (Truc. 916, ita hīc exspectandō obdūruit = *exspectans). To my opinion, this could be the explana- tion for the odd Republican Latin gerund forms such as legundīs, scrībundī, dēferundō, quærundai (Lex. Repet.). We may assume here a Vulgar feature such as Rep. Lat. *dī‑ cundō ‘speaking’ standing for an archaic present participle *dīcuns ‘speaking’ (< PIE *déik̑ -ont-s), whose inherited vocalism would be reflected by the -und-doublets of the gerund. Sabellic languages do not share this innovation, as is clear by Umbr. anferener ‘circumferendi’ which reflects *ambi-fer-enno-. The starting point of the gerund was an “allative” case such as Com. It. *koisām=dō ‘ad curam’ (with °dō < PIE *doh1 ‘towards’, cf. MoE. to, MoG. zu) as already assumed by Brugmann (1892: 1425), surfacing as Lat. cūrandō (dat.) ‘in order to care’, with an accusative doublet ad=cūrandum ‘id.’, show- ing secondary agreement (ad rem cūrandam). Totally unrelated is the “horrendus-class” which points to a thematic derivative *horrḗdĭn-us (which was subject to syncope), ul- timately from an action-noun *horr-ēdō, -ĭnĭs (f.) ‘horror’. Unrelated also is Lat. blandus (adj.) ‘caressing’, from *blā́nĭdus ‘provided with smoothness’ (from Com. It. *mlāni- (f.) ‘smoothness’ < PIE *ml̥h2-n-í-). The gerundive with deontic meaning, used as a future past participle in Late Latin, is from another origin: from a PIE action-noun *bʰer-ed-ṓn (f.) ‘carrying’ (?) was built a thematic derivative of appurtenance *bʰer-ed-n-ó- ‘concerned by the action of carrying’ (Lat. ferendus), surfacing as Com. It. *feredno-, whence Sab. *feredno-1/*ferenno- and Lat. *ferendo-, with the same metathesis as observed in the name for ‘water’ (Lat. unda < Com. It. *ud-n-ā).
1 As per Meiser (1993), on the basis on the Oscan PN *perkedn[eís vs. the Latinised gentilicium Percennius.
37 References:
Brugmann, Karl (1892), Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen. Zweiter Band: Wortbildungslehre. Zweite Hälfte, Zweite (Schluss-) Lieferung: Verbale Stammbildung und Flexion (Conjugation). Strasbourg: Trübner. Meiser, Gerhard (1993), Das Gerundivum im Spiegel der italischen Onomastik. In: F. Heidermanns, H. Rix and E. Seebold (eds.), Sprachen und Schriften des antiken Mittel‑ meerraums. Festschrift für Jürgen Untermann zum 65. Geburtstag. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft, 255–268. Väänänen, Veikko (1981), Introduction au latin vulgaire. Bibliothèque française et ro‑ mane. Série A: Manuels et Études linguistiques. Paris: éditions Klincksieck, 1962. Troisième édition revue et augmentée (1981).
Gaspar, Catarina & Tantimonaco, Silvia Universidade de Lisboa & Universitat de Barcelona
Relative pronouns in the inscriptions from Hispania
Relative pronouns underwent complex changes during the shift from Latin into the Romance languages. These changes occurred in a multidimensional way that affected phonetics, morphology and syntax. Our paper focuses on the uses and forms of the relative pronouns, as evidenced in the Latin epigraphy of Hispania from the 1st to the 8th century AD. Its aim is to show in what ways such a multidimensional evolution took place in the Iberian Peninsula, where Latin gave rise to the future Ibero-Romance system. In this framework, special attention is paid to the relationship between Vulgar / Late Latin and Portuguese. In this language, relative pronouns appear as the result of the progressive convergence and/or reduction of the Latin inflected forms, showing how innovations co-existed/co-occurred with conservative and almost fossilized forms. As it will be shown, epigraphic texts provide the evidence of this process from a dia- chronic perspective.
References:
Alves Dias M. M., Gaspar C. (2006), Catálogo das Inscrições paleocristãs do território português, Lisboa. Cunha, C., Cintra, L., (1984), Gramática do Português Contemporâneo, Lisboa. Díaz y Díaz, M. C. (1998), ‘La transición del latín al romance en perspectiva hispana’, in La transizione dal latino alle lingue romanze. Atti della Tavola rotonda di linguistica storica (Università Ca’ Foscari di Venezia, 14-15 giugno 1996), J. Herman, L. Mondin (eds.), Tübingen, 155–172. Gaspar, C., (2009) Inscrições paleocristãs do território português: contributo para o estudo do latim vulgar, PhD thesis, Universidade de Lisboa.
38 Lausberg, H. (1962), Romanische Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin. Pérez Fernández, J. M. (1998), ‘El pronombre relativo: su complejidad formal y funcion‑ al’, in IX Congreso Español de Estudios Clásicos. Madrid, 27-30 de septiembre de 1995, F. Rodríguez Adrados (ed.), vol. III (Lingüística latina), Madrid, 217–222. Tantimonaco, S. (2017), El latín de Hispania a través de las inscripciones. La provincia de la Lusitania, PhD thesis, Universitat de Barcelona. Williams, E. (1994), Do Latim ao Portugues. Rio de Janeiro
Georgescu, Simona Rodina Universidad de Bucarest
Onomatopeyas y fonosimbolismo en el latín vulgar
El presente trabajo parte de un artículo de Albert Carnoy (1917), “Apophony and Rhyme Words in Vulgar Latin Onomatopoeias”, que, aunque proyectado por el autor como punto de partida de un deseable debate sobre problemas de etimología latina y románica, parece haber quedado sin ningún eco. Cien años más tarde, tras la teoría cuasi unánimemente aceptada del arbitrario lingüístico y en el contexto actual de una consistente revivificación de los estudios sobre el fonosimbolismo, intentamos fructifi- car la idea de Carnoy. El autor americano teoriza la variación vocálica (explicada en términos de apofonía onomatopéyica) en series de voces latinas tal como *ciottus / *ciattus, *cioffus / *ciaffus, *tŭccare / *taccare / *tĭccare. Las formas y el semantismo se han reconstruido a base de voces románicas, cuya área semántica cubre las nociones de golpe, toque, prominencia, montón, manojo, punta etc. La teoría de Hilmer (1914; 1918), contemporáneo de Carnoy, sostiene perfectamente la propuesta del lingüista americano, aunque ninguno de los dos menciona al otro. Hilmer muestra que los sentidos de prominencia, montón, manojo, punta etc surgen, en la mayoría de casos, de una onomatopeya expresando un golpe, un choque, un corte. En las lenguas románicas hay un número impresionante de voces que remiten a un prototipo *ciottus / *ciattus, *tŭcc- / *tacc- / *tĭcc- etc y cuyo semantismo se puede redu- cir a la idea de ‘golpe’, ‘corte’, pero que, analizadas separadamente, no indican ninguna etimología cierta. Entre las raíces identificadas o bien reconstruidas por Meyer-Lübke (REW) para estas largas series léxicas se proponen algunas onomatopéyicas, tal como čof (2453) ‘grueso’, ‘tonto’, čott (2454) ‘cepo’, ‘terrón de tierra’, o bien tok (8767) ‘golpe’. Aunque las lenguas románicas proporcionan voces de semantismo muy similar pero con un vocalismo diferente (a / i / u), estas no se mencionan en el REW y generalmente quedan sin explicación en los diccionarios etimológicos idiorrománicos. Al reunir las palabras en series continuas, reductibles a unas cuantas formas latinas orales en vari- ación apofónica determinada por su índole onomatopéyica, la búsqueda etimológica llega en un punto concreto.
39 Nos proponemos mostrar, por un lado, que las series reconstruidas por Carnoy se en- marcan en las pautas tipológicas de la variación apofónica a base del fonosimbolismo, y, por otro lado, que esta perspectiva sobre la variabilidad onomatopéyica en el latín vulgar puede echar una nueva luz en un número significativo de voces románicas con etimología desconocida.
Bibliografía:
Carnoy, Albert J. (1917), Apophony and Rhyme Words in Vulgar Latin Onomatopoeias, in The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 38, 3, pp. 265-284. Hilmer, Hermann (1914), Schallnachahmung, Wortschöpfung und Bedeutungswandel: auf Grundlage der Wahrnehmungen von Schlag, Fall, ... dargestellt an einigen Lautwurzeln der deutschen und der englischen Sprache. Halle, M. Niemeyer. Hilmer, Hermann (1918), “The origin and growth on language”, The Journal of English and Germanic Philology, Vol. 17, No. 1 (Jan., 1918), pp. 21-60. Nobile, Luca / Vallauri, Edoardo Lombardi (2016), Onomatopea e fonosimbolismo, Roma, Carocci Editore. REW - Meyer-Lübke, Wilhelm (1930–19353 [1911–19201]), Romanisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch, Heidelberg, Carl Winter Universitätsverlag
Georgescu, Theodor Université de Bucarest
L’usage des prépositions chez Apicius: les germes des prépositions romanes
La langue technique des recettes culinaires transmis sous le nom du gastronome Apicius, contemporain d’Auguste, mais qui datent dès IVe et VIIe siècles, atteste les pro- fonds changements du system prépositionnel dans le latin tardif et annonce les germes du futur paradigme des langues romanes. Une première constatation est l’extension d’usage des prépositions là où le latin clas- sique préférait des formes casuelles (e.g. cum + le complément d’instrument, §61 cum liquamine admixto), ce qui aura comme résultat une fréquence considérable de préposi- tions dans les langues romanes. L’extension de l’usage des prépositions dans le latin tardif implique une série des transformations sémantiques comme résultat de l’absorption des anciennes valeurs des morphèmes grammaticaux des désinences: de + ablatif prend les valeurs du génitif par- titif, d’origine, de la matière et possessif: (I, XIV) dulcia de melle ; ad + accusatif absorbe les fonctions du datif et peut introduire un complément de but (finale) et quelques fois une valeur instrumentale: (§29) sales conditos ad digestionem; on constate une grande extension de l’emploi attributif de in avec accusatif ou ablatif, en se substituant par be- soin d’expressivité à de nombreux compléments d’attribut sans préposition: (§387) ius
40 album in assum leporem où (§398) ius in locvsta ; la distinction entre les idées de station et de direction tend à s’effacer: (§388) adicies in caccabum et (§393) adicies in lance. Une autre constatation est que le system prépositionnel a la tendance à se simpli- fier par la disparition des certaines nuances sémantiques et par l’usage des quelques prépositions comme synonymes ; de remplace ab ou ex dans de nombreuses situations (§30 oliuas de arbore sublatas) ou bien prend un sens instrumental (§ 384 pertangito de conditura); la valeur sociative ou instrumentale peut être exprimée aussi par ex (§ 384) coquendus ... ex alio oleo). Les recettes d’Apicius témoignent aussi des premiers signes de la disparition des relations obligatoires entre les prépositions et le cas des substantifs en anticipant la réduction de la flexion nominale: (§45) tolles de fumum, (§137) patina de cucurbitas. Il n’est pas exclu aussi que certains usages des prépositions dans la langue technique des recettes s’expliquent par une possible influence grecque. Une telle recherche peut mettre en lumière mieux la constatation que seulement 50% des prépositions latines sont héritées dans les langues romanes.
Bibliographie:
André, Jacques, (1987), Apicius, De re coquinaria / L’art culinaire, texte établi, traduit et commenté par Jacques André, Paris, Les Belles Lettres. Meyer-Lübke, Wilhelm, (1890–1906), Grammaire des langues romanes, 4 volumes, Paris, Welter. Milham, Mary E., Case and Prepositional Usage in Apicius, in “Glotta” 39. Bd., 3./4. H. (1960/1961), pp. 276-302. Väänänen, Veikko, (2012), Introduction au latin vulgaire, Paris, Klincksieck. Maiden, Martin / Smith, John Charles / Ledgeway, Adam (2011), The Cambridge History of the Romance Languages, Cambridge University Press
Gianollo, Chiara & Magni, Elisabetta Università di Bologna
The diachrony of restrictive appositions
In the last few years there has been a renewed interest in the grammar of apposi- tions, witnessed by comprehensive works such as Spevak (2014: ch. 4), Pinkster (2015: ch. 11.79-11.90 and passim), Bauer (2017), which build upon a number of previous treat- ments (e.g. Fugier 1973, Longrée 1990, Heberlein 1996, Hackstein 2010 for Latin and Quirk et al. 1985, Meyer 1992, Keizer 2007 for English). The topic of our investigation is the diachrony of the so-called restrictive nominal apposition from Classical to Late Lat- in, to which we add some preliminary observations on Old Romance. We concentrate, in particular, on those patterns which in Latin display word order variation, as in (1), and/or variation in morphological coding, as in (2):
41 1) a. Si tu quidem es / leno Ballio. (Plaut. Ps. 1154-5) (common noun > proper name) b. Ballio leno ubi hic habitat (Plaut. Ps. 599) (proper name > common noun) 2) a. arbor olea (Varro RR 1.2.20) (juxtaposition) b. ab arbore olivae (Colum. RR 5.11) (genitive of definition)
This kind of variation is, on the one hand, reduced in modern Romance languages, especially with respect to the morphological dimension: the alternation between the juxtaposition pattern and the genitive of definition, seen in (2), is eliminated in favor of just one pattern, chosen differently according to different appositional classes, e.g. jux- taposition with names of rivers, as in It. il fiume Reno, Fr. le fleuve Rhône (but earlier le fleuve du Rhône) vs. genitive of definition with names of cities, as in It. la città di Roma, Fr. la ville de Paris, cf. Bauer (2017: ch. 5). On the other hand, new dimensions of vari- ation arise with the emergence of definite and indefinite articles, which disambiguate certain structures (e.g. It. il console Emilio vs. *?Emilio console, necessarily contrastive Emilio il console, parenthetic Emilio, un console). By means of a corpus study on selected texts from the LLT-A database, we look for signs of these changes in Late Latin. We also evaluate the progress of the changes in Old French and Old Italian (using, respectively, the MCVF and the OVI corpus). We observe two main phenomena, both related to the (perceived, contextual) asym- metry between the juxtaposed terms: (i) the partial decline of plain juxtaposition in favor of an overt marking of the syntactic relation between the two nouns; this overt marking takes the form of argument-encoding device (the genitive case), which has become a general marker of relation (not necessarily subordinating, cf. ‘non-anchoring genitives’) in later Latin; (ii) the declining relevance of the ‘predicative’ reading of the plainly juxtaposed apposition with the order proper name > common noun, i.e. what Heberlein (1996: 354-355) calls the ‘referenzklärend’ function (as opposed to the ‘ref- erenzbildend’ one). The type Aemilius consul, which also has the possible reading “Ae- milius as a consul”, seems in fact to evolve towards more complex and ‘loose’ construc- tions, like It. Emilio, in qualità di console.
Selected references:
Bauer, L.M.B. (2017). Nominal Apposition in Indo-European: Its Forms and Functions, and its Evolution in Latin-Romance. Berlin/New York: de Gruyter. Fugier, H. (1973). ‘L’apposition en latin. Pour une étude des relations à l’intérieur du syntagme nominal’, La linguistique 9(1): 97-113. Hackstein, O. (2010). Apposition and Nominal Classification in Indo-European and Be‑ yond. Wien: Österreichische Akademie Der Wissenschaften. Heberlein, F. (1996). ‘Über ‘enge’ Appositionen’, in H. Rosén (ed.), Aspects of Latin. Pa‑ pers from the Seventh International Colloquium on Latin Linguistics (Jerusalem, April 1993), 343-359. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft,.
42 Keizer, E. (2007). The English Noun Phrase: The Nature of Linguistic Categorization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Longrée, D. (1990). ‘À propos du concept d’‘apposition’: les constructions rex Ancus et urbs Roma’, Information grammaticale 45: 8-13. Meyer, C.F. (1992). Apposition in Contemporary English. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni‑ versity Press. Pinkster, H. (2015). The Oxford Latin Syntax. Vol. 1: The Simple Clause. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Quirk, R. et al. (1985). A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman. Spevak, O. (2014). The Noun Phrase in Classical Latin Prose. Leiden: Brill
Gonda Attila Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest
Between Eastern and Western Romance: Vulgar Latin in the Alps- Danube-Adria region
Untermann (1980) described the Alps–Danube–Adria region of the Roman empire as a coherent social, economic and political unit within the Roman empire, and that in further historical research they should be treated as a single region. Inspired by this so- cio-political approach, Herman (1983) proposed that Untermann’s Alps–Danube–Adria region could be a good candidate as a larger geographic area for future research in Lat- in dialectology, since socio-political geographical units often tend to shape linguistic boundaries. Previous analyses (2017a, 2017b) made it clear that these geographic unites don’t constitute a solid and uniform dialectal area, however, there are undeniable com- mon characteristics, such as the weakness of the /w/~/b/ merger, the lack of sonoriza- tion, the fusion of the nominative and accusative cases, which allow us to suppose that the Vulgar Latin variants of these provinces were somewhat more connected among each other than with the rest of the empire, and they might have been the bridge be- tween those dialects of Vulgar Latin that later evolved to become known as the Eastern Romance and Western Romance languages. In our talk, we will analyze the Vulgar Latin of the inscriptions of Pannonia Inferior, Pannonia Superior, Dalmatia, Raetia, Noricum and Venetia et Histria (Regio X of Italia), comparing the differences between the provincial capitals and the countryside of the provinces, too, in order to verify the hypothesis of the existence of one or more larger regional dialects of Latin over the Alps–Danube–Adria region of the Roman empire. We will systematically study the changes in the vowel and consonant system, examine the relative distribution of diverse types of non-standard data found in the inscriptions and contrast the linguistic phenomena of an earlier period (1st–3rd c. CE) with a later stage (4th–6th c. CE) of Vulgar Latin. Linguistic data will be taken from the Computerized
43 Historical Linguistic Database of the Latin Inscriptions of the Imperial Age (LLDB) database. As a result of this study, we will hopefully understand more about the transitional areas and the boundaries between Eastern and Western Romance dialects.
Bibliography:
Gonda, A. (2017a) Changes in the consonant system of Pannonia Inferior, Dalmatia and Venetia et Histria. Graeco-Latina Brunensia 22 No. 2, 165–181. Gonda, A. (2017b) The Aquincum–Aquileia–Salona Triangle. Latin language in the Alps– Danube–Adria region of the Roman Empire. ActAntHung 57, 99–123. Herman, J. (1983) Le latin dans les provinces danubiennes de l’Empire romain. Prob‑ lemes et perspectives de la recherche. In: ANRW II, 29, 2, 1089–1106. (=Herman, J. 1990, 164–182.) Herman, J. (1990) Du latin aux langues romanes. Études de linguistique historique. (réun. S. Kiss), Tübingen. Untermann, J. (1980) Alpen—Donau—Adria, In: Die Sprachen im Römischen Reich der Kaiserzeit. Bonner Jahrbücher, Beiheft 40, Köln—Bonn, 45–63. Untermann, J. (1980) Alpen-Donau-Adria, in: G. Neumann,J. Untermann (hrsg.), Die Sprachen im Römischen Reich der Kaiserzeit, Bonner Jahrbücher, Beiheft 40, Köln- Bonn, 45-63.
Greco, Paolo & Ferrari, Valentina Università di Napoli Federico II
Aspetti della subordinazione a verbo non finito nella Vulgata
L’obiettivo principale di questo contributo è quello di fornire una descrizione delle principali forme di subordinazione a verbo non finito che caratterizzano il testo della Vulgata. Ci soffermeremo in particolar modo sulla complementazione a verbo non fini- to in dipendenza da verba dicendi et sentiendi (e dunque, sostanzialmente sull’Accusati‑ vus cum Infinitivo) e sulla subordinazione di tipo participiale. Il corpus selezionato per l’analisi è costituito da ampi estratti dell’Antico Testamento (tutto il Pentateuco) e del Nuovo Testamento (Vangeli e Apocalisse). Nell’analisi della subordinazione infinitivale, si terrà soprattutto conto di una serie di fattori che risultano rilevanti per collocare le caratteristiche d’uso dell’Accusativus cum Infinitivo nel quadro degli usi di questa struttura che si riscontrano in testi latini coevi, precedenti e successivi. In particolar modo, saranno presi in considerazione as- petti come l’ordine delle parole, l’adiacenza dei costituenti fondamentali della struttura infinitivale, e la più generale architettura della relazione sintattica, semantica e prag- matica tra la frase reggente e la subordinata. Per quanto riguarda invece i participi, si proporrà la descrizione di alcuni aspetti degli usi di due tipi subordinativi: i participi congiunti e le strutture assolute. L’anal-
44 isi delle caratteristiche d’uso di queste costruzioni sarà in particolar modo messa in relazione con alcuni fenomeni individuati nel latino cristiano. Si esaminerà il carattere informativo delle strutture come espressione di azioni di sfondo o principali, alla luce dell’uso sempre più esteso dei participi congiunti per veicolare significati centrali nelle sequenze narrative. I dati saranno collegati all’indagine specifica di alcune caratter- istiche che interessano il participio presente, quali l’apertura all’espressione di azioni perfettive e l’uso con funzione di verbo di modo finito. Tenendo presente l’origine com- plessa e diversificata dei singoli fenomeni, si osserverà infine in che modo questi fattori interagiscono nell’organizzazione sintattico-testuale.
Bibliografia:
Adams, James N., 2005. «The accusative + infinitive and dependent quod-/quia- claus‑ es. The evidence of non-literary Latin and Petronius», in: Kiss, Sándor / Mondin, Luca / Salvi, Giampaolo (ed.), Latin et langues romanes. Etudes de linguistique offertes à József Herman, Tübingen, Niemeyer, 195-206. Arias Abellán, C., 1999, Innovaciones sintácticas en el latín cristiano: participio de pre‑ sente en lugar de forma personal del verbo, in Kettemann, R./Petersmann, H., Latin vul‑ gaire-latin tardif V: actes du Ve Colloque international sur le latin vulgaire et tardif, Heidel‑ berg, 5-8 septembre 1997, Heidelberg , Universitätsverlag C. Winter, 195-207. Cuzzolin, Pierluigi, 1994. Sull’origine della costruzione dicere quod: aspetti sintattici e semantici, Firenze, La Nuova Italia. Greco, Paolo, 2016. «Strategie di costruzione dell’Accusativus cum Infinitivo in lati‑ no: l’ordine e la disposizione dei costituenti», Relazione presentata al Congresso DIA IV. Zürich, 12-14 settembre 2016. Herman, József, 1989. «Accusativus cum infinitivo et subordonnées à quod, quia en Latin tardif - Nouvelles remarques sur un vieux problème», in: Calboli, Gualtiero (ed.), Sub‑ ordination and other Topics in Latin, Amsterdam, Benjamins, 133-152. Noonan, Michael, 20072. «Complementation», in: Shopen, Timothy (ed.), Language ty‑ pology and syntactic description. Vol. 2. Complex constructions, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, pp. 42-140.
Grimm-Stadelmann, Isabel Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München
Lateinisch-griechische Wechselwirkungen innerhalb der spät- und postbyzantinischen medizinischen Gebrauchsliteratur
Die byzantinische medizinische Gebrauchsliteratur beinhaltet zahlreiche Textgrup- pen, von der medizintheoretischen Universalenzyklopädie bis hin zu praktisch orien- tierten Rezeptbüchern, den sogenannten Iatrosophia. Lateinisch-griechische Wechsel- wirkungen sind im Rahmen dieser heilkundlichen Fachliteratur vermehrt seit dem
45 12./13. Jhd. zu beobachten, als griechische Ärzte und Medizinstudenten verstärkt die sich nunmehr bietenden Möglichkeiten einer gezielten Vertiefung ihres Fachwissens an den westlichen Universitäten (v.a. Padua, Bologna und Ferrara) in Anspruch nahmen. Auf diese Weise entstand ein lateinisch-griechisches Gelehrtennetzwerk, dessen Aus- wirkungen in der einschlägigen Fachliteratur seinen Niederschlag fand und damit auch dem byzantinischen Iatrosophistentum neue Impulse verlieh. Allerdings sind die in der byzantinischen medizinischen Fachliteratur dokumentierten lateinisch-griechischen Wechselwirkungen in der Forschung noch kaum berücksichtigt worden, weshalb mein Referat nur einen ersten Einblick in die relevanten Texte und damit zusammenhängen- den Forschungsmöglichkeiten bieten kann, quasi als Spitze eines recht umfänglichen Eisberges, dessen Erschließung nur im Rahmen einer interdisziplinären Zusammenar- beit bewältigt werden kann. Insbesondere im Zeitraum zwischen dem 9. und 13. Jhd. finden sich an den byzan- tinischen Krankenhäusern professionelle Fachtexte, die sogenannten Xenonika, welche bislang noch komplett unediert sind.1 Diese Texte enthalten zahlreiche Hinweise auf fachlichen Austausch mit lateinischen Ärzten sowie als speziell ›lateinisch‹ bezeichnete Therapiekonzepte, die auch in sprachlicher Hinsicht von Interesse sind. Mitte des 16. Jhds. entstehen im westlich-humanistischen Umfeld (v.a. an der Universität von Padua) eine Vielzahl lateinischer Übersetzungen byzantinischer medizinischer Fachliteratur, welche über eine reine Wiedergabe des griechischen Textes in lateinischer Übersetzu- ng hinaus mit einer fortwährenden Konkretisierung und Präzisierung der lateinischen Fachterminologie, insbesondere im Bereich der Anatomie, einherging. Wohl die umfänglichste Fundgrube für lateinisch-griechische Wechselwirkungen stellen aber die spät- und postbyzantinischen Rezeptsammlungen, die sogenannten Iatrosophia, dar. Diese sind nicht nur hinsichtlich ihrer Quellendiversität und Kompi- lationstechnik von besonderem Interesse, sondern auch auf lexikographischem Gebi- et, da sie häufig volksheilkundliche Quellen bis hin zu iatromagischen Überlieferun- gen enthalten. Lateinische und frühe italienische Texte erscheinen hier gelegentlich in Form iatromagischer charakteres.2 Charakteristisch für die Iatrosophia ist zudem deren Mischvokabular (Altgriechisch, Neugriechisch, Lateinisch, Italienisch, Türk- isch, bis hin sogar zu russischen Einsprengseln), welches dem Zweck dient, die byzan- tinischen Quellen zeitgemäß zu erschließen und in einfacher Sprache sowie entsprech- end fokussierten Exzerpten einem anwendungsorientierten Benutzerkreis zugänglich zu machen. Eine fachspezifisch-professionelle Weiterentwicklung der Iatrosophia sind die ebenfalls zum größten Teil noch unedierten mehrsprachigen pharmakologischen Glossarien der spät- und postbyzantinischen Zeit,3 welche botanische Specimina paral- lel in alt- und neugriechischen, lateinischen und türkischen Bezeichnungen wiederge- ben, wie beispielsweise das Kräuterlexikon eines Arztes namens Nikolaos Hieropais aus
1 Ein grundlegender Überblick über diese Textgruppe, verbunden mit ersten Analysen bei D. Bennett, Medicine and Pharmacy in Byzantine Hospitals. A study of the extant formularies [Medicine in the Medieval Mediterranean 7] London – New York 2017. 2 Auf dieses Phänomen hat erstmals F. Pradel, Griechische und süditalienische Gebete, Beschwörungen und Rezepte des Mittelalters, Giessen 1907, am Beispiel ausgewählter griechischer Handschriften hingewiesen. 3 Vgl. dazu bereits DuCange, Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae Graecitatis (Lyon 1688) XXII.
46 Agrapha im 17. Jhd., der einen Teil seiner medizinischen Ausbildung in Rom absolviert hatte.
Gulyás Adrienn Károli Gáspár University of the Reformed Church in Hungary
How do new languages arise? What we can learn from romanization and gallicization on the emergence of new languages
The Stammbaum theory of linguistic genesis presumes languages descend from one parent and become different from it due to geographic isolation. Although it originat- ed in the 19th century, a period dominated by the “one nation, one language” ideology, the theory has been holding its ground ever since, influencing generations of linguists in answering the question of how new languages arise. The presentation will compare the romanization of Gaul in the 1st century BC and the gallicization of the island of Martinique during 17th-century French colonial expansion, using criteria set out by Mufwene’s Founding Principle. The Founding Principle determines key ecological fac- tors in the formation of creole vernaculars, such as the founding populations and their proportion to the whole, language varieties spoken, and the nature and evolution of the interactions of the founding populations (also referred to as “colonization styles”). Based on the comparison, it will be claimed that new languages arise when a language undergoes vehicularization and subsequently shifts from one speech community to another. In other words, linguistic genesis would be a complicated case of language contact, where not only one, but several dialects of both superstrate and substrate vari- eties are involved, in a historical context where the identity function of language, or the norm, is overriden by the need to communicate. These are typically situations of social and cultural domination in which the vernacular of the dominant culture is adopted or forced onto the dominated speech community, and it also undergoes vehicularization during the shift. Vehicularization is a key component in the process, because change is initiated both by substrate varieties working as filters in the communicative process and by universal mechanisms operating in communicative emergencies: „[...] the more com- mon or frequent, the more [sic perceptually] salient, more regular, or more transparent alternatives were favored over the less common or frequent, the less salient, the less regular, or the opaque alternatives” (Mufwene 2001: 57). Independently of substrate in- fluence, vehicularization also seems to accelerate change at points in the system where there is variation. Research also indicates that language varieties spoken at the time of the shift did not pertain to normative usage, but to popular varieties, dialects, or both, since the emerging vernaculars preserved some of their particularities. Reconsidering old theories such as the Stammbaum theory might provide interesting, new insights on knowledge linguists already have, and might lead to different answers to fundamental questions of general linguistics.
47 References:
Gulyás Adrienn (2010) Changements de la structure syllabique du latin au créole mart‑ iniquais, Saarbrücken, Éditions Universitaires Européennes, 352p. Hazaël-Massieux, Guy (1983) « En quoi peut-on dire que les créoles à lexique roman sont des langues néo-romanes ? » in: Hommage à Madame Jeuland, Publications de l’Uni‑ versité de Provence, p.73-85. Hazaël-Massieux, Guy (p.m.) (1996) Les Créoles. Problèmes de genèse et description, Aix-en-Provence, Publications de l’Université de Provence, 374p. Herman József (1967) « A nyelvi változás belső és külső tényezőinek kérdéséhez » in: Általános nyelvészeti tanulmányok V., Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó, p.155-168. Manessy, Gabriel (1995) Créoles, pidgins, variétés véhiculaires. Procès et genèse, Paris, CNRS Editions, 277p. Milroy, James (1993) « On the social origins of language change » in: JONES, Charles (éd.), op.cit., p.215-236. Mufwene, Salikoko S. (1986) « Les langues créoles peuvent-elles être définies sans allu‑ sion à leur histoire ? » in: Etudes créoles, vol.9., n°1, p.135-150. Mufwene, Salikoko S. (1996) « The Founder Principle in Creole Genesis » in: Diachron‑ ica, vol.13., no 1., p.83-134. Mufwene, Salikoko S. (2001) The Ecology of Language Evolution, CUP, 255 p.
Halla-aho, Hilla University of Helsinki
Linguistic variation in Latin documents on papyri and tablets
In this paper I study the level of Latin learning in Egypt as evidenced by linguistic variation in Latin documentary texts on papyri and tablets. Linguistic variation refers to any deviations from the standard orthography, morphology, syntax or phraseology. We may assume that those who wrote official documents aimed to do so using as correct language as possible (Bucking 2007: 232 on Greek). Indeed, the linguistic form found in Latin documents corresponds with the classical Latin standard often enough to allow the conclusion that it indeed was considered the preferred form. This fact makes those instances where the standard is not followed a meaningful object of study. In Latin papyri, linguistic variation and the scribes’ influence on this has previously been studied mainly on private letters (Adams 1977, Halla-aho 2003, 2009, 2010, and 2018). The role of the scribe in producing documents is more prominent than it is in letters. In documents, it is reasonable to assume that the scribe was in most instanc- es responsible for the correct wording of each document. The preserved Latin docu- ments are a very heterogeneous group, from highly formal texts required by Roman law (Schulz 1942-3 and Nowak 2015) to various private documents. The study on the Latinity of administrative and other documents has largely focused on the effects and
48 mechanisms of bilingualism (most importantly Adams 2003). Rather than looking at the ways in which the two languages coexist in the documents, the focus of the present paper is on the linguistic form of the Latin texts. The method combines a linguistic approach with philology and papyrology. This means that for any deviation from the standard, several possible motivations are consid- ered and that the context of each document is carefully taken into account. Deviations may be linguistically motivated but they may also be mere lapses in which case they do not testify to the scribe’s linguistic sophistication, or lack of it. The expected result is that in the most formal documents the standard of Latin will be higher, and that most deviations from the standard are found in documents of private nature. However, mere lapses are expected to occur occasionally even in the most formal types of documents. On the whole, this hypothesis will be borne out, but there will also be certain more specific observations to be made in individual (types of) documents.
References:
Adams, J. N. (1977): The Vulgar Latin of the letters of Claudius Terentianus. Manchester. Adams J. N. (2003) Bilingualism and the Latin Language. Cambridge. Bucking, S. (2007) ‘On the training of documentary scribes in Roman, Byzantine and Early Islamic Egypt: A contextualized assessment of the Greek evidence’, ZPE 159: 229-247. Halla-aho, H. 2003. ‘Scribes and the Letters of Claudius Terentianus,’ in H. Solin, M. Leiwo and H. Halla-aho (eds) Latin vulgaire — latin tardif VI. Actes du VIe Colloque inter‑ national sur le latin vulgaire et tardif, Helsinki 29 août — 2 septembre 2000. Hildesheim. 245–252. Halla-aho, H. (2009) The Non-literary Latin Letters. A Study of Their Syntax and Prag‑ matics, Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica. Halla-aho, H. (2010) ‘Linguistic varieties and language level in Latin non-literary let‑ ters’, in T. V. Evans and D. D. Obbink (eds.) The Language of the Papyri, Oxford: Oxford University Press. 171-183. Halla-aho, H. (2018) ‘Scribes in private letter-writing: Linguistic perspectives’, in J. Cromwell and E. Grossman (eds.) Scribal Repertoires in Egypt from the New Kingdom to the Early Islamic Period. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 227-239. Nowak, M. (2015) Wills in the Roman Empire. A Documentary Approach. Warsaw. Schulz, F. (1942-3) ‘Roman registers of birth and birth certificates’, JRS 32: 78-91 and 33: 55-64.
49 Haverling, Gerd Uppsala University
On Subordination in Literary and less Literary Late Latin
Throughout the history of the Latin language there is a certain amount of variation in the use of construction in subordinated clauses: in Classical Latin we normally find a clause with ut or ne after verbs indicating an adhortation such as moneo and hortor (e.g. Cicero and Caesar), but in sometimes we find constructions with the infinitive in- stead (e.g. Sallust); and with verbs of saying we normally have the accusative with the infinitive, but the first example of a construction with quod is found in the Corpus Cae‑ sarianum (Bell. Hisp. 31.1). In later Latin there are indications of differences in style and literary level between different constructions: for instance between quod and quia and the accusative with the infinitive with verbs of saying and between an and utrum on the one hand and si on the other in indirect questions (cf. e.g. Haverling 2014). In Late Latin several old conjunctions tend to disappear: with nullum dubium est or non dubito we often find the accusative with the infinitive (e.g. Greg. Tur. Hist. 3.31) or quod (e.g. Firm. Math. 1.5.9) rather than the classical use of quin; and ne is often replaced by ut non in the late Latin of for instance Gregory of Tours (e.g. Greg. Tur. Hist. 2.27). Sometimes the survival of a word is connected to register: for instance neue, which is common in classical Latin prose, tends to disappear in late Latin prose, but remains in use in late Latin poetry (e.g. Iuuencus and Claudianus). In this paper I intend to discuss this kind of variation in literary as well as less lit- erary Late Latin. I will focus on a limited number of constructions, such as those with dubito etc., with the verbs of fearing, with the verbs indicating command or adhortation and indirect questions. I shall also take into account whether there is a difference in the variation between argument clauses and satellite clauses.
Bibliography (very short selection):
Adams, James N., (2013), Social Variation and the Latin Language, (Cambridge Univer‑ sity Press), Cambridge. —, (2016), An Anthology of Informal Latin 200 BC–AD 900. Fifty texts with translation and linguistic commentary, (Cambridge University Press), Cambridge. Bodelot, Colette, (2000), Espaces fonctionnels de la subordination complétive en latin. Étude morpho-syntaxique et sémantico-énonciative, (Bibliothèque d’études classiques 18, Èditions Peeters), Louvain & Paris. Cuzzolin, Pierluigi, (1994), Sull’origine della costruzione DICERE QUOD: aspetti sin‑ tattici e semantici, (La Nuova Italia Editrice), Firenze. Haverling, Gerd V. M., (2014), ‘Il latino letterario della tarda antichità’, Latin vulgaire – Latin tardif X, Actes du Xe colloque international sur le latin vulgaire et tardif, Bergamo 5–9 septembre 2012, ed. by Piera Molinelli, Pierluigi Cuzzolin et Chiara Fedriani, (Bergamo University Press), Bergamo 2014, pp. 845–872.
50 Pinkster Harm, (2015), The Oxford Latin Syntax. Volume 1: The Simple Clause, (Oxford University Press), Oxford.
Hoffmann, Roland Mainz, Germany
On word order in the Vulgate 3: Discontinuities in the order of Noun and Modifier
In observing word order in the Vulgate one sometimes finds discontinuous instanc- es with the noun phrase. In this part of Latin word order of the Vulgate one must also start with the conditions in the Hebrew original and with a comparison to the former translations, namely the Septuagint and the Old Latin versions. In Biblical Hebrew it appears quite rare, if not completely impossible, because nominal case marking is rath- er reduced. Therefore it is to be expected that discontinuities also do not occur often in the literal translations of the Septuagint and the Vetus Latina. With this expectation, we look at Jeremy’s Vulgate, asking why he uses this special strategy of word order of the noun phrase and whether an answer can lead to results beyond the stereotype “with emphasis”. In languages with a syntactic free word order like Classical Latin, discontinuities are a pragmatic means to emphasize one of the two elements, mostly the preceding one. This is especially the case, if the modifier is the pragmatic focus, the most important part in the information structure. Restricting ourselves first to narrative prose within the books of Genesis and Exo- dus, we will later also look for discontinuous instances in poetic texts of the Psalms, distinguishing between the two versions G and H. We will look at which material can be found between noun and modifier and decipher how many words are in the most extreme case between these two parts of the noun phrase. We also have to ask whether the different forms of discontinuities have a meaning, that is to say: if discontinuities with two and more words between them have a greater focus than those with only one word and how one can measure this degree. Secondly, the question is interesting which element, either the noun or the modifier, is emphasized. Thirdly, it is important to observe which category the modifier belongs to. Fourthly and lastly, a pragmatic analysis can show whether the preceding element is always the focus phrase or whether it can also be the topic phrase. Therefore, it is also interesting to see if special modifiers can be used in discontinuous noun phrases with- out a focus function. Since this has to do with individual stylistic aspects of Jeremy’s language, this investigation is not only revealing for the Latin of the late 4th century, but also for the translation practice shown by this famous Late Latin translator.
51 References:
Hoffmann, Roland (forthc.). ‘On word order in the Vulgate 2: The order of the noun phase’. Latin vulgaire – latin tardif XII, Uppsala, August 22nd to 26th 2016. Muraoka, Takamitsu (1985). Emphatic words and structures in Biblical Hebrew. Jerusa‑ lem: Magnes Press. Muraoka, Takamitsu (2016). A grammar of Septuagint Greek. Leuven: Peeters. Spevak, Olga (2010). Constituent Order in Classical Latin Prose. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Stephens, Laurence D. & Devine, A.M. (2000). Discontinuous syntax: Hyperbaton in Greek. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Horváthy Sára Université Eötvös Loránd, Budapest
Thème et variations. Réflexions stylistiques sur l’Itinéraire d’Égérie
L’Itinéraire d’Égérie est un texte fondamental pour l’étude du latin tardif. Au Moy- en-Âge, la description de la Terre Sainte faite par Égérie jouissait d’un grand succès auprès des théologiens érudits, qui s’intéressaient avant tout au contenu ; aujourd’hui, le linguiste feuillette son « journal-épître » (suivant l’appellation de V.Väänänen) par intérêt scientifique. Même tronqué (il manque effectivement le début et la fin), le témoi- gnage de cette patricienne chrétienne est une source quasi-inépuisable de réflexion pour le linguiste, et cela en de nombreuses perspectives: syntaxique, lexicologique, sty- listique, narrative. En effet, Égérie fut une touriste un peu particulière: depuis le nord de l’Espagne ou le sud de la France, elle se rendit en Palestine vers 380 de notre ère avec une visée reli- gieuse, et c’est Bible en main qu’elle explora les lieux saints. Les lettres envoyées à celles qu’Égérie nomme ses « sœurs » (de sang ou de foi ?) ont été regroupées sous l’appella- tion « Peregrinatio Egeriae » ou « Itinerarium Aetheriae ». Par-delà les précieuses in- formations sur la vie monacale des débuts de la chrétienté, ce qui est particulièrement intéressant pour nous, c’est la langue qu’Égérie emploie pour décrire son voyage et pour faire part de ses impressions. D’ailleurs, quelle est la place de la narratrice dans ce récit dont elle est un témoin de premier plan ? Comment la description du calendrier litur- gique est-elle structurée ? Après une présentation de la première partie de l’Itinéraire, nous nous intéresserons à la structure narrative de l’ouvrage: en effet, la description des journées, festives et ordinaires, est donnée avec de nombreux détails, et le lecteur est de suite surpris par la répétition des termes, comme si la régularité des expressions reflétait mimétiquement celle des offices. Malgré tout, on dénote de discrètes varia- tions dans l’ordre des mots, comme dans une œuvre musicale bien composée. Cette ap- proche, s’appuyant sur la technique variationnelle, permet une réflexion sur la syntaxe (notamment sur l’usage des conjonctions et des pronoms) du latin tardif. Enfin, à partir
52 du texte, nous donnerons quelques exemples grammaticaux et lexicologiques typiques de la langue du 4ème siècle. Ce sont là trois parties qui visent à démontrer que l’Itinéraire peut être abordé sous de nombreux angles d’études, et que le récit d’Égérie, cette mystérieuse pèlerine des premiers temps du christianisme, regorge de richesses linguistiques à exploiter.
Bibliographie indicative:
J. Herman: Du latin aux langues romanes II. Max Niemeyer (Tübingen, 2006) E. Löfstedt: Philologischer Kommentar zur Peregrinatio Aetheriae (Uppsala, 1911) L. Spitzer: “The Epic Style of the Pilgrim Aetheria”, in: L. Spitzer: Romanische Literatur‑ studien (Tübingen, 1959), 871-912 V. Väänänen: Le Journal-Épître d’Égérie (Itinerarium Egeriae): Étude linguistique. An‑ nales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae, Ser. B, 230. (Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakate‑ mia, 1987) V. Väänänen: Introduction au latin vulgaire. Klincksieck, Bibliothèque française et ro‑ mane (Paris, 1967)
Jekl Ágnes Università degli Studi Eötvös Loránd, Budapest
I prefissi verbali dal latino all’italiano: problemi di classificazione su base etimologica. Il prefisso ad-
Questo contributo fa parte di una mia ricerca sulla prefissazione verbale nel latino classico e nell’italiano, più specificamente sul cambio di funzione dei prefissi ad- ed ex- nel passaggio dal latino all’italiano. Tratterò della costituzione del corpus da analizzare e della sua organizzazione. Nella presentazione userò il corpus dei verbi prefissati con ad- perché il raggruppamento per questi verbi è già stato terminato. Per facilitare la futura analisi dei verbi prefissati ho raggruppato i verbi in gruppi etimologici. I criteri principali per il raggruppamento sono stati I, la tipologia della dis- cendenza (diretta o indiretta) II, il metodo della derivazione nel caso dei verbi derivati a, tramite cambio di prefisso, b, da verbi denominali, c, tramite l’incrocio di più verbi. Il carattere particolare di questi metodi dal punto di vista dell’analizzabilità del rapporto semantico tra il prefisso e il verbo sarà trattato in dettagli durante la mia presentazione. In base alla discendenza possiamo dividere i verbi prefissati in quattro grandi gruppi etimologici: a, verbi derivati dal latino classico, ricostruiti per il latino volgare o attes- tati nel latino tardo, b, prestiti – verbi di origine latina dotta e verbi mutuati da altre lingue, c, verbi creati tramite una delle tipologie elencate sotto il criterio principale II e infine d, creazioni italiane.
53 La collocazione dei verbi è molto importante per la loro analisi futura in quanto ab- biamo aspettative diverse nei confronti di verbi di origine diversa (per quanto riguarda l’analizzabilità del rapporto semantico tra il prefisso e il verbo). La collocazione però non è sempre facile – soprattutto nel caso in cui la fonetica dei dati verbi non è di aiuto. I problemi affrontati sono di vario tipo, per es. 1, se un verbo deve essere interpretato come verbo ricostruito per il latino volgare oppure come creazione italiana, 2 se un verbo derivato dal latino tardo deve essere considerato di discendenza diretta oppure come prestito, 3, nel caso in cui l’etimologia di un dato verbo sia ‘doppia’, quale scegliere – per es. derivato dal latino mediavale oppure creazione italiana, ecc. L’interferenza tra i diversi periodi e strati del latino rende così necessario stabilire alcuni criteri in base ai quali collocare un dato verbo in un gruppo e non nell’altro. Tramite campioni scelti cercherò di presentare i fattori che sono risultati decisivi per la classificazione dei verbi problematici. Nella conclusione vorrei inoltre richiamare l’attenzione su alcuni paral- lelismi tra il gruppo dei verbi ricostruiti per il latino volgare e quello dei verbi italiani.
Joffre, Marie-Dominique Université de Poitiers – FoReLL
La distribution et la signification de is,ille et ipse dans les textes latins chrétiens. Concordance et discordance avec la norme « classique ». (Césaire d’Arles, Grégoire Le Grand et auteurs anonymes de vies de Saints)
Si l’on compare les données chiffrées de l’emploi de is, ille et ipse dans les textes « classiques » (il vaudrait mieux dire « d’une époque où la même langue était utilisée aussi bien à l’écrit qu’à l’oral ») à celles des textes des VIe et VIIe siècles, on constate une stabilité surprenante. Contrairement à ce que les systèmes des langues romanes pour- raient laisser attendre, is est loin d’avoir disparu. C’est le cas également pour hic (dont on ne parlera pas) et pour le relatif de liaison. Is « résiste » donc bien face à ille ou ipse. Cette communication a pour objet de montrer que face à is, anaphorique dépourvu d’une signification forte, ille et ipse répondent à une intention particulière du locuteur: ces deux déictiques conservent les caractéristiques propres qu’ils manifestaient en latin « classique »: ille est l’indice d’une innovation, d’un contraste, voire d’une rupture, ipse celui d’une focalisation sur une notion que l’on extrait d’un ensemble pour la mettre en valeur. Cette analyse permet de comprendre pourquoi ce sont ces deux formes qui ont empiété sur le domaine de is. Le point de départ de cette expansion réside dans le souci du locuteur d’attirer l’attention des co-énonciateurs sur ce qu’il dit. On insistera ensuite sur les exigences stylistiques dictées par le genre littéraire lui- même et qui conduisent, dès les auteurs classiques, à des disparités très nettes dans la répartition des déictiques et anaphoriques. Chez les auteurs chrétiens, la conformité
54 à la norme « classique » est avant tout d’ordre générique et reproduit alors les mêmes différences. Se pose enfin la question de la réception de ces œuvres à une époque où, à l’oral, le latin a laissé la place à des idiomes romans. Qui étaient ces lecteurs/auditeurs ? Bénéfi- ciaient-ils d’une connaissance scolaire du latin, suffisante pour fréquenter ces textes ? L’écart entre le latin et les parlers spontanés était-il malgré tout suffisamment réduit pour permettre aux ouailles de comprendre, ne serait-ce qu’approximativement, ce que les clercs leur enseignaient ?
Bibliographie:
Bertocchi, Alessandra, 1994, Occurrences of is as a grammaticalization of the speaker , Papers of grammar IV, G. Calboli ed., CLUEB, Bologna: 1-27. Calboli, Gualtiero 1990 « Les pronoms démonstratifs latins et la formation de l’article roman », Revue de philologie, 64,: 71-88. Fruyt, Michèle 2010, « L’emploi de is, hic, iste, ille, ipse en latin archaïque et classique », Revue des Etudes Latines, 87, Paris: 44-75. Joffre, Marie-Dominique, 2007, «Ipse, anaphore et deixis », Ordre et cohérence en latin (communications présentées au 13° colloque de linguistique latine), Bibliothèque de la Fac‑ ulté de Philosophie et Lettres de l’Université de Liège, fasc.CCXCIII, Droz, Genève: 97-110. -- 2009, « Ille: réflexions sur ses emplois dans l’Eunuque de Térence et le livre XLII de Tite-Live », Revista de estudios latinos, 9, Madrid: 15-34. Kroon, Caroline 2009, « Text structure and referential choice in narrative. The anaphor‑ ic use of the Latin demonstrative ille”, Belgian Journal of Linguistics, 23: 115-131. Pieroni, Silvia 2007 « Dimonstrativi e ego fissile », Morfosintassi latina . Punti di vista, N. La Fauci, S. Pieroni (eds.), Edizioni ETS, Pise: 9-25. Pinkster, Harm 1987, Lateinische syntax und semantik, Francke Verlag, Tübingen.
Kiss Sándor Université de Debrecen
La transition latino-romane: problèmes de la reconstruction
La reconstruction du proto-roman représente d’emblée un problème double. D’une part, on peut partir des langues romanes, dont la comparaison historique aboutira, selon les méthodes classiques, à une langue hypothétique ; l’application des méthodes classiques comportera alors les lacunes classiques: le manque d’information concer- nant la situation chronologique du matériel reconstruit (*parlare est-il contemporain de *fabulare ?) et l’absence de stratification sociolinguistique (à un moment donné, formosus, dans le sens de ‘beau’, est-il plus élégant que bellus, dans le même sens ?). D’autre part, on pourrait chercher à voir, toujours avec les méthodes classiques, dans quelle mesure on peut faire foi à la documentation latine tardive (« latin vulgaire »
55 postclassique et « bas latin »), et dans quelle mesure celle-ci permet de compléter ce qui manque forcément aux résultats de la première approche. Le clivage « oral / écrit » paraîtra ici presque insurmontable dans certains domaines (l’évolution de l’ordre des termes de la phrase, par exemple). Ce que l’on ne trouve dans aucune de ces deux ap- proches, c’est la mise en regard des évolutions phonologiques et morpho-syntaxiques, qui se conditionnent pourtant mutuellement, sans que le mécanisme de ce conditionne- ment soit connu avec précision. Dans l’état actuel de la recherche, il semble que ce que l’on doit reconstruire, ce ne sont pas d’abord l’inventaire des phonèmes, les formes grammaticales et les vocables, mais les tendances de l’évolution et les rapports qui les relient, ainsi que les « interfac- es » phonologie / grammaire et grammaire / lexique. Dans ce cadre, il serait intéressant de voir, par exemple, le poids relatif des facteurs qui sont à la source de la disparition de la déclinaison (défauts inhérents au système, double emploi avec les prépositions, changements phonétiques) ou le fonctionnement précis de l’analogie dans la transfor- mation de la morphologie verbale. Les concepts de « structure synthétique » et de « structure analytique » mériteraient un examen plus approfondi, notamment en rapport avec les tendances qui visent l’explicitation des liens à l’intérieur du syntagme et de la phrase. Au bout de telles investigations, il ne serait pas impossible de reconstruire des coupes synchroniques en préroman, avec plus de précision, que l’on ne l’a fait jusqu’ici.
Références:
Hall, R. A. Jr., Proto-Romance Morphology. Amsterdam–Philadelphia, 1983. Herman, J., Du latin aux langues romanes I-II. Tübingen, 1990, 2006. Wright, R., A Sociophilological Study of Late Latin. Turnhout, 2002.
Korkiakangas, Timo University of Oslo
Network visualization as a linguistic tool: detecting language use patterns in an early medieval documentary network
My presentation will explore whether and how network visualization techniques can benefit philological and historical-linguistic research on early medieval Latin. This will be implemented by visualizing variables which measure Latin document writers’ language competences. The scope is both methodological and practical: the proposed methodological choices are illustrated by applying them to a real data set, the Late Latin Charter Treebank (LLCT2, version 2), which contains c. 480,000 words written in Tus- cany in AD 714–897. The corpus-linguistically extracted variables represent different domains of language competence of the scribes who learnt written Latin practically as a second-language by that time (Korkiakangas 2017, Korkiakangas & Lassila [submitted]).
56 The main means of visualization will be the gradient colour palette in Gephi, a wide- ly used open-source network analysis and visualization software package. The study will not deal with linguistic networks which are directly induced or synthesized from a linguistic data set and represent abstract relations between linguistic units (Araújo & Banisch 2016). Instead, the externally defined linguistic variables will be visualized as attributes of the nodes in the trimodal “social” network which consists of the docu- ments, persons, and places that underlie the LLCT2 treebank (cf. Bergs 2005). The linguistic features which will be visualized reflect the language change that took place in late Latin. At least four variables will be discussed: (1) Spelling correctness is a rough measure of a scribe’s learnt language skills, and reflects orthographical conven- tions as well as phonological, morphological, and even syntactic change. The spelling correctness variable is obtained by comparing each word form attested in LLCT2 with its normalized, Classical Latin form (Korkiakangas 2017). (2) Certain classical prepositions were challenged by new formations, such as da, foras, inante (Adams 2013, 582–593). The classical preposition variable measures the share of classical prepositions in all the prepositions of each document. (3) The Latin genitive case was gradually replaced by the prepositional construction with de (Valentini 2017). The decline of the genitive case is attested as the disappearance/functional confusion of the genitive plural morpholo- gy in late non-literary texts (e.g. Sornicola 2012, 59). The genitive plural variable indi- cates the share of the genitive plural forms in all the words of each document. (4) The /ae/ (< /ai/) diphthong had been monophthongized to open /ε/ by the early 1st century AD (Adams 2013, 71–80). Yet, the
Bibliography:
Adams, J.N. 2013. Social variation and the Latin language. CUP: Cambridge. Araújo, T. & Banisch, S. 2016. Multidimensional Analysis of Linguistic Networks, in Mehler, A., Lücking, A., Banisch, S., Blanchard, P. & Job, B. (eds) Towards a Theoreti‑ cal Framework for Analyzing Complex Linguistic Networks. Springer: Berlin, Heidelberg, 107–131. Bergs, A. 2005. Social Networks and Historical Sociolinguistics: Studies in Morphosyn‑ tactic Variation in the Paston Letters. Gruyter: Berlin.
57 Korkiakangas, T. 2017. Spelling Variation in Historical Text Corpora: The Case of Ear‑ ly Medieval Documentary Latin, in Digital Scholarship in the Humanities. https://doi. org/10.1093/llc/fqx061 Korkiakangas, T. & Lassila, M. Visualizing linguistic variation in a network of Latin documents and scribes. Manuscript submitted to Journal of Data Mining and Digital Hu‑ manities. Sornicola, R. 2012. Bilinguismo e diglossia dei territori bizantini e longobardi del Mez‑ zogiorno: le testimonianze dei documenti del IX e X secolo, in Quaderni dell’Accademia Pontaniana 59, 1–102. Valentini, C. 2017. L’evoluzione della codifica del genitivo dal tipo sintetico al tipo analit‑ ico nelle carte del Codice diplomatico longobardo. Tesi di dottorato, Università degli Studi di Firenze.
Lee, Jesse James Independent scholar, USA
How French Monks Instructed Spanish Monks to Pronounce e
The medieval legal documents originating from two monasteries located in the province of León, Spain, share an abundance of French accentuation on the same Lat- in words and on the same proper nouns. However, they do not share the same French accent. In the 10th century, the documents from the Monastery of Sahagún begin to reveal an acute accent penned on words such as écclesié and Andreé. Contrariwise, in the 9th century, those from the Cathedral of León begin to show the grave accent on the exact same words such as ècclesiè and Andreè, until in the 12th century when they are replaced by the acute accent, thus matching those of Sahagún. French accentuation begins to notably disappear from both corpora in the 13th century, at which time the acute accent stressing all tonic vowels emerges, such as in dél, serán, assí, mandó, and Núnnez. This last change comes as no surprise, as it signals the unveiling of the written norm of then Ibero-Romance, previewing the diacritical system which survives mod- ern Spanish. By the same token, the grave accent, and the acute accent exclusively on e, form part of a diacritical system that survives modern French. This phenomenon un- questionably points to the instruction of French scribes on the pronunciation of certain words and potentially links to the well-documented Cluniac reforms in Spain in the 11th century, as discussed by historians and by scholars such as R. Wright (2002, 2013). Two questions remain, however. Why would the same words be pronounced one way in León but in a different way in Sahagún—located 58 kilometers away? Or were they even pronounced differently? Also, why do these marks begin to appear well before the Cluniacs are known to be present in the region? This preliminary study provides find- ings that, when presented in their historical context, may shed light on the situation.
58 Bibliography:
Wright, Roger. “How Scribes Wrote Ibero-Romance Before Written Romance was In‑ vented,” Scribes as Agents of Language Change, edited by Esther-Miriam Wagner, Ben Outh‑ waite, and Bettina Beinhoff, vol. 10, Mouton De Gruyter, 2013, pp. 71-83. Wright, Roger. A Sociophilological Study of Late Latin. Utrecht Studies in Medieval Lit‑ eracy, edited by Marco Mostert, vol. 10, Brepols Publishers, 2002. Colección diplomática del Monasterio de Sahagún (857-1300). José Ma. Fernández Catón (fundador y director de colección), José A. Fernández Flórez, Marta Herrero de la Fuen‑ te, José Ma. Mínguez Fernández. Caja España de Inversiones, Archivo Histórico Diocesa‑ no, León, 1999. CD ROM. Colección documental del Archivo de la Catedral de León (775-1230). José Ma. Fernández Catón (fundador y director de colección). Caja España de Inversiones, Archivo Históri‑ co Diocesano, León, 1991. CD ROM.
Longrée, Dominique see under Dalbera, Joseph & Fialon, Sabine & Longrée, Dominique
Mari, Tommaso Otto-Friedrich-Universität Bamberg
The grammarian Consentius on errors concerning the accent
The grammarian Consentius probably lived in Gaul in the fifth century. His De bar‑ barismis et metaplasmis, a work on the traditional topic of the vitia et virtutes orationis, is an extraordinary source of evidence for Vulgar Latin: unlike most grammarians, who took their examples of barbarisms (i.e. errors in single words) from literature, Consen- tius made a point of illustrating errors that occurred in everyday language. In the Roman grammatical tradition, errors are said to arise in single words by means of the improper addition, removal, replacement, and misplacement of one of the constitutive elements of the language (letter, syllable, quantity, accent, and aspiration). Late grammarians implicitly assume that accents can be added, removed, replaced, and misplaced, just like any other elements, but only Consentius provides an example for each of these cases. However, his treatment of this topic poses a number of problems. While the example of adiectio accentus, i.e. triginta with an acute accent on the first syllable, may arguably be grounded in speech, the examples of detractio, immutatio, and transmutatio accentus all concern the word orator and are most puzzling: the de‑ tractio accentus allegedly produces ôrator with a circumflex accent on the first syllable; the immutatio accentus produces órator with an acute accent on the first syllable; the
59 transmutatio accentus produces again ôrator with a circumflex accent on the first sylla- ble. The mention of the circumflex accent is not entirely surprising, given that this was included in the Latin grammarians’ theory of accent, but its collocation on the antepen- ultimate syllable is unparalleled. In this paper, I shall argue that the three examples concerning the word orator were made up by Consentius for the sake of completeness and have no bearing on our understanding of Vulgar Latin. On the contrary, tríginta with retraction of the accent must be genuine and can help us understand the development of the Romance continu- ations of Latin triginta (e.g. Italian trenta, French trente, Spanish treinta, etc.) and other numerals denoting multiples of ten (viginti, quadraginta, etc.).
References:
Abbott, K.M. ‘The Grammarians and the Latin Accent’, in Classical Studies in Honor of William Abbott Oldfather (Urbana 1943), 1-19. Kohlstedt, H. Das Römanische in den Artes des Consentius (Erlangen 1917). Lausberg, H. Romanische Sprachwissenschaft (Berlin 1956-1962). Mancini, M. ‘Agostino, i grammatici e il vocalismo del latino d’Africa’, Italian Journal of Linguistics/Rivista di linguistica 13 (2001), 309-38.
Magni, Elisabetta see under Gianollo, Chiara & Magni, Elisabetta
Martín Puente, Cristina Universidad Complutense de Madrid
“Quarta tentatio quae et ad praesidentes et ad subditos pertinet. Participios sustantivados en latín tardío”
Aunque se dice que la sustantivación de participios es menos frecuente en latín que en lenguas como el griego clásico o el español y los diccionario y gramáticas recogen muy pocos ejemplos, en latín tardío este fenómeno se hace más frecuente. Por ello con- viene estudiar de una forma más profunda y sistemática las condiciones que propician este tipo de lexicalización, los campos léxicos a los que afecta, la morfología (si es más frecuente en singular o plural; en masculino, femenino o neutro; si en participios de presente, de perfecto o de futuro...), la sintaxis, la relación con la nominalización del adjetivo, etc. Algunos participios de presente que se sustantivan son praesidens, servi‑ ens, residens, habitans, etc. Entre los participios de perfecto está subditus, intrata, etc.
60 Bibliografía:
Adams, J.N. (1973), “The Substantival Present Participle in Latin”, Glotta 51, 116-136. Chomsky, N. (1970), “Remarks on Nominalization”, in Jacobs, R. A. - Rosenbaum, P. S. (eds.), Readings in English Transformational Grammar, Boston, 184-221. Fruyt, M. (1992), “Le paradigme verbal: un ensemble flou”, in C. Moussy & S. Mellet (eds.), La validité des catégories attachées au verbe, Paris pp. 21-36. Fruyt, M. (2009), “La creación léxica: consideraciones generales y su aplicación a la lengua latina”, Estudios Clásicos 136, 7-54. Laurent, R. (1999), Past Participles from Latin to Romance, Berkeley/Los Angeles/Lon‑ dres. Lorenzo, J. (1998), “El participio de presente latino: auge y ocaso de una forma ver‑ bal”, CFC (lat) 15, 37-58. Nikitina, T. (2008), The mixing of syntactic properties and language change. Thèse de doctorat. Stanford University. Nikitina, T. & Haug, D. T. T. (2016), “Syntactic nominalization in Latin: A case of non-ca‑ nonical subject agreement”, Transactions of the Philological Society 114(1), 25-50. Riquelme Otálora, J. (1992), “Estudio léxico-sintáctico de la sustantivación del participio en el libro I de los Annales de Tácito (I)”, Excerpta philologica 2, 287-318. Riquelme Otálora, J. (1993), “Estudio léxico-sintáctico de la sustantivación del participio en el libro I de los Annales de Tácito (II)”, Excerpta philologica 3, 401-428.
Mikulová, Jana Universidad de Masaryk, Brno
Introducción de la oración directa en el latín tardío
La comunicación se enfocará en los verbos de habla utilizados para introducir la oración directa en el latín tardío y el cambio de uso ocurrido desde los tiempos del latín clásico. En concreto, se analizará el uso de las formas verbales dixit, dicens, ait, inquit, que en mi anterior análisis (Mikulová 2015) fueron reconocidas como las que más se utilizaron en los textos tardíos seleccionados. Se demostrará que en los textos tardíos hay mayor variedad de términos introductores, mientras que en los clásicos prevalece el verbo inquit. Se examinará la frecuencia de uso de las formas verbales poniendo én- fasis en los recursos nuevos que en el latín clásico apenas se utilizaban o tenían una función diferente. Entre ellos, destaca el verbo ait y el participio dicens, cuyo uso cre- ció considerablemente en la época tardía (véase Gayno 2015, Fruyt 2011, Sznajder 2015, Mikulová 2017). La selección de los ejemplos analizados se basará en el concepto de discurso directo propuesto por Vandelanotte (2009), Güldemann (2008) y Rosén (2013). La evolución de los términos introductores será considerada desde la perspectiva de la gramaticalización (p. ej. Deutscher 2011).
61 Bibliografía:
Deutscher, Guy. 2011. The grammaticalization of quotatives. In Heiko Narrog and Ber‑ nd Heine, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Grammaticalization. New York: Oxford Universi‑ ty Press, p. 646–655. ISBN 9780199586783. Fruyt, Michèle. 2011. Grammaticalization in Latin. In Philip Baldi and Pierluigi Cuz‑ zolin, eds. New Perspectives on Historical Latin Syntax. Vol. 4: Complex Sentences, Gram‑ maticalization, Typology. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, p. 661–864. ISBN 978-3-11-025341-2. Gayno, Maryse. 2015. Les modalités dʼinsertion du discour direct en latin tardif: bornage et redondance. Revue de Linguistique Latine du Centre Alfred Ernout De Lingua Latina, 11. Paris: Centre Alfred Ernout. ISSN 1760-6322. Available from
Molinelli, Piera Università degli studi di Bergamo
Mutamenti pragmatici dall’alto e dal basso in latino tardo
La distinzione proposta da Labov tra cambiamenti linguistici dall’alto e dal basso è al centro di questa riflessione. Com’è noto, secondo Labov (1972, 178–80) la distinzione riguarda la consapevolezza che i parlanti hanno di un mutamento: “change from be- low, i.e., change from below conscious awareness, and change from above, i.e., change brought about consciously. Change from below is systematic, unconscious change, whereas change from above is sporadic, conscious, and involves issues of prestige.” La domanda di fondo di questo lavoro è se si possano riconoscere questi due livelli in alcuni mutamenti - essenzialmente pragmatici - nel latino tardo. L’ipotesi è che pos- sano essere considerati mutamenti dall’alto quelli che riguardano lo sviluppo di forme di cortesia mentre cambiamenti dal basso quelli che si originano in strategie discorsive
62 e danno luogo a segnali funzionali di tipo discorsivo o interazionale o ad innovazioni a vari livelli. Lo sviluppo di allocutivi (nominali e pronominali) che esprimono cortesia richiede infatti un alto livello di consapevolezza del parlante/scrivente in merito alle caratter- istiche sociali proprie e dell’interlocutore. Documenti dei primi secoli come lettere dei Papi e delle gerarchie cristiane mostrano i segni di un mutamento socioculturale che si traduce nell’utilizzo di nuove definizioni del sé e, di riflesso, di nuovi allocutivi (Moli- nelli, in stampa). Un esempio illuminante è tratto dal rapporto di Anulino, proconsole d’Africa, invia- to ad inizio IV secolo all’imperatore Costantino e riportato da Agostino: (1) Aug. epist. 88, 2 … quo cuncta maiestas uestra possit dinoscere, paruitas mea di- rigere curauit. “affinché la vostra maestà potesse esaminare tutti i fatti, la mia piccolezza ha procu- rato di spedire…” Questo passo mostra chiaramente come chi scrive sia ben consapevole della gerar- chia quando usa la contrapposizione maiestas / parvitas e l’aggettivo plurale vestra. Al contrario, l’uso linguistico quotidiano, dal basso, mostra come alcune esigenze pragmatiche ricorrenti favoriscano l’emergere di elementi funzionali che possono inci- dere in diversa misura anche ad altri livelli del sistema. Esemplificheremo questi muta- menti dal basso con la formazione di segnali pragmatici e con le espressioni di piccola quantità usate con valenza espressiva che poi diventeranno marche di negazione (mi‑ cam, guttam), mostrando come queste forme siano di uso comune nella latinità tarda: (2) Aug. Serm. 102, 17 pauper enim ille perueniebat ad micam: ille uero non perue- niebat ad guttam “Il povero infatti otteneva qualche briciola, l’altro invece non otteneva una goccia d’acqua.” Questa riflessione si basa su un’indagine, di tipo qualitativo, che si avvale di esempi tratti da corpora di latino tardo.
Bibliografia:
Labov, W. 1972. Sociolinguistic Patterns. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Molinelli, P. Forthc. Sociocultural and linguistic constraints in address choice from Latin to Italian. In Beeching, Kate & Ghezzi, Chiara & Molinelli, Piera (eds.), Positioning the self and others: Social indexicality and identity construction. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
63 Moretti, Paola Francesca Università degli Studi di Milano
Orality in the Gesta concilii Aquileiensis
The concilium Aquileiense was summoned in 381 AD to try the homeousian bishops Palladius of Ratiaria and Secondianus of Singidunum. The concilium is remarkable for featuring Ambrose of Milan as a speaker on behalf of the Catholic party. The quite short text of the gesta results from the stenographic record of the speeches held by bishops, and therefore is worth accurate linguistic investigation. In my paper, firslty I will dwell briefly on another text – the Collatio gestorum Car‑ thaginiensium, a bishops’ conference held in Carthage, 411 AD, featuring Augustine –, which allows to elucidate in detail the whole writing process from which this kind of texts stem. Secondly, I will take into consideration the Gesta concilii Aquileiensis as exact re- cords of dialogues, despite their presumable formularity and the revision they expect- edly underwent. The investigation of – both universal and historical – traits of ‘spoken Latin’ surfacing in them will enhance the view that they reflect to the utmost degree the actually delivered speeches.
Select bibliography:
Adams, J.N. 2013. Social Variation and the Latin Language (Cambridge). Banterle, G. 1988. Sant’Ambrogio, Lettere. Lettere fuori collezione. Avvenimenti del concilio di Aquileia (Milano - Roma). Callebat, L. (ed.) 1998. Latin vulgaire - latin tardif IV (Zürich - New York - Hildesheim). Hagendahl, H. 1971. Die Bedeutung der Stenographie für die spätlateinische christliche Literatur, JbAC, 14, 24-38. Koch, P. 1998. Une langue comme toutes les autres: latin vulgaire et traites universels de l’oral, in: Callebat (ed.) 1998, 76-85. Lancel, S. 1972. Actes de la conférence de Carthage en 411, 1: Introduction général (Paris). Lancel, S. 1974. Gesta Conlationis Carthaginiensis anno 411 (Turnholti). Moretti, P.F. 2017. The Verb Phrase Auxiliary+Infinitive: Evidence of Orality in the Epis‑ tolary Genre?, in: García Leal, A., Prieto Entrialgo, C.E. (eds.) Latin vulgaire - latin tardif XI (Hildesheim), 490-505. Österreicher, W. 1998. L’oral dans l’écrit. Essai d’une typologie a partir des sources du latin vulgaire, in: Callebat (ed.) 1998, 145-157. Teitler, H.C. 1985. Notarii and Exceptores: an Inquiry into Role and Significance of Short‑ hand Writers in the Imperial and Ecclesiastical Bureaucracy of the Roman Empire (from the Early Principate to c. 450 A.D.) (Amsterdam).
64 Müller, Roman Universität Heidelberg
Color dicendi – Zwischen Rhetorik, Stil und Varietäten
Das Lateinische kennt ein breites Inventar an Kennzeichnungen verschiedener Va- rietäten und Stilebenen. Vor allem Cicero, aber auch Quintilian und Varro haben das Bezeichnungsinventar geprägt und ausgebaut. Teilweise folgen sie dabei der griech- ischen Rhetorik, die die terminologische Ausgangslage für das lateinische System bildet. Zusätzlich bildet das Lateinische vielfältige Varietätenkennzeichnungen aus wie urba‑ nitas, rusticitas oder consuetudo, neben die allerdings sehr unscharfe Begrifflichkeiten wie color und sapor treten. Color hat seinen Ursprung in der griechischen Rhetorik, wo chroma die einseitig-tendenziöse und parteinehmende oder sogar absichtlich Tat- sachen verfälschende Darstellung bezeichnet. Mit analoger Bedeutung ist es auch im System der lateinischen Rhetorik verankert. Neben die von der Rhetorik her als terminus technicus zu erwartende Bedeutung ‘’tendenziöse bzw. parteiische Darstellung’’ treten mehrere Markierungen sowohl allge- meiner Stilmerkmale als auch einzelner Varietäten (Quint. Inst. 6, 3, 107: in toto colore dicendi, qualis apud Graecos atticismos ille reddens Athenarum proprium saporem). Die sehr vielfältige Charakterisierung des color dicendi veranlaßt zu einer systematischen Untersuchung des Bezeichnungsinventars (3, 6, 92: color narrationis; 10, 7, 7: scriptorum colorem; 6, 3, 110: orationis color, sowie verwandte umschreibende Ausdrücke). Unterschiede in Gebrauch und Bedeutung manifestieren sich besonders bei Cice- ro und Quintilian, im Zusammenhang damit, daß zwischen beiden Autoren auch das übrige terminologische Vokabular eine Entwicklung zeigt und besonders Quintilian durch einen Ausbau auffällt, den nachfolgende Grammatiker und Rhetoriker nicht mit- vollzogen haben. Die enorme Bandbreite zeigt nicht nur Unschärfen des Codewechsels zwischen Sprechcode und Schriftcode, sondern auch soziale und stilistische Differen- zierung.
Nowak, Krzysztof Institute of Polish Language, Polish Academy of Sciences, Krakow
Evolution of the collocational profile of the word memoria from Late to Medieval Latin
Analysis of word collocational behaviour has become one of the most important methods of corpus-based linguistics (Sinclair 2003). Its numerous applications in his- torical linguistics (of which a good example is recent interest in collostructional change, cf. Hilpert 2011) include also more or less quantitatively oriented diachronic semantics: if a distinct group of collocates are roughly indicative of a separate word meaning (one
65 sense per collocation), salient shifts in collocational behaviour should consequently re- flect and help in detecting processes of semantic change. In the present paper we analyse the evolution of the collocational profile of the Latin lexeme memoria ‘memory’ between ca. 400 and ca. 1000 AD. We start by defining the very term collocation: in the present paper we adopt the notion of empirical collocation, ie. salient and frequently recurring word combination (Evert 2009), of which linguistic status (namely whether the combination is lexicalized, compositional etc.) we decide only upon closer analysis through a concordance inspec- tion. In this part of our paper we also briefly present corpora that constitute the basis for our study. In the first of our analyses, we investigate how external factors and design decisions, such as the choice of collocational strength measure, may affect the study of the mean- ing of the lexeme memoria. In particular, we bring attention to the lack of a general corpus that would be representative of the Latin use through the ages. In the second and more thorough analysis we investigate the evolution and the dis- tribution of the meaning of memoria in the general corpus that we compiled for the purpose of the present study. We next compare our findings to the results yielded from its two subcorpora: one comprising charters and legal texts, and second consisting of theological writing. Apart from providing general characterization we aim at two more specific research questions. First of all, we investigate whether and how did the patterns of metaphorization of this highly abstract word change through ages. Next, we attempt at showing the diachronic evolution and genre variation of the semantic prosody of the term (Stewart 2013).
References:
Evert, S. (2009) ‘Corpora and collocations’, in Ludeling, A. and Kyto, M. (eds) Corpus Linguistics. An International Handbook. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter, pp. 1212– 1248. Hilpert, M. (2011) ‘Diachronic collostructional analysis: How to use it and how to deal with confounding factors’, in Allan, K. and Robinson, J. A. (eds) Current Methods in His‑ torical Semantics. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter Mouton, pp. 133–160. Sinclair, J. M. (2003) Reading concordances: an introduction. London, New York: Pear‑ son Longman. Stewart, D. (2013) Semantic Prosody: A Critical Evaluation. London, New York: Rout‑ ledge
66 Panagl, Oswald Universität Salzburg
Wortbildung und Textsorte. Verbalabstrakta in der spät(er)en Latinität
Die Wortbildung ist eine grammatikalische Größe, die in der älteren sprachwissen- schaftlicher Forschung zu etymologischen und wortgeschichtlichen Problemen eine vergleichsweise geringe Rolle gespielt hat (vgl. die junggrammatische Methode). In neueren Darstellungen hingegen, beginnend mit der monumentalen Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache (Leumann, 1977) und in zahlreichen Spezialuntersuchungen der ‚französischen Schule‘ zu einzelnen Suffixen und ‚Wortnischen‘ dokumentiert, tritt sie nach Funktion und Bildungsweise ins Zentrum des Erkenntnisinteresses, wobei die Er- forschung ihrer syntaktischen Leistungen sowie der Facetten im Bedeutungswandel auch für das Lateinische wesentliche Ergebnisse gezeitigt haben. Der Verfasser des Abstracts beschäftigt sich seit über 40 Jahren sprachtheoretisch und philologisch mit Aspekten und Perspektiven deverbaler Substantiva (vgl. Panagl 1980, 1985, 2002, 2014), unter denen er sich vorwiegend mit den Verbalabstrakta in ihrer formalen Distribution und semantischen Entwicklung auseinandersetzt. Bei der Bes- chäftigung mit grammatikalischen Phänomenen ist auch die jeweilige Textsorte, an- ders gesagt der Funktionalstil der Vorkommensfälle, zu beobachten und zu bewerten. So sind etwa in der Fachprosa andere Wortbildungsmuster (types, tokens) zu erwarten als z.B. in Bibelübersetzungen, medizinischen Traktaten, epigraphischen Denkmälern oder in narrativen Gattungen. Im Aufbau des geplanten Vortrags gehe ich zunächst von der prototypischen ‚Drift‘ bei den produktiven lateinischen Bildungsweisen auf -tiō aus. Das semantische Profil führt im Regelfall von der verbaffinen Aktion über das Resultat zum Instrument oder Ort, gelegentlich auch zu Personen(kollektiven): vgl. legatio „Gesandtschaft“(prozessu- al): legationem suscipere > „Amt eines Gesandten“: legationem administrare bzw. „Ge- sandtschaftsbericht“: legationem referre/renuntiare > „Gesandte, Personal einer frem- den Gesandtschaft“: legationes sociorum reverti iubentur. In einigen besonderen Fällen ersetzt die jüngere Bildung auf -tiō ererbte, lexikalisierte Formen auf das Suffix -ti- . Idealiter tritt die ältere Formation in konkreter Verwend- ungsweise auf, während das rezente Muster zur Bezeichnung der jeweiligen Vorgänge dient: vgl. vectis „Hebel“- vectio „Fahren, Reiten“; tussis „Husten“- *tusio „Quetschung“ (prozessual); messis „Ernte“ (auch als Ertrag)- messio „Mähen“. Dass es sich bei dem zu- vor erwähnten semantischen Wandel um eine (irreversible) ‚Drift‘ handelt, wird dadu- rch erhärtet, dass auch etliche rezente Beispiele mit dem Suffix -tiō im spät(er)en Latein Anzeichen einer sukzessiven Konkretisierung aufweisen. So finden wir sessio in der Bedeutung „Sitzbad“ (Cael. Aur. Chron. 5, 4, 69), -tusio in contusio „Prellung“ (konkret) in späterer medizinischen Fachliteratur, mansio „Bleiben“ > „Tagesreise“ > „Bleibe“ bes. „Nachtquartier“ > „Gebäude“(CIL VI 30745), vgl. frz. maison, sp. meson. In Ausnahmefäl- len setzt der philologische Befund bereits mit einer konkreten Lesart der -tiō-Bildung
67 ein: vgl. cenatio „Speisesaal“ (Plin. 36, 7, 12; Petr. 77, 4). Im Wortschatz der Itala und Vulgata gibt es 138 Bildungen auf -tiō, von denen einige als Resultativa (iubilatio , con‑ cordatio) oder Konkreta (discubitio) auftreten. Mitunter ersetzen Verbalabstrakta das obsolet gewordene Supinum auf -tum (vgl. ad pastum/potum venire). Idealtypisch ist die Verteilung von messis (messis quidem multa, Vulg. Luc. 10, 2) „Ertrag, Acker“ vs. messio (veniet tempus messionis eius, Vulg. Jer. 51,33) „Erntevorgang“. Der geplante Vortrag geht solchen Prozessen auf breiter Materialbasis nach.
Im Abstract genannte Literatur:
Leumann Manu (1977) Lateinische Grammatik: Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre, Bd. 1, München. Panagl Oswald (1980) „Die verbale Rektion deverbaler Substantiva im Lichte der neueren Wortbildungstheorie“, in: J. Dalfen (u.a., Ed.) Symmicta philologica Salisburgensia, Roma 1980, S. 291-307. Panagl Oswald (1985) „Zum kategorialen Bedeutungswandel von Verbalabstrakta“, in: Acta Linguistica Hung. 35, S. 213-222. Panagl Oswald (2002) „Verbalabstrakta. Onomasiologische Vielfalt und semantischer Wandel“, in: M.Habermann (u.a., Ed.) Historische Wortbildung des Deutschen, Tübingen, S. 59-74. Panagl Oswald (2014) „Semantica della formazione delle parole e produttività nel latino tardo e volgare”, in: A. Molinari, P. Cuzzolin, C. Fedriani (Ed.) Latin Vulgaire-Latin Tardif X, Vol. II, S. 473-482. NB: Vokalische Längen sind in diesem Abstract nur bei Suffixen, nicht in den zitierten Wörtern angegeben.
Papini, Alessandro “La Sapienza”, University of Rome
Some Preliminary Remarks concerning Sociolinguistic Variation within the “Vulgar Latin” Vowel System: as evidenced by the inscriptional data
Since from the (late) Republican age, the grapheme
68 Since the very first hypercorrect use of
Bibliography:
Adamik, B. (2015), Periodization of Latin: An Old Question Revisited. In, Haverling, G. (ed.), Latin Linguistics in the Early 21st Century, Uppsala, 638-650. Adams, J. N. (2013), Social Variations and the Latin Language, Cambridge. Coleman, R. G. G. (1971), The monophthongization of /ae/ and the Vulgar Latin vowel system. TPHS, 175-191. Herman, J. (2000), Differenze territoriali nel latino parlato dell’Italia tardo-imperiale: un contributo preliminare. In, Herman, J., Marinetti, A. (eds.), La preistoria dell’italiano, Tübingen, 123-135. Leumann, M. (19776), Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre, Munich. Loporcaro, M. (2015), Vowel Lenght from Latin to Romance, Oxford. Mancini, M. (2014), Testi epigrafici e sociolinguistica storica: le ‘Defixiones’ sannite. In, Giacomelli, R., Robbiati Bianchi, A. (eds.), Le lingue dell’Italia antica oltre il latino: lascia‑ mo parlare i testi, Milano, 29-61. Marotta, G. (2017), Tra fonologia e sociofonetica: il tratto di lunghezza in latino. In Ma‑ rotta, G., Strik Lievers, F. (eds.), Studi linguistici pisani, 8, Pisa, 57-81. Väänänen, V. (1966-1970), Graffiti del Palatino, Helsinki. Väänänen, V. (19663), Le latin vulgaire des inscriptions pompéiennes, Berlin.
69 Vineis, E. (1984), Problemi di ricostruzione della fonologia del latino volgare. In, Vineis, E. (ed.), Latino volgare, latino medioevale, lingue romanze, Pisa, 45-62.
Parkes, Angela University of Birmingham
The rough and the smooth - the contrasting contributions of Tertullian and Cyprian to Christian writing
How far, if it all, was there a distinctly Christian style of writing Latin? If we are to answer this question, we must assume first of all that the answer will not necessarily be the same at all times and in all places. Secondly, we must note that it can be answered only on the basis of a systematic examination of the works of specific authors; not by explicit statement Christian writers make about their uniqueness or otherwise, nor by anecdotal comparisons of similar or different usages. With this in mind, this paper address the question of whether and how far Christian writers in North African in the early-mid third century could be said to be employing a distinctly Christian idiom. Tertullian’s (Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullianus, c 155-c 240) vigorous, colloqui- al and concise Latin provides what is generally held to be the earliest exposition and discussion of the Christian faith in Latin.1 His later contemporary, the patrician Cypri- an, (Thaschus Cæcilius Cyprianus, birth date unknown, died 258 writes in a classically elegant style, clearly influenced by a traditional rhetorical education. Both men, then, wrote in each other’s lifetimes; both were North Africans; both were educated striving to express Christian beliefs and idea in Latin. However, the way in which both approached the task of writing about Christianity is very different. In the Apologeticum Tertullian defends Christian belief against contemporary objections and, in countering the monarchian views of Praxeas and the unorthodox theology of Mar- cion, produces detailed theological expositions. Cyprian, who became Bishop of Car- thage in 248, was a pastor and administrator whose theological interests lay in ecclesi- ology. His writing is elegant and much more traditional in style than that of Tertullian, clearly influenced by his rhetorical education. Cyprian’s treatises and his considerable correspondence present a clear picture of Church organisation and practice of the time, against the background of the turbulent and violent days of the reigns of Decius and Valerian, the events of which led to Cyprian’s arrest and execution in September 258. Most modern studies of both Tertullian and Cyprian have focussed on theology rath- er than language. This paper will contrast and evaluate the use of Latin language by both these significant but very different writers, considering some examples of content,
1 Jerome, translation and expansion of Eusebius’ Chronicon, XVI of the reign of Severus: Tertullianus Afer, centurionis proconsularis filius, omnium ecclesiarum sermone celebratur: Tertullianus presbyter, nunc demum pri‑ mus post Victorem et Apolloniam Latinorum ponitur, provinciae Africae, civitatis Cathaginiensis, patre Centurione Proconsulari. (De Viris Illustribus ch 53)
70 style and vocabulary, the extent to which both are influenced by Greek and the use both make of Biblical citations. In particular, I will consider whether their different styles may best be understood within the context of the Sondersprache theory of Josef Schri- jnen1 and Christine Mohrmann or within the looser model of Christian Latin proposed by Robert Coleman at the inaugural conference in the Latin tardif-latin vulgaire series.2
Persig, Anna University of Birmingham
Literalism and linguistic improvements in the Latin translations of the Epistle to the Hebrews
The Epistle to the Hebrews was generally accepted as part of the Pauline corpus at the end of the fourth century after a long period of uncertainty and disputed author- ship. At that time the Epistle had already been translated into Latin and circulated in different versions, known as Vetus Latina, that can be reconstructed from the collection of the Church fathers’ citations and the direct witnesses. The revision of the text which became part of the standard form later known as the Vulgate was carried out around the same time by an anonymous reviser(s) following the model of Jerome’s work on the Gospels. The most evident character of these translations is their literalism and faithfulness to a Greek text. With the aim of defining their linguistic peculiarities, relations and or- igin I have examined internally the Vetus Latina versions, grouped in text types accord- ing to Frede’s edition.3 At the same time the Vetus Latina has been compared with the Vulgate, which is the main focus of the research, in order to find similarities and differ- ences between them. To make the comparison possible the material has been selected and broken down into different categories: the relationship with the Greek text (lexical and syntactical graecisms), the Latin renderings (the precision in the word choice, the presence of metaplasms, variations and possible corrections introduced in the Vulgate) and the syntactical renderings (genitive absolute, infinitives and participles). A double approach has been taken, combining quantitative analysis with qualitative examina- tion of particularly interesting features. This paper will present the results of this enquiry. I will discuss the relationship of the different text-types, including identifying the source which underlies the Vulgate revision. I will then describe the surprising character of the Vulgate text in the light
1 Schrijnen, J. (1932) Charakteristik des altchristlichen Latein. Latinitas Christianorum Primaevera edn. Ni- jmegen: Dekker & van de Vegt en J. W. Leuven 2 R. Coleman, ‘Vulgar Latin and the diversity of Christian Latin’ in Actes du 1er Colloque international sur Latin Vulgaire, Latin tardif, 1985 3 Frede Hermann Josef, Vetus Latina. Die Reste der altlateinischen Bibel, 25, Freiburg, Herder, 1983.
71 of the earlier Vetus Latina versions, most notably its literalistic approach which means that it often fails to improve on earlier versions. Finally, I will consider the implications of this for the history of the Latin versions of the New Testament and biblical transla- tion more generally.
Peterson, David Universidad de Burgos
Islamic Invasion and Romance Language Contact in the Northern Meseta (Spain)
A number of disparate onomastic phenomena occurring in north-western Iberia have long puzzled scholars: the abundance of Islamic personal names in early medieval Christian communities (Aguilar & Rodríguez, 1994); the extraordinarily profuse Ro- mance toponym Quintan(ill)a (Serrano-Piedecasas, 2006); a surprisingly high number of hypothetical Berber demonyms (Oliver, 1974); and the appearance of some charac- teristics of North African Latin in Hispanic Romance (Wright, 2012). Each of them in turn has been interpreted as being a legacy of the 711 Islamic conquest, the Quintana toponyms, for example, putatively originating in the sharing of the conquest spoils into fifths. Nonetheless, many other scholars reject such interpretations, arguing that the region was only ever briefly under Islamic control, questioning why Quintana is only preserved in Romance rather than in Arabic forms, and observing the lack of Berber linguistic influence, beyond the problematical corpus of possible demonyms which are themselves generally in Romance formats. These problems have allowed other hypoth- eses to prosper, such as that of cross-border acculturation (Martín Viso, 2005; Aillet, 2008), and even others that are internally very flawed, such as Simonet’s Mozarab mi- gration theory (Simonet, 1897; recently revisited by Reglero, 2010). In this paper, I will argue that these seemingly disparate onomastic phenomena, and also the problems posed to question the conquest legacy hypothesis, can all be resolved and explained by the invasion and conquest process if it is accepted that the ‘Berber’ settlers of the Northwest were at least partially latinophones. Indeed, the internal histo- ry of the Maghreb suggests this would have been the case at least in the sense of Latin as a lingua franca (Rushworth, 2004), a situation which the speed and superficiality of the Islamic conquest of said region would have been unlikely to have altered signifi- cantly (Rouigi, 2011). In this context, all of the puzzling onomastic elements encoun- tered in the Northwest fall into place as the result of the conquest and settlement of a Romance-speaking region by Romance-speaking incomers bearing Islamic personal names but retaining their indigenous tribal affiliations and logically choosing to inter- act with the autochthonous population in the language they shared.
72 Select bibliography:
Aguilar, Victoria, & Fernando Rodríguez, “Antroponimia de origen árabe en la docu‑ mentación leonesa (siglos VIII-XIII)”, 1994. Aillet, Cyrille, “Anthroponymie, migrations, frontières: notes sur la «situation mozara‑ be» dans le nord-ouest ibérique (IXe-XIe siècle)”, 2008. Martín Viso, Iñaki, “Una frontera casi invisible”, 2005. Oliver Asín, Jaime, En torno a los orígenes de Castilla. Su toponimia en relación con los árabes y los beréberes, 1974. Reglero, Carlos, “Onomástica arabizante y migraciones en el Reino de León (ss.IX- X)”2010 Rouihgi, Ramzi, “The Berbers of the Arabs”, 2011. Rushworth, Alan, “From Arzuges to Rustamids: State Formation and Regional Identity in the Pre-Saharan Zone”, 2004. Serrano-Piedecasas, Luis María, “El mal al-hums como factor de reordenación espacial y social tras la conquista”, 2006. Simonet, Francisco Javier, Historia de los Mozárabes de España, 1897-1903. Wright, Roger, “Late and Vulgar Latin in Muslim Spain: the African Connection”, 2012.
Płocharz, Piotr École Normale Supérieure de Lyon
Latinophonie altimédiévale en Italie méridionale
Les sociétés de la période tardo-antique et altimédiévale (ve – viiie s.) de l’Occi- dent européen sont latinophones. Accepter ce principe c’est reconnaître les acquis de la recherche menée depuis les années 70 en sociolinguistique historique de l’Antiquité tardive et du haut Moyen Âge. Il y a cependant une région qui, outre plusieurs articles ponctuels, n’a pas encore fait l’objet d’une étude sociolinguistique. Il s’agit de l’Italie du Sud. Cette réalité méridionale est particulièrement intéressante pour ce genre d’études puisque nous pouvons y voir plusieurs cultures et entités politiques qui s’entremêlent. Ce mélange constitue pour nous un laboratoire linguistique où il est possible d’étudier in vivo l’objet de nos recherches. Dans notre communication, nous voulons montrer que l’analyse des chartes privées permet de mieux comprendre la situation langagière qui est à la charnière du passage du latin au protoitalien, ainsi que de mieux saisir les arrière-plans sociolinguistiques et culturels de l’époque. D’abord, nous nous demandons dans quelle mesure les chartes manifestent les changements linguistiques présentés dans diverses typologies du pas- sage du latin aux langues romanes et comment elles se situent dans ce passage. Ensuite, les analyses textuelles (ou plutôt rédactionnelles) nous conduisent à constater que les scribes rédigent les chartes eux-mêmes au lieu d’utiliser les formulaires prêts à utiliser où il suffit de remplir les cases vides.
73 Ces deux types d’analyses, l’un considérant la charte comme objet d’étude linguis- tique, l’autre comme objet d’étude textuelle, contribuent à la connaissance de la situ- ation langagière de l’époque. L’écrit pragmatique devient ainsi un indicateur fiable de l’évolution de la langue latine. De plus, il témoigne que la langue latine sert à la com- munication (en tant que langue maternelle) jusqu’à une période plus tardive qu’on ne l’admettait jusqu’à récemment.
Bibliographie:
Banniard, M., « Niveaux de langue et strates écrites dans les documents juridiques des 8e-9e siècles: sur le fonctionnement communicationnel des Chartae Latinae Antiquiores en Toscane » dans LVLT11, à paraître. Everett, N., Literacy in Lombard Italy, c. 568-774, Cambridge, 2003. Granier, T., « La culture lettrée des élites princières et ducales de l’Italie méridionale latine, VIIIe-XIe siècle » dans F. Bougard et al., (éds), La culture du haut moyen âge, une question d’élites ?, Turnhout, 2009, p. 171-186. Luiselli, L., « La situazione linguistica dell’Italia tardoantica » dans Simonetti, M., et al., (éds), La cultura in Italia fra tardo antico e alto medioevo. Atti del Convegno tenuto a Roma, Consiglio nazionale delle ricerche, dal 12 al 16 novembre 1979. Vol. I., Rome, 1981, p. 183-199. Sornicola, R. et Greco, P., (éds), La lingua dei documenti notarili alto-medievali dell’ita‑ lia meridionale, Naples, 2012. Van Uytfanghe, M. (2008a). La communication verticale latine en Italie (VIe – VIIIe siècle), dans Van Acker, A., et al., (éds), Latin écrit - Roman oral ? De la dichotomisation à la continuité, Turnhout, p. 127-135.
Prieto Entrialgo, Clara Elena Independent researcher, Spain
In termino unde primiter dixi. Los relativos de lugar en el latín ibérico de los siglos VIII-X
Es bien sabido que el latín clásico contaba con cuatro adverbios relativos/interroga- tivos de lugar, con valores semánticos diferenciados (Ernout & Thomas 19722: 157): UBI (‘en donde’), UNDE (‘de donde’), QUO (‘a donde’) y QUA (‘por donde’). Este subsistema cuatripartito, sin embargo, experimentó con el correr del tiempo profundas transfor- maciones, que pueden sintetizarse en (Stolz et alii 2017: § 3.1.2.2): a) desaparición de QUO y QUA; b) asunción de nuevos valores por parte de UBI y UNDE; c) desarrollo de perífrasis formadas por /preposición + UBI, UNDE/. Este trabajo analiza la situación de los adverbios relativos/interrogativos de lugar en el latín escrito entre los siglos VIII-X en el noroeste de la Península Ibérica, a partir de
74 una selección de documentos notariales y crónicas históricas. Además de comprobar en qué medida se manifiestan en el corpus los puntos a), b) y c) anteriormente citados, también prestamos atención a un fenómeno frecuente en la latinidad tardía: el llamado “uso pronominal” de UBI y UNDE, es decir, el empleo de estos adverbios en sustitución de QUI, QUAE, QUOD precedido o no de preposición (Löfstedt 19562, II: 149-151; Bas- tardas 1953: 72-77). Asimismo, buscamos relaciones con la situación romance posterior (Prieto Entrialgo 2015).
Bibliografía sumaria:
Bastardas, Juan (1953): Particularidades sintácticas del latín medieval, Barcelona: CSIC-Escuela de Filología. Ernout, Alfred & François Thomas (19722): Syntaxe Latine (2e édition, 5e tirage revu et corrigé), Paris: Klincksieck Löfstedt, Einar (19562): Syntactica. Studien und Beiträge zur historischen Syntax des Lateins: Lund: Gleerup. Prieto Entrialgo, Clara Elena (2015): Los relativos en el asturiano medieval, Bern: Peter Lang. Stolz, Thomas et alii, eds. (2017): Spatial interrogatives in Europe and beyond, Berlin/ Boston: de Gruyter.
Schaller, Gaëtan Universität Basel
Le datif et le génitif prépositionnel dans le latin mérovingien à travers l’étude des chartes des 7ème et 8ème siècles
Les chartes mérovingiennes sont des documents précieux qui offrent de grandes possibilités d’études linguistiques. Ces dernières n’ont cependant plus été étudiées de manière approfondie depuis bientôt un siècle. Les deux seules grandes études faites à ce jour n’ont de plus pas exploité l’ensemble des documents dont nous disposons. J’ai donc décidé de me consacrer à l’étude de ces textes: un corpus d’un peu plus de 200 chartes réparties sur deux siècles, conservées dans les abbayes de Saint-Denis-en-France et de Saint-Gall. Mon travail consiste à vérifier les transcriptions de ces textes contenues dans les Chartae Latinae Antiquiores, de les traduire et d’en faire un commentaire linguis- tique. Je relève donc chaque particularité ou variation linguistique du latin des chartes par comparaison avec le latin dit classique. J’enregistre chacune de ces variations dans une banque de données que j’ai créée en me basant sur les travaux de Jeanne Viellard, de Mario Pei et de Veikko Väänänen. La création d’une banque de données me permet d’aborder l’ensemble du corpus avec le recul nécessaire et offre la possibilité de dégager des particularités spécifiques à une région ou à une période chronologique précise.
75 Après avoir exposé mon corpus et mes méthodes de travail, je présenterai quelques premiers résultats qui se dégagent de mon travail. Il s’agira avant tout de l’évolution du datif et du génitif. La syntaxe latine est en pleine mutation durant les 7ème et 8ème siè- cles, il est alors possible d’observer plusieurs changements en cours, voire la naissance de nouveaux systèmes. Le datif et du génitif, dont la forme prépositionnel était réservée en latin classique à des usages très limités et restreints, se développe dans les chartes mérovingiennes jusqu’à atteindre un statut nouveau voire jusqu’à devenir la nouvelle norme.
Bibliographie:
Pei, Mario: The language of the eight-century texts in northern France. New-York 1932. Väänänen, Veikko: Introduction au latin vulgaire. Paris 1981. Vielliard, Jeanne: Le latin des diplômes royaux et chartes privées de l’époque Mérovingi‑ enne. Paris 1927.
Schrickx, Josine Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften
Does the Thesaurus linguae Latinae stop exactly at AD 600? The TLL as a Late Latin dictionary
The TLL takes into account all Latin texts from the earliest transmitted texts down to AD 600. This is a very long period as compared with other dictionaries. The OLD stops at about AD 200, Souter’s glossary covers the period from the end of the second century to the beginning of the seventh, and was originally conceived as a supplement to the OLD. Blaise covers the period from the earliest Christian writings to the dawn of the Carolingian Renaissance, illustrating classical words used by the Fathers in new senses, as well as new lexical creations. Lewis & Short covers the whole period till about AD 600, but cites only a selection of authors. The TLL is therefore not only the most comprehensive Late Latin dictionary, but also the only one still in progress. More than 70% has been completed (A-M and O-P), and work is currently being done on the let- ters N and R.
This paper tries to answer the following groups of questions: 1. Material: does the TLL really take into account all Late Latin texts? How does it deal with big lemmata? Is the archive of dictionary slips complete? Does the TLL use digital databases? 2. History: how and when was the decision made to stop at AD 600? Has there ever been a decision at all? Has the TLL been consistent or have there been changes in its long history?
76 Bibliography:
Archive of the TLL other dictionaries: Forcellini & De-Vit, Totius Latinitatis Lexicon Opera et Studio Aegidii Forcellini Lu‑ cubratum et in Hac Editione Post Tertiam Auctam et Emendatam a Josepho Furlanetto Alumno Seminarii Patavini Novo Ordine Digestum Amplissime Auctum Atque Emenda‑ tum (1871). Charlton T. Lewis & Charles Short, A Latin Dictionary (1879). A. Souter, A Glossary of Later Latin to 600 AD (1949). A. Blaise, Dictionnaire latin-français des auteurs chrétiens, 2e éd. revue et augmentée, Turnhout (1962). P.G.W. Glare (ed.), Oxford Latin Dictionary (1968-1982).
Selig, Maria Université de Regensburg
Le développement des déterminants nominaux en latin tardif: démonstratifs, possessifs, articles
Quand il s’agit de décrire ou d’expliquer le développement des déterminants nomi- naux en latin et dans les langues romanes, on recourt très souvent à la notion de « dése- mantisation » ou « semantic bleaching ». La perte de traits sémantiques aurait permis aux déterminants d’être employés dans de nouveaux contextes. Sur la base d’une approche contextuelle de la détermination nominale qui met en relief le rôle des « domaines de référence » dans ce qu’on est convenu d’appeler la référence définie, j’essayerai de mon- trer que, pour les déterminants, ce sont plutôt de phénomènes d’interaction dialogique, d’usage et de fréquence qui sont à la base des développements latino-romans.
Simon Zsolt Forschungsinstitut für Sprachwissenschaft, Ungarische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Budapest
Zur Herkunft von leuga
Die Probleme der Herkunft von leuga ‚mensura itineris‘ bestehen in den folgenden drei Umständen: Erstens, aufgrund von Angaben antiker Autoren gilt leuga als kelt- isches (gallisches) Lehnwort. Seine Keltizität ist allerdings wegen des Diphthongs und der fehlenden inselkeltischen Verwandten umstritten (s. z. B. J. Whatmough, The Dia‑ lects of Ancient Gaul, Cambridge, 1970, 571-572; X. Delamarre, Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise, Paris, 2003, 200). Zweitens, in der Tat findet man in einer germanischen
77 Sprache und zwar im Altenglischen ein Wort lēowe (von derselben Bedeutung), das mit leuga in Zusammenhang zu stehen scheint. Dieses Wort wird traditionell als Lehnwort aus dem Keltischen erklärt, diese Herleitung ist allerdings phonologisch nicht möglich. Drittens, die romanischen Fortsetzungen von leuga weisen auch auf eine Form *legua hin. All diese Probleme können durch die Annahme einer frühen germanischen En- tlehnung gelöst werden: urgerm. *leuwa- setzt sich regelmäßig in alteng. lēowe fort und die Entlehnung der frühen germanischen Form führt durch Lautsubstitution zu leuga / *legua. Eine aus phonologischer Hinsicht perfekte Parallele zu dieser Herleitung bietet die Geschichte von treuga / tregua, das ebenfalls ein frühes germanisches Lehnwort darstellt (vgl. alteng. trēowe < urgerm. *treuwa-).
Solin, Heikki Institutum Classicum Universitatis Helsingiensis
Pompeios defer
Per plures annos quidquid inscriptionum graphio scriptarum in parietibus Pom- peianis Neapolique in museo hucusque restat investigavi descripsique, ut nova funda- menta earum bonae lectionis iacerem. Nam patet hoc genus documenta variis falsis lectionibus interpretationibus facile exposita esse. Itaque pro parte mea arduo labore tales fraudes exstirpare conatus sum: inde ab anno 2003 Pompeios Neapolimque pluries profectus operam dedi, ut parietes ad titulorum lectiones examinandas perquirerem. Nec me fefellit spes operae huius haud sane iucundae, ex qua non parvum redundavit emolumentum: trecentas novas lectiones adeptus sum, plura monstra sustuli. Ex titulis ita emendatis quasdam cuppedias vobis praeparabo, ut sciatis quantum utilitatis eo- rum scrutatio autoptica prae se ferat.
Sornicola, Rosanna Università Federico II di Napoli
Dal partitivo latino al partitivo romanzo: Alcuni problemi di sintassi diacronica nelle trasformazioni delle strutture con INDE
In questo lavoro si intendono presentare alcuni risultati di una ricerca in corso sul- le trasformazioni delle strutture partitive latine con INDE nelle corrispondenti strut- ture partitive romanze. Queste ultime presentano isomorfismi e differenze struttura- li e funzionali rispetto alle strutture partitive latine tradizionalmente descritte nella bibliografia come adnominali e adverbali. Con le costruzioni partitive adnominali esse condividono proprietà di configurazione, come la presenza di pronomi indefiniti, quan-
78 tificatori numerali, espressioni di misura, ma non c’è equivalenza stretta rispetto alla gamma di verbi compatibili e di Relazioni Grammaticali (RG) che si instaurano nella frase. Più stretto sembra l’isomorfismo relazionale con le costruzioni partitive adver- bali. Sia le strutture con INDE che quelle con DE + SN infatti occorrono con sintagmi a cui può essere assegnata preponderantemente la RG di Oggetto di un verbo transitivo, oppure di Soggetto di un intransitivo, deponente o passivo, o di ‘essere’ in strutture loc- ativo-esistenziali. Tuttavia quelle che si vedono in latino non sono sempre esattamente le stesse proprietà relazionali osservate nelle moderne strutture romanze con ne parti- tivo. Non si può sostenere, inoltre, che tali proprietà siano il fattore attivo degli sviluppi diacronici. Sul piano semantico si riscontra la pervasiva e perdurante incidenza della funzione spaziale. Ciò ha delle implicazioni anche per l’assegnazione di RG, di per sé sempre problematica. In un gran numero di contesti della documentazione latina che si è esa- minata non si può separare nettamente il valore partitivo da quello spaziale. Riscontri tipologici comparativi indicano che si tratta di una traiettoria ricorrente in varie lingue: ad esempio, una origine diacronica del Caso partitivo da funzioni spaziali è stata ri- costruita per il finlandese. La documentazione latina e romanza offre il vantaggio di poter studiare in maniera articolata il processo di sviluppo, e in particolare il ritmo di trasformazione diacronica della funzione spaziale in quella partitiva. Anche l’incidenza del tratto di indefinitezza e di “unboundedness” del nome partitivizzato sembra avere nelle varie fasi del latino un ruolo rilevante e specifico. Il risultato forse più interessante che emerge dai dati analiz- zati è che essi confermano la natura ibrida del partitivo latino attraverso il tempo, come caso semantico e grammaticale. Le costruzioni con INDE riflettono anche esse questa peculiarità.
Spangenberg Yanes, Elena Trinity College Dublin
Una grammatica ‘aggiornata’: adattamento delle fonti e nuove tendenze linguistiche nell’anonimo De dubiis nominibus
Il trattato anonimo De dubiis nominibus (VI/VIII sec., Spagna o Gallia meridionale) è uno scritto grammaticale di tipo lessicografico che registra una serie di sostantivi ordi- nati alfabeticamente, di ciascuno dei quali si indicano il genere o il numero o il signifi- cato, corredati da esempi letterari. Dal punto di vista sia della linguistica storica sia della storia della linguistica, il De dubiis nominibus è interessante per due motivi. In primo luogo perché, accanto a nu- merosi nomi di genere dubbio già osservati nella trattatistica grammaticale tardoantica (IV-VI sec.), l’anonimo compilatore di questo scritto registra diversi ulteriori sostantivi il cui genere era del tutto ovvio nella lingua letteraria classica e che di conseguenza non
79 hanno attratto l’attenzione dei grammatici precedenti. Significativamente, per i lemmi in questione l’anonimo non riproduce esempi letterari classici, ma introduce nuove ci- tazioni da autori cristiani di IV-VI secolo oppure exempla ficta. Si tratta, ad esempio, dei maschili in -or della III declinazione e dei neutri in -um della II declinazione. L’esigenza di precisare il genere di alcuni di questi sostantivi si spiega probabilmente con il loro frequente impiego, nel latino tardo e altomedievale, secondo generi diversi da quelli normalmente attesi. Il De dubiis nominibus può dunque essere considerato testimone indiretto di questa evoluzione linguistica. Il secondo motivo di interesse di quest’opera risiede in un certo numero di lemmi, ai quali l’anonimo assegna un genere diverso da quello in uso nella lingua letteraria classica e registrato dai grammatici tardoantichi. Ad esempio, chlamis è considerato maschile, imago neutro, libido neutro, moenia femminile, mundus neutro, pelvis neutro, pharus neutro, porticus neutro, tribunal maschile. Queste indicazioni, che risultano peraltro contraddette dagli esempi letterari accostati a ciascun lemma, sono state siste- maticamente corrette dai precedenti editori del De dubiis nominibus. Alla luce degli studi lessicografici più recenti si può però suggerire che le indicazioni apparentemente erronee in questo trattato grammaticale riflettano dei mutamenti nel genere di alcuni sostantivi nel latino tardoantico e altomedievale. Questo studio consente di osservare come l’anonimo ha modificato le sue fonti grammaticali per aggiornarne il contenuto dottrinale e offre le basi per una diversa constitutio textus nella nuova edizione critica del De dubiis nominibus, nella quale occorrerà mantenere nel testo le indicazioni ‘scor- rette’ del genere di alcuni sostantivi.
Bibliografia:
A. Corbeill, ‘Genus quid est?’ Roman Scholars on Grammatical Gender and Biological Sex, «TAPA» 138, 2008, 75-105 F. Glorie (ed.), De dubiis nominibus, Turnholti 1968 M. Haupt (ed.), Ovidii Halieutica Gratii et Nemesiani Cynegetica. Accedunt inedita Latina et tabula lithographica, Lipsiae 1838, 74-105 H. Keil (ed.), De dubiis nominibus, in Grammatici Latini, V. Artium scriptores minores, Lipsiae 1868, 567-594 V. Le Clerc, Notice sur un glossaire latin des genres, in Catalogue général des manu‑ scrits des bibliothèques publiques des Départements, I, Paris 1849, 649-693 F. G. Otto (ed.), Grammatici incerti de generibus nominum sive de dubio genere opus‑ culum, Gissae 1850 P. Stotz, Handbuch zur lateinischen Sprache des Mittelalters, I-V, München 1996-2004
80 Spevak, Olga Université de Toulouse
Lucem caret – luce caret: variantes manuscrites dans les Étymologies I d’Isidore de Séville
On sait que les verbes de manque (careo, indigeo « être privé de ») et d’utilisation (utor « employer ») se construisent avec l’ablatif en latin classique. L’accusatif se rencon- tre notamment en latin tardif pour la première catégorie (Pinkster 2015: 110-112) ; des occurrences de utor + accusatif avec un complément nominal sont documentées déjà en latin préclassique (ibid. 115). La construction accusative va de pair avec la « régularisa- tion » de la construction verbale (cf. Bonnet 1890: 532-533). L’objectif de cette communication sera d’examiner la construction de ces verbes dans le livre premier des Étymologies d’Isidore de Séville où on en relève 16 occurrences. Nous allons les examiner du point de vue de la critique textuelle pour voir si l’accusatif auprès de ces verbes peut être retenu comme remontant à l’auteur. En effet, il y a des variations dans les éditions: F. Arevalo (1798) a imprimé tous les compléments de ces verbes à l’ablatif ; W. M. Lindsay (1911) a choisi l’accusatif dans 13 cas et a laissé trois oc- currences avec un complément à l’ablatif. Les manuscrits présentent souvent des vari- antes: accusatif – ablatif, par exemple: quia caret lucem TWBC: quia caret luce UXAI (Etym. 1, 37, 24). Il convient alors de procéder à un examen détaillé des manuscrits. Il montre que dans les 13 cas où Lindsay a imprimé l’accusatif, l’ablatif est majoritairement issu d’une correction ; en outre, certains manuscrits (tels A et U) présentent l’ablatif à plusieurs reprises. De telles corrections peuvent remonter à des scribes avisés et attentifs. En outre, des 13 cas de l’accusatif, une seule occurrence est empruntée au texte-source ; dans les trois autres, le texte-source présente la construction correcte à ablatif, qui a été modifiée en l’accusatif. Les trois cas de l’ablatif (retenu par Lindsay) auprès de utor sont dus au texte-source qui présente cette construction correcte. On peut alors conclure qu’Isidore lui-même a employé les verbes de manque et d’utilisation avec l’accusatif. Dans notre communication, nous allons montrer l’importance d’une évaluation cor- recte des témoins manuscrits pour tirer des conclusions sur un phénomène linguistique. Le cas des verbes de manque et d’emploi n’est pas isolé: dans le livre premier des Éty‑ mologies, il y a plusieurs erreurs syntaxiques (accord grammatical et anacoluthe, parmi d’autres). D’une manière plus générale, ce livre a subi de corrections et de rectifications variées, et on doit en tenir compte pour une bonne interprétation du texte.
Bibliographie:
Bonnet, Max (1890), Le latin de Grégoire de Tours, Paris: Hachette. Pinkster, Harm (2015), The Oxford Latin Syntax, Oxford, Oxford University Press. Spevak, Olga (à paraître), Les additions dans Isid. Etym. I: témoins d’un travail rédac‑ tionnel.
81 Éditions des Étymologies:
Sancti Isidori Hispalensis episcopi Etymologiarum libri X, recensente Faustino Areva‑ lo, Rome 1798, repris dans Patrologia Latina 82, p. 74-124. Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi Etymologiarum sive Originum libri XX, recognovit Wal‑ lace M. Lindsay, vol. I, Oxford, 1911 (réimpression 1989). Comparaison de ces deux éditions: http://blogs.univ-tlse2.fr/olga-spevak/isidore-etymologies-1/
Spieralska, Beata Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw
The coreferentiality in the absolute constructions in Late Latin.
The aim of my paper is to present some analyses, along with their results, concern- ing the passive absolute constructions in Late Latin, with regard to the coreferentiality that may or may not exist between the implicit agent of the passive participial phrase and a constituent (mainly subject) of the clause they are embedded in. I will therefore pursue, in the domain of Late Latin, the studies that I did on Classi- cal Latin, and compare their results. I will particularly examine the question, whether there are any differences concerning the coreferentiality between the old, classical con- struction – ablativus absolutus and the new ones – nominativus absolutus and accusa‑ tivus absolutus.
Literature references:
Coleman, R. (1989), “The Rise and Fall of Absolute Constructions: a Latin Case Histo‑ ry”, in: G. Calboli (ed.), Subordination and Other Topics in Latin, Amsterdam, pp. 353-374. Fry, C. (2007), “L’ablatif absolu: une histoire de flou”, in: C. Bodelot (ed.), Éléments „asyn‑ taxiques” ou hors syntaxe dans l’énoncé latin, pp. 55-74. Gayno, M. (2015), Le participe en latin aux VIe et VIIe s. ap. J.-C.. Syntaxe et séman‑ tique, Paris. Hoff, F. (1989), “Les ablatifs absolus irréguliers: un nouvel examen du problème”, in: G. G. Calboli, Subordination and Other Topics in Latin, Amsterdam, pp. 401-423. Müller-Lancé, J. (1993), Absolute Konstruktionen vom Altlatein bis zum Neufranzö‑ sischen, Tübingen. Müller-Lancé, J. (1998), “L’emploi des constructions absolues en latin tardif”, in: L. Cal‑ lebat (ed.) Latin vulgaire latin tardif IV. Actes du 4e colloque international sur le latin vul‑ gaire et tardif, Hildesheim, pp. 413-424. Ramat, P. (1994), “On Latin Absolute Constructions”, in: J. Herman (ed.), Linguistic Studies on Latin. Selected Papers from the 6th International Colloquium on Latin Linguis‑ tics, pp. 259- 268.
82 Remmelink, H. W. (2002), “Inferring implicit first-argument participants of passive ab‑ lative absolutes in Ammianus Marcellinus. A discourse-processing account”, in: A.M. Bol‑ kestein (ed.), Theory and description in Latin Linguistics, pp. 301-316. Tarriño Ruiz, E. (200), Construcciones participiales absolutas en Gregorio de Tours, Universidad de Salamanca.
Tamponi, Lucia University of Pisa
On back and front vowels in Latin inscriptions from Sardinia
Despite the numerous studies carried out on Latin inscriptions from different parts of the Empire, up to date a complete variationist analysis on the epigraphs from Sardin- ia has not yet been carried out. In particular, as far as the vowel system is concerned, no quantitative study on the vocalic misspellings in Sardinian inscriptions have been car- ried out since Herman’s (1985, 2000) and Lupinu’s (2000) innovative analyses. However, such an investigation seems to be of great importance to shed light on the dynamics of the emergence of Sardinian vowel system, where the ‘common romance’ mergers of ĭ, ē and ŭ, ō did not take place (Adams 2007: 629; 2013; Loporcaro 2015: 56; see also Fanci- ullo 1992). In order to shed light on the development of the Sardinian vowel system, we conduct- ed a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the graphemic alternations
Essential bibliography:
Adams, J.N. (2007), The Regional Diversification of Latin 200 BC-AD 600, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
83 Adams, J.N. (2013), Social Variation and the Latin Language, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Fanciullo, F. (1992), Un capitolo della Romania submersa: il latino africano, in Actes du XVIIIe Congrès International de Linguistique et de Philologie Romanes (Trier 1986), I, Tübingen, 162-187. Herman, J. (1985), Temoignage des inscriptions latines et prehistoire des langues ro‑ manes: le cas de la Sardaigne, in Deanovic, M. (1985, ed.), Melanges de linguistique dedies a la memoire de Petar Skok (1881–1956), Jugoslavenska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetnosti, Zagreb, 207-216. Herman, J. (2000), Differenze territoriali nel latino parlato dell’Italia: un contributo preliminare, in Herman, J. and marinetti, A. (2000, eds.), La preistoria dell’italiano. Atti della Tavola Rotonda di Linguistica Storica. Universita Ca’ Foscari di Venezia 11-13 giugno 1998, Niemeyer, Tubingen, 123-135. Loporcaro, M. (2015), Vowel Length From Latin to Romance, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Lupinu, G. (2000), Latino epigrafico della Sardegna. Aspetti fonetici, Officina linguis‑ tica 3, Ilisso, Nuoro.
Tantimonaco, Silvia Universitat de Barcelona
Pientissimus: a ‘vulgar’ epithet
Pietas was the core virtue of the Roman family, as it expressed the reciprocal sense of respect and affection among its members. Therefore, it is not surprising that epithets referring to pietas – such as pius, piissimus and pientissimus – appear in huge quanti- ties in the Latin epitaphs from all over the Roman Empire. Some studies have focused on the use of these epithets in the inscriptions of the city of Rome according to differ- ent terms of kinship and age groups, providing interesting information on this aspect. Nevertheless, scholars have generally overlooked or given only cursory treatment to the linguistic peculiarity of the adjectives piissimus, which Cicero says to be not Latin (CIC. Phil. 13.43), and pientissimus, which is not attested in the literary sources. The aim of my paper is to deal in detail with both adjectives, especially with pien‑ tissimus, whose exclusive use in epigraphy suggests an origin in the vulgar language. I will analyse the morphological, semantic and chronological aspects of these terms, and I will make a survey on their territorial distribution using the epigraphic evidence. For this task I will rely on the Computerized Historical Linguistic Database of Latin Inscrip‑ tions of the Imperial Age (lldb.elte.hu), that was conceived by the Hungarian linguist József Herman in order to advance research on the territorial diversification of Latin.
84 Bibliography:
Adamik, B. (2009), ‘In memoriam József Herman: von der Late Latin Data Base bis zur Computerized Historical Linguistic Database of Latin Inscriptions of the Imperial Age’, Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 49, 11–22. Burkardt, Th., Schauer, M. (20125), Lehrbuch der lateinischen Syntax und Semantik, Darmstadt, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Harrod, S. G. (1909), Latin Terms of Endearment and of Family Relationship, Doctoral Dissertation, Princeton. Leumann, M. (1977), Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre, München, C. H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung. Saller, R. P. (1988), ‘Pietas, obligation and authority in the Roman family’, in Alte Ges‑ chichte und Wissenschaftsgeschichte. Festschrift für Karl Christ, Kneiss, P., Lasemann, V. (eds.), Darmstadt, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 393–410. Sigismund Nielsen, H. (1997), ‘Interpreting Epithets in Roman Epitaphs’, in Roman Fam‑ ily in Italy: Status, Sentiment, Space, Rawson, B., Weaver, P., (eds.), Humanities Research Centre, Canberra Claredon Press, Oxford, 169–204. ‘Pius’ in Thesaurus Linguae Latinae X/1, Lipsiae, in aedibus B. G. Teubneri, 1900-, 2229–48.
Tantimonaco, Silvia see also under Gaspar, Catarina & Tantimonaco, Silvia
Tarsi, Matteo & Cotugno, Francesca University of Iceland & University of Nottingham/CSAD, University of Oxford
Towards a phonology of Scandinavian Latin runic inscriptions. A corpus-based analysis
Knowledge of Latin has played a larger-than-life role in the acquisition of literacy and the subsequent development of written vernaculars in the Germanic linguistic area during the Middle Ages. In Scandinavia, however, the endogenous writing system, the runic, continued to be used well into the Christian era in conceivably similar domains as it generally used to be in the Germanic world, viz. commemorative (funeral) inscrip- tions, generally on stone, and short inscriptions on objects or perishable materials such as wood or bone (cf. the Bryggen inscriptions, many of which are from as early as the 14th c.). Chiefly as language of Christian religious practices, Latin found its way into the late use of the runic writing system, both from a linguistic and graphematic standpoint. The aim of the present paper is to give an overview of some phenomena at the in- terface of Latin phonology and runic writing, viz. in which way Latin was rendered in
85 Scandinavian mediaeval runic inscriptions and thus which phenomena of endogenous phonological adaptation are observable in relation to the employed writing system. The research which underlies the present paper is carried out using the aid of the Samnordisk Runtextdatabas (Uppsala University) and focuses on the following aspects of the rendering of Latin in Scandinavian mediaeval runic inscriptions, as they appear in the wealth of witnesses of the popular prayer Ave, Maria: /i/ and /e/ in stressed and unstressed position; /d/, /t/ and /v/ in initial position and intervocalic environment; /b/ and /p/ in initial position.
References:
Samnordisk Runtextdatabas. Principal investigator: Henrik Williams. Uppsala Univer‑ sity. http://www.nordiska.uu.se/forskn/samnord.htm
Trabelsi, Hamida Institut suprieur des Langues de Nabeul, Tunisie
Les déterminants du latin populaire au français classique
La détermination nominale a été traitée dans un nombre relativement important de travaux. Ainsi peut-on constater que la plupart des études s’intéressent essentiellement à deux aspects particuliers de la question: l’origine des formes, le problème de la linéari- sation. L’étude de ce que l’on pourrait appeler la dimension « étymologique » a bien mis en évidence la source latine des divers déterminants du nom ; si l’on excepte quelques cas, relativement limités, qui font difficulté dans le domaine morphophonologique. Les évolutions sont clairement établies et il semble possible d’esquisser la diachronie des différents microsystèmes. On prend d’ordinaire le latin tardif comme précurseur, typologiquement parlant, des langues romanes. Cela nous a mené à nous demander si toute évolution des déter- minants introduit-elle toujours une solution de continuité entre le latin et ses descen- dants, ou qu’une rupture de la cette continuité en diachronie s’avère indispensable dans certains cas. Le problème abordé dans la présente étude interroge le caractère qui distingue le changement typologique qui s’est opéré entre le latin tardif et les langues romanes en particulier le français en se penchant sur certains exemples de déterminants, dans la mesure où il introduit une solution de continuité ou de rupture entre le latin tardif et les langues romanes. Qu’il s’agisse des démonstratifs (formes latines iste, ille, com- plétées par ecce: ecce + iste = cest, ecce + ille = cel), ou de la plupart des indéfinis (cha‑ cun, combinaison de quisque unum: chaque un et de catunum, contraction de (unus) cata unum: un par un ; plusieurs, altération d’après plus du latin classique pluriores ; aucun, croisement de aliquis: quelqu’un et de unus: un), nous sommes toujours en présence de combinaisons diverses ou d’innovations qui s’éloignent du système latin.
86
Ainsi faudrait-il noter que ce type des déterminants est le résultat de transforma- tions plus ou moins importantes, qui ne prolongent pas, par une évolution phonétique régulière, les formes latines sémantiquement équivalentes. Il serait d’ailleurs intéressant dans cette étude d’analyser les raisons de ces asymétries, en soulignant que, d’un point de vue morphologique, il y a, de façon quasi générale, élaboration de formes nouvelles: si l’on excepte le cas de l’indéfini un, qui se rattache directement, pourrait-on dire, au numéral unus, et la famille des « possessifs », qui pro- longe le paradigme de meus.
Références bibliographiques:
Brunot, F., 1905, Histoire de la langue française t. 1., Paris, A. Colin. Fruyt, M.,2008, «Négation et grammaticalisation en latin», Revue de Linguistique Latine du Centre Alfred Ernout. No. 1. Foulet, L.,1930, Petite Syntaxe de l’Ancien Français. Paris, Champion. Grandgent, C.,1907, Vulgar Latin, Boston, USA, D.C. Heath. Marchello – Nizia, C. (1995) L’évolution du français, Armand Colin, Paris.
Unceta Gómez, Luis Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
Indexicalidad y cortesía en latín: el caso de las cartas de Claudio Terenciano
En los últimos años hemos asistido a un notorio avance en nuestro conocimiento de los fenómenos de des/cortesía lingüística en latín, con la publicación de un buen número de trabajos fundamentalmente centrados en el análisis del nivel oracional (atenuación e intensificación) y en ciertos actos de habla —véase el estado de la cuestión en Unceta Gómez 2018—. Sin embargo, no hemos desarrollado aún unos útiles metodológicos bien definidos, que nos permitan afrontar este tipo de análisis de un modo más sistemático y fiable, algo que nuestra falta de competencia en esta lengua vuelve indispensable y puede proporcionarnos una aproximación más matizada a las dinámicas que rigen la des/cortesía en latín. En esta comunicación me propongo explorar una posibilidad: la aplicación del con- cepto de “indexicalidad” (Ponzio 2006) a una muestra de latín no literario. Como han señalado Pizziconi y Christie (2017: 156), esta aproximación al fenómeno de la des/ cortesía implica abandonar ideas preconcebidas sobre la codificación de determinados contenidos pragmáticos en formas lingüísticas concretas y asumir que el significado es construido de manera activa por los usuarios. Como señalan estos autores:
87 Meaning is affected by local and volatile contexts of interaction because is it not encoded in linguistic forms but ‘emerges’ from the interaction of linguistic forms with co-textual and contextual signs. Meaning is also affected by broader diachronic or syn- chronic contexts, such as historical contexts (accretions of particular indexical associa- tions over time) or large sociocultural contexts (the multiple indexical orders in which the same sign receives different valorisations). (Pizziconi & Christie, 2017: 165)
Puesto que la identificación de los índices de significados sociales requiere de datos reales, contextualizables y que permitan recuperar el trasfondo histórico y cultural, las cartas de Claudio Terenciano nos proporcionan un corpus idóneo, limitado pero sufici- entemente amplio, para este tipo de examen. El análisis de algunos elementos lingüísticos del mencionado corpus desde esta per- spectiva puede ayudarnos a trascender los modelos clásicos (politeness2), como el de Brown & Levinson (1987), y a superar las dificultades que conlleva la aplicación de las teorías discursivas (politeness1, cf. Watts 2003) a las lenguas antiguas.
Referencias:
Brown, Penelope & Stephen C. Levinson (1987): Politeness: Some Universals in Lan‑ guage Usage, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pizziconi Barbara, & Chris Christie (2017): “Indexicality and (Im)politeness”, en J. Cul‑ peper Michael Haugh & Dániel Z. Kádár (eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of Linguistic (Im) politeness, Londres, Palgrave Macmillan143-170. Unceta Gómez, Luis (2018): “Gli studi sulla (s)cortesia linguistica in latino. Possibilità di analisi e proposte per il futuro”, Studi e Saggi Linguistici (en prensa). Ponzio, Augusto (2006): “Indexicality: Theory”, en Keith Brown (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Language and Linguistics, Boston, Elsevier, 596-603. Watts, Richard J. (2003): Politeness, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Urbanová, Daniela Masaryk University Brno
Between intensification, aspectual function, and manipulation – the use of Latin verbal and nominal prefixes in Vulgar Latin Inscriptions.
The language of most epigraphic documents we possess includes certain repeated habitual formulations that are typical of certain types of inscriptions. This applies even more to curse tablets which illustrate some linguistic peculiarities strictly tied to the genre. The texts of these are often formulated according to their own rules which take into account the magical ritual accompanying the text itself and are focused on the sup- posed effect on the victim of the curse. This special linguistic use may be traced also in the use of verbal and nominal prefixes in curse texts. We can find prefixes changing the
88 semantic quality of a verb or a noun in strange combinations as well as their accumula- tions with diverse functions (spatial, evaluative, aspectual, and manipulative).
Bibliographie:
Bauer, B. 2011. Word formation. In: M. Maiden & J. Ch. Smith &A. Ledgeway (eds.).The Cambridge History of Romance Languages I Structures, 532 – 563. Cambridge University Press. Brachet, J-P. 2000. Recherches sur les préverbes de et ex du latin. Bruxelles: Latomus. Haverling, G. 2010. Actionality, tens and viewpoint. In In P. Baldi & P. Cuzzolin (eds.). New Perspectives on Historical Latin Syntax, vol. 2, Constituent Syntax, Adverbial Phras‑ es, Adverbs, Mood, tense, 277–524. De Gruyter Mouton. Garcia Hernandez, B. 1980. Semantica estructural y lexematica del verbo. Tarragona: Reus. Heslin, T.P. 1987 Prefixation in Latin. Lingua 72, 135–154. Jekl, A. 2011. Verbal prefixation in Classical Latin and in Italian: the prefix ex-. R. Oniga & R. Iovino & G. Giusti (eds.). Formal Linguistics and Teaching of Latin. Theoretical and Applied Perspectives in Comparative Grammar, 204–214. Cambridge scholars publishing. Panov, V. 2011. Prefixes and Aspect of Latin verb: A Typological View. In: R. Oniga & R. Iovino & G. Giusti (eds.). Formal Linguistics and Teaching of Latin. Theoretical and Ap‑ plied Perspectives in Comparative Grammar, 187–200. Cambridge scholars publishing. Lehmann, M. 1983. Latin Preverbs and Cases. In: H. Pinkster (ed). Latin Linguistics and Linguistic Theory, Proceedings ICLL 1 Amsterdam, 145–161. John Benjamins. Leumann, M. 1977. Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre. München: Beck. Luraghi, S. 2010. Adverbial Phrases. In P. Baldi & P. Cuzzolin (eds.). New Perspectives on Historical Latin Syntax, vol. 2, Constituent Syntax, Adverbial Phrases, Adverbs, Mood, tense, 19–108. De Gruyter Mouton. Oniga, R. 2005. Composition et préverbation en Latin, paris, Presses de l´ Université de Paris, Sorbonne, 211-227.
Urso, Anna Maria Università di Messina
Il Liber geneciae ad Soteris obsetrix: un testimone pressoché sconosciuto di latino tardo e volgare
Fra gli adattamenti latini tardoantichi di Sorano si annovera anche il Liber geneciae ad Soteris obsetrix, una riduzione catechistica dei primi due libri dei Gynaecia dell’Efes- ino, che sembra presupporre lo stesso intermediario dei Cateperotiana servito da mod- ello a Mustione per il primo libro della sua epitome soranea. Trasmesso per intero dal ms. Laurenziano 73, 1 (IX2 sec.), su cui si fonda l’edizione poco più che diplomatica che ne fornì, sullo scorcio dell’Ottocento, Valentin Rose, e per un frustulo dal ms. 287 del-
89 la Biblioteca Bertoliana di Vicenza (XII-XIII sec.), di recente identificato, questo testo, finora trascurato dagli studiosi, risulta di grande interesse anche dal punto di vista lin- guistico, presentando numerosi elementi di deroga alla norma classica, oltre a un lessi- co composito, in cui forme alte convivono con tecnicismi e volgarismi e in cui figurano anche hapax e parole rare. Basandomi sul testo critico da me costituito, che mi accingo a breve a licenziare, nel mio contributo mi propongo di fornire una presentazione generale della veste linguis- tica dell’operetta. La seconda parte dell’esposizione sarà dedicata all’esame di alcune peculiarità lessicali (grecismi, tecnicismi, volgarismi – rari o non attestati altrove) con la segnalazione di alcune voci registrate erroneamente nei lessici di riferimento e ora da correggere o eliminare sulla base della nuova edizione.
Riferimenti bibliografici:
V. Rose (ed.) , Sorani Gynaeciorum vetus translatio latina, Leipzig, Teubner, 1882. Anna Maria Urso, Il Liber Gynaecia ad Soteris obsetrix. Introduzione, testo critico, traduzione e commento, Santiago de Compostela, Andavira, c.d.s. M. H. Green, The Transmission of Ancient Theories of Female Physiology and Disease through the Early Middle Ages, Diss. Princeton University, 1985. Hanson, A. E. and Green, M. H. “Soranus of Ephesus: Methodicorum princeps.” ANRW II 37.2, 1994, pp. 968-1075. A. M. Urso, “Il Liber geneciae ad Soteris obsetrix e la tradizione di Sorano”, in M. T. Santamaría Hernández (ed.), Textos médicos grecolatinos antiguos y medievales: Estudios sobre composición y fuentes, Cuenca, 2012, pp. 215-258. –– “Il Liber geneciae ad Soteris obsetrix: proposte per un’edizione”, Galenos 9, 2015 (2016), pp. 281-293.
Vágási Tünde Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest
The sociolinguistic research of the cult of Jupiter Dolichenus
Jupiter Dolichenus was a Roman god whose mystery cult gained popularity in the 2nd century AD, reached a peak under the Severan dynasty in the early 3rd century AD, and came to an end shortly thereafter. As for Jupiter Dolichenus, he is sometimes referred by scholars as ‘Baal of Doliche’ or ‘Dolichenian Baal’ (Turcan 1997, 161). The name Baal is derived from the term ba’al, meaning “owner” or “lord” and the word must have been used as a title for the gods in general. Over six hundreds monuments – mainly inscriptions – of the Dolichenian cult have come to light from the Eastern and Western parts of the Empire. The name Jupiter with the epithet Dolichenus – originat- ing from the name Doliche – appears in inscriptions in variously misspelled forms like Dolichenius, Dolychenus, Dolochenus, Dolicenus, Dolcenus, Dulcenus, Dolucens. In this
90 paper comparing the mentioned forms I would like to deal mainly with the extremely rare Dulcenus form, its background, and where examples of it were found. By means of the Computerized Historical Linguistic Database of the Latin Inscriptions of the Impe- rial Age (http://lldb.elte.hu), present paper also tries to introduce the development of the listed forms above. Which one reflects the original Syrian form and tradition? Is it possible that Dulcenus is the original and correct form of the deity’s name, or is it just another vulgar change which appeared separately in time and space? The Dolichene cult is thought to have first been introduced by Syrian merchants and auxiliary soldiers, including troops from Commagene (the province that includes Doliche). In the light of the names of the priests of Jupiter Dolichenus, Speidel (1978, 9) states that the Jupiter Dolichenian cult in the army was largely practiced by Syrians and other Orientals. The analysis of the epigraphic material, however,shows that the traditional suggestions for the spread of the cult are mistaken.
Bibliography:
Speidel (1978) The Religion of Iuppiter Dolichenus in the Roman Army. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Turcan (1997) The Cults of the Roman Empire. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1997. Vágási (2017) Jupiter Dulcenus. Vallástudományi Szemle 13/4. 95-111.
Valente, Simona Università della Campania “L. Vanvitelli”
Le desinenze personali nella morfologia verbale delle carte notarili campane di area salernitana (IX secolo)
Nello studio che si intende sottoporre sono esaminate le desinenze di alcune sezioni dei paradigmi verbali di modo finito che emergono dallo spoglio di un corpus di carte notarili di area italiana meridionale. Sono stati infatti analizzati 102 documenti vergati nella zona di Salerno nel corso del IX secolo, pubblicati nei voll. 50-52 delle Chartae Latinae Antiquiores (ChLA L, LI, LII). Negli ultimi anni, una serie di ricerche (cfr. da ultimo i contributi presenti in Sornicola - D’Argenio - Greco 2017) ha approfondito molti aspetti di tali carte, ma le desinenze verbali risultano ancora non indagate in modo dettagliato. La facies complessiva delle morfologia verbale flessiva nelle carte che compongono il corpus è caratterizzata da uno spiccato polimorfismo il cui esame coinvolge problemi storici e teorici di vario tipo e chiama in causa parametri di analisi e fattori esplicativi diversi. Riguardo ai primi, sembra infatti cruciale riflettere su fino a che punto e in che termini è possibile rappresentare in termini paradigmatici la variabilità riscontrata e qual è lo statuto dei differenti tipi di varianti riscontrati. Tali questioni hanno impli- cazioni rilevanti anche rispetto alle dinamiche della transizione dal latino al roman- zo nel dominio della morfologia verbale e rispetto al tema generale del cambiamento
91 morfologico. Gli argomenti menzionati saranno affrontati alla luce di alcune variazioni riscontrate nei paradigmi del presente e del perfetto indicativo e del presente congi- untivo. Saranno preliminarmente osservate le dinamiche tra varianti e tendenze con- servative e innovative. Queste ultime costituiscono una casistica molto frammentata e di non facile tipologizzazione. In un’ottica diacronica è naturalmente di fondamen- tale interesse individuare tendenze e varianti innovative che anticipano tratti romanzi. Tale prospettiva è tuttavia ben lontana dal rendere conto delle variabilità riscontra- ta per varie ragioni, tra cui l’interesse teorico-metodologico della variazione tra una molteplicità di forme innovative di cui solo alcune dotate di immediati succedanei nelle varietà romanze del territorio. Appare dunque importante operare analisi più articolate in grado di distinguere tra tipi di varianti, separando ad esempio fenomeni grafici, graf- ico-fonetici e propriamente morfologici. Si osserverà inoltre come tali tipi siano crucial- mente connessi con i dislivelli linguistici e stilistici parzialmente riflessi dalle carte del corpus, legati a elementi quali l’abilità linguistica del loro autore e il tipo di documento.
Riferimenti bibliografici essenziali:
Sornicola, R. 2012. Bilinguismo e diglossia dei territori bizantini e longobardi del Mez‑ zogiorno: le testimonianze dei documenti del IX e X secolo, Napoli, Giannini. Sornicola, R., E. D’Argenio, P. Greco (ed.). 2017. Sistemi, norme, scritture. La lingua del‑ le più antiche carte cavensi, Napoli, Giannini. ChLA L = Galante, M. (ed.) 1997. Chartae Latinae Antiquiores. 2nd series. Ninth Centu‑ ry, 50: Italy 22, Dietikon-Zurich, Urs Graf Verlag. ChLA LI = Magistrale, F. (ed.) 1998. Chartae Latinae Antiquiores. 2nd series. Ninth Century, 51: Italy 23, Dietikon-Zurich, Urs Graf Verlag. ChLA LII = Galante, M. (ed.) 1998. Chartae Latinae Antiquiores. 2nd series. Ninth Cen‑ tury, 52: Italy 24, Dietikon-Zurich, Urs Graf Verlag.
Vangaever, Jasper Université de Lille/UMR 8163 STL & Ghent University
Categoriality in language change: the “converbalization” of the gerund
One of the variables subsumed under the notion of “finiteness” is category mem- bership. As is well known, finite verbs display properties of only one morphosyntactic category (the verb), whereas non-finite verbs present properties of (at least) two such categories (the verb and the noun/adjective/adverb) (Koptjevskaja-Tamm 1993, Niko- laeva 2010). As such, non-finite verbs instantiate what Aarts (2007) calls “intersective gradience”, i.e. the phenomenon whereby the properties of a given paradigm overlap or “intersect” between two (or more) morphosyntactic categories. For instance, infinitives intersect between the verb and the noun, and can hence be labelled as “verbal nouns” (Haspelmath 1995).
92 Being non-finite, the Latin gerund naturally displays intersective gradience. Like the infinitive, the gerund is traditionally considered to intersect between the catego- ries of the verb and the noun. From a morphological perspective, the gerund combines a verbal root, the gerundial affix -nd- and, depending on its syntactic function, one of three nominal case endings, e.g. ama-nd-um. From a morphosyntactic perspective, the gerund can have the internal syntax of the verb, but the external syntax of a noun, as in Cic. Phil. 9.6.6 reficiendi se et curandi potestas fuit (‘he had opportunity for re- freshment and looking after himself’). Therefore, the gerund is generally labelled as a “verbal noun”, just like the infinitive, with which it is supposed to be in complementary distribution (Pinkster 2015). In my talk, I will investigate the morphosyntactic categorization of the gerund from the 4th to the 10th centuries by means of a two-step semasiological approach: first, I will determine the syntactic functions of the gerund, which will yield its “functional pro- file”; second, I will determine its “morphosyntactic profile”, which is reached at by map- ping its functional profile on morphosyntactic categories (Ylikoski 2003). This mapping will show that the gerund not only intersects between the verb and the noun, but also presents adverbial properties. The diachronic evolution of the gerund will reveal a mor- phosyntactic specialization towards the verb and the adverb, which manifests itself by an increasing frequency of adverbial functions and a decreasing frequency of nominal functions. This evolution can be accounted for in terms of a “converbalization” process, viz. the shift towards the category of the “converb”, which is a type of non-finite verbs specialized in adverbial functions (Haspelmath 1995, Ylikoski 2003).
References:
Aarts, B. (2007). Syntactic gradience: the nature of grammatical indeterminacy, Ox‑ ford: OUP. Haspelmath, M. (1995). “The converb as a cross-linguistically valid category”, in Haspel‑ math, M. & König, E. (Eds) (1995). Converbs in cross-linguistic perspective: structure and meaning of adverbial verb forms - adverbial participles gerunds, Berlin: De Gruyter, 1-56. Koptjevskaja-Tamm, M. (1993). Nominalizations, London: Routledge. Nikolaeva, I. (2010). “Finiteness in typology”, Language and Linguistics Compass, 3(1), 1176-1189. Pinkster, H. (2015). Oxford Latin Syntax. Volume 1: the simple clause, Oxford: OUP. Ylikoski, J. (2003). “Defining non-finites: action nominals, converbs and infinitives”, SKY Journal of Linguistics, 16, 185‑237.
Verdo, Rémy see under Cafiero, Florian & Verdo, Rémy
93 Willms, Lothar Brown University - Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg
Augusta Treverorum Vulgaris: Linguistic Change and Cultural Integra- tion in the Late Antique and Early Medieval Inscriptions of Trier (Germany)
Founded in the second decade BC under the reign of Augustus, Augusta Treverorum soon became a flourishing city and even a residence of the Roman Emperor in the West in late antiquity (293–401 AD). This preeminent role is reflected in some of the most impressive extant Roman monuments north of the Alps, which are even listed as UNE- SCO World Heritage Sites (e.g. Porta Nigra, Basilica of Constantine). Less conspicuous material parts of the Roman heritage are the numerous Latin inscriptions (e.g. CIL vol. 13.1.2 № 3633–3967). Some are official and monumental and attest to the Imperial need for representation (e.g. for Augustus’ adoptive sons Gaius and Lucius Caesar). The ma- jority, however, reflects ordinary people’s lives – and deaths. Many of them do not fulfil the standards of Classical Latin and provide valuable glimpses into the sermo vulgaris. What makes these local inscriptions still more precious is the overlap with three other cultural and ethnic phenomena that deeply altered the history of Europe and the Ro- man Empire and that played well-known roles also in the history of Latin. The first is a cultural and religious phenomenon that affected the entire Roman Empire. Several inscriptions are on Christian tombstones and thus, in addition to Vulgar Latin, also reflect Christian Latin. The two other influences concern language contact: First, the deviations of one inscription from Classical Latin can be explained by a Celtic substrate. In fact, Latin owes its dominant position in the West to the conquest and subsequent assimilation of large Celtic-speaking regions. Second, a considerable number of Vulgar Latin inscriptions (most of them Christian) yields Germanic personal names and thus attests to a Germanic superstrate. Sometimes, the social functions of the named people (e.g. bodyguard, priest, count) (or their absence) provide glimpses into the sociolinguis- tic backgrounds of this superstrate and into its integration and final dominance. The starting point of my analysis is the 533 entries of vulgar deviations, found in the Computerized Historical Linguistic Database of the Latin Inscriptions of the Imperial Age for Augusta Treverorum, which already classify the deviation. In light of Henri Frei’s La grammaire des fautes and following the order in which Diehl presented the Vulgar Latin Inscriptions of his anthology, I shall systematise these deviations to a grammar of Vulgar Latin in Trier in the chapters on phonetics, morphology, syntax, and vocabulary. I shall carefully assess whether and to what degree deviant spellings are due to illit- eracy or reflect Vulgar Latin phonetics. Pictures of selected inscriptions which I have taken in situ in the Landesmuseum Trier will help assess such epigraphical questions, but also animate my presentation with visual material. All deviant material shall be compared with our knowledge of Vulgar Latin and the Romance languages. The wide chronological range (4th to 9th cent. AD) allows us glimpses into the shift from Vulgar
94 Latin to Romance Languages and also to geographically specific forms such as Western Romance and Gallo-Romance, as well as possibly the extinct Mosel Romance.
References:
Adams, James N.: An anthology of informal Latin: 200 BC – AD 900. Fifty texts with translations and linguistic commentary. Cambridge 2016. CIL = Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum. Berlin 1893 ff. Computerized Historical Linguistic Database of the Latin Inscriptions of the Imperial Age (http://lldb.elte.hu/) Diehl, Ernst: Vulgärlateinische Inschriften. Kleine Texte für Vorlesungen und Übungen 62. Bonn 1910. Repr. Berlin 2013. Frei, Henri: La grammaire des fautes. Paris 1929. Repr. Geneva 1982, Rennes 2011. Paris: Geuthner [u.a.], 1929. Haadsma, R.A., Nuchelmans, J.: Précis de latin vulgaire. 2nd ed. Groningen 1966. Herman, Joseph [József]: Le latin vulgaire. Que sais-je? 1247. 3rd ed. Paris 1975. Jungandreas, Wolfgang: Zur Geschichte des Moselromanischen. Studien zur Lautchro‑ nologie und zur Winzerlexik. Mainzer Studien zur Sprach- und Volksforschung 3. Wies‑ baden 1979. Kiesler, Reinhard: Einführung in die Problematik des Vulgärlateins. Romanistische Ar‑ beitshefte 48. Tübingen 2006. Kramer, Johannes: Das Französische in Deutschland. Eine Einführung. Stuttgart 1992, 24–43 (“Die „Romania submersa“: Moselromanisch, Hochwaldromanisch, Schwarzwaldro‑ manisch”). Kramer, Johannes: Vulgärlateinische Alltagsdokumente auf Papyri, Ostraka, Täfelchen und Inschriften. Archiv für Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete Beiheft 23. Berlin 2007. Maiden, Martin, John Charles Smith, Adam Ledgeway (eds.): The Cambridge History of the Romance Languages. 2 vols. Vol. 1: Structures, Vol. 2: Contexts. Cambridge 2011. Rohlfs, Gerhard: Sermo vulgaris latinus. Vulgärlateinisches Lesebuch. 3rd ed. Tübingen 1969. Slotty, Friedrich: Vulgärlateinisches Übungsbuch. 2nd ed. Berlin 1918. Tagliavini, Carlo: Einführung in die romanische Philologie. Aus dem Italienischen über‑ tragen von Reinhard Meisterfeld und Uwe Petersen. 2nd ed. Tübingen 1998.
Wolff, Etienne Université de Paris Nanterre
Traits de langue tardive et/ou vulgaire dans la poésie d’Ausone
La poésie d’Ausone est marquée par une grande recherche formelle, qui prend cinq aspects principaux: la virtuosité métrique, le bilinguisme latin-grec, le centon, les jeux
95 sur les mots, l’élaboration lexicale. C’est ce dernier point qui nous retiendra ici. Si la langue d’Ausone est globalement conforme aux standards classiques du point de vue de la syntaxe, il n’en va pas vraiment de même pour le lexique. Ausone recourt en effet assez souvent à des mots tardifs et/ou influencés par la langue vulgaire. Cette caractéristique de sa langue a été peu étudiée et on doit souvent encore recourir à la vieille thèse d’A. Delachaux. Dans cette communication, nous passerons en revue ces mots tardifs et/ ou vulgaires, pour tenter d’en dresser une typologie. Nous examinerons ensuite l’usage stylistique qu’en fait Ausone, car, poète raffiné, il n’emploie jamais ses mots au hasard. Nous verrons enfin s’il est possible d’en inférer quelques conclusions plus générales sur la situation linguistique en Aquitaine au IVe siècle.
Bibliographie succincte:
A. Delachaux, La latinité d’Ausone. Etude lexicographique et grammaticale, thèse Lau‑ sanne, Neuchâtel, 1909 E. Di Lorenzo, Ausonio. Saggio su alcune componenti stilistiche, Napoli, 1981.
Wright, Roger University of Liverpool
Homonymy and Suppletion in the origin of Spanish traer, “to bring”.
We are usually told that Spanish traer, “to bring”, derives from Latin TRAHERE. The past form traje undoubtedly derives from TRAXI, but it seems likely that the present forms traigo and traiga, and Medieval future forms such as tradra, come from forms of TRADERE, “to hand over”. Both verbs are found in written form in the so-called época de orígenes. In this contribution it is suggested that we see in the paradigm of traer an example of suppletion (in this case, partially homonymic), involving fairly imprecise medieval semantics, similar to those we see in the history of the forms of ser (some from ESSE, some from SEDERE) and of ir (some from IRE, some from VADERE).
Zago, Anna see under Ferri, Rolando & Zago, Anna
96 Zelenai Nóra Università degli studi Eötvös Loránd, Budapest
“Libertae isdem coniugi T. Licinius” - Il problema della fossilizzazione del pronome idem
Conosciamo una notevole quantità di iscrizioni – la maggior parte delle quali rinve- nute a Roma – in cui il pronome idem, nominativo maschile, sostituisce un altro genere o caso grammaticale (solitamente un dativo), o un avverbio. Nelle sillogi epigraphiche, tale forma è generalmente interpretata come avverbiale, e corretta con item. Tuttavia in contesti affini anzichè idem si rinviene talora isdem (come esemplificato nel titolo), ovvero la forma arcaica del nominativo maschile, che non può essere spiegata su base fonetica come derivata da item. Nel secolo XIX. Friedrich Ritschl pensò che tali forme sostituissero, in realtà, eidem (dat. sing. di idem), e spiegò il cambio su base fonetica (eidem > idem) e poi analogica (idem > isdem). Tale spiegazione implica un certo grado della fossilizzazione del pronome in questione, visto che il nominativo maschile com- pare al posto delle altre forme flesse della parola, nel caso specifico, del dativo. Nel 1907 Edgar Howard Sturtevant cercò di confutare le affermazioni di Ritschl e giunse ad un risultato assai interessante, secondo cui il fenomeno risaliva ad origini diverse ad Ostia e a Roma. Secondo la sua teoria, infatti, mentre la forma idem, che compari- va in posizione differente dal nominativo maschile ad Ostia era un variante dialettale dell’avverbio item, la medesima forma registrata a Roma era un nominativo usato con- sapevolmente. Di conseguenza, secondo Sturtevant, la fossilizzazione del pronome era un fenomeno inesistente. Il presente contributo si pone l’obiettivo di esaminare critica- mente la teoria di Sturtevant nonchè con la questione della fossilizzazione del pronome idem e della sua eventuale fusione con l’avverbio item.
Bibliografia:
R. Fabretti: Inscriptionum antiquarum quae in aedibus paternis asservantur explicatio etadditamentum. Roma 1699. F. W. Ritschl: Opuscula Philologica IV. (Ad epigraphicam et grammaticam Latinam spectantia). Lipsiae 1878. E. H. Sturtevant: Some Unfamiliar Uses of Idem and Isdem in Latin Inscriptions. CP 2 (1907) J. Herman: Vulgar Latin. Penn State University Press 2000. J. B. Hofmann – A. Szantyr: Lateinische Syntax und Stilistik. München 1972.
97 Zheltova, Elena Saint Petersburg State University
Evidentiality and mirativity in the language of the Roman comedy
Introduction. Evidentiality is a linguistic category which encodes source of informa- tion or modes of access to the information. The types of evidence can be divided into three groups, i. e. direct (perceptual, visual), indirect inferential (obtained by means of inferring or induction) and indirect reported evidence. There is no doubt that the lin- guistic devices encoding the source of information do exist in every language but differ significantly in their grammatical status. Latin belongs, in my opinion, to the languag- es with evidential extensions of non-evidential categories (or “evidential strategies”) (Aikhenvald 2004, 105), because evidential meanings in Latin are not conveyed by spe- cific forms, but occasionally expressed by forms whose central meaning is something else (Lazard 2001, 360). The term “mirativity” refers to the independent category which encodes “the speak- er’s unprepared mind, unexpected information and concomitant surprise” (DeLancey 2001, 369-370; Aikhenvald 2004, 209). Aims. The aims of my talk are to reveal the linguistic strategies of expressing evi- dentiality and mirativity in the language of Plautus and Terence and, therefore, to rein- terpret some Latin grammatical phenomena whose meaning has so far been restricted only to tense, mode or voice in traditional Latin grammars. I will try to show that these phenomena may have evidential and mirative extensions. I also argue that strategies under consideration are part of the Latin grammatical rather than the lexical system, if one follows the extended notion of “grammatical system” which may include not only suffixes, clitics or particles, but also auxiliaries and free syntactic forms (Anderson 1986, 275). Methodology. The study is based on the analysis of evidential and mirative strategies in the Roman comedy in comparison with some other literary genres. Results. The Latin grammatical system provides both morphological and syntactic means to convey the basic semantic values of evidentiality and mirativity. They are (among others) the Accusative with Participle construction governed by the verbs of perception, the historical present and the impersonal passive for expressing direct ev- identials, the perfect and future forms as well as the potential subjunctive for render- ing inferential values, and a whole array of means to convey reported evidentiality (the Accusative / Nominative with Infinitive constructions governed by the speech verbs, the logophoric use of the reflexive pronoun, and so forth). As regards mirativity, it can be expressed by the exclamatory accusative (and infinitive) constructions, the potential subjunctive / simple future in polemical or repudiating questions, the clauses with cum inversum. Comparative analysis shows that distribution of tools rendering evidential values as well as an unexpected information and concomitant surprise is not the same in the language of Roman comedy and in the historical narrative, for instance. Thus,
98 Plautus and Terence use more frequently the active perfect forms and the potential subjunctive for expressing inferential value and prefer the polemical questions and the exclamatory constructions as mirative strategies.
References :
Aikhenvald, A.Y, 2004. Evidentiality. Oxford, Oxford UP. Anderson, L.B., 1986. Evidentials, paths of change, and mental maps: Typologically reg‑ ular asymmetries, in: W. Chafe, J. Nichols (eds.) Evidentiality: The linguistic coding of epistemology. Norwood (NJ): Ablex, 273-312. DeLancey, S., 2001. The mirative and evidentiality, Journal of Pragmatics 33, 3, 369- 382. Lazard, G., 2001. On the grammaticalization of evidentiality, Journal of Pragmatics 33, 3, 359-367.
Zilverberg, Kevin Spanish National Research Council (CSIC, Madrid) - University of St. Thomas (MN, USA)
Cultic Vocabulary in Vetus Latina Daniel
The Vetus Latina Bible, whose North African origins date to the turn of the third cen- tury, provides precious documentation of vocabulary chosen for use in the Latin-speak- ing Christian community. While it is true that this translation literature is conditioned by its Greek sources, one must also recognize the text’s practical purpose: to make the sacred scriptures understandable to Latin speakers, many of whom belonged to the lower classes. This version, versions rather, provide a variety of vocabulary according to various translators’ and revisers’ milieus and intents. One finds in these texts both con- tinuity with vocabulary of Latin’s golden age as well as words alien to the high literary register handed down in the classical canon.1 This study’s objective is to analyze the use of cultic vocabulary in the Vetus Latina Book of Daniel. This book, transmitted along with the preceding story of Susanna, with additions to Chapter 3 absent from the Aramaic version, and with the concluding sto- ries of Bel and the Dragon, exhibits a richness of language of the sort just described.
Within these parameters I trace the vocabulary from the time of Tertullian the Af- rican, to Cyprian of Carthage, to Lucifer of Caralis, to Jerome of Stridon. Terms such as colo, adoro, seruio, famulor, precor, exomologesin facio, hymnum cano, and benedico are considered. The biblical book’s fragmentary manuscript evidence is also taken into account, as are authors less prominent for their provision of Vetus Latina texts. Jerome’s
1 Cf. V. I. Väänänen, Introduction au latin vulgaire. Nouvelle édition revue et complétée d’une anthologie avec commentaires (Bibliothèque française et romane, série A. Manuels et études linguistiques 6; Paris 1967).
99 Vulgate translation of Daniel is also considered, with special attention given to its sec- tions dependent on Greek Vorlagen. Thus do I examine and present the cultic vocabu- lary in Vetus Latina Daniel.
100 101 Participants
Surname First Name Home University / Email Institution Adamik Béla Research Institute for [email protected] Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences - Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest Adamik Tamás Eötvös Loránd University, [email protected] Budapest Aerts Simon Ghent University [email protected] Andoková Marcela Comenius University, marcela.andokova@ Bratislava uniba.sk Arias Abellán Carmen Universidad de Sevilla [email protected] Barchi Serena Università “La Sapienza” [email protected] Roma – Università Roma Tre Barta Andrea Research Institute for keresztely.andrea@gmail. Linguistics of the Hungarian com Academy of Sciences, Budapest Berger Łukasz Adam Mickiewicz University [email protected] in Poznań Biville Frédérique Université de Lyon [email protected] Biville Jean-Claude [email protected] Cafiero Florian École nationale des chartes, [email protected] Paris Calboli Gualtiero Università di Bologna [email protected] Callebat Louis Université de Caen louis.callebat@wanadoo. Normandie fr Cañas Reíllo José Manuel Consejo Superior de josemanuel.cannas@cchs. Investigaciones Científicas, csic.es CSIC - Madrid Celentano Maria Silvana Università “G. D’Annunzio” mariasilvana.celentano@ Chieti unich.it Costa Ioana University of Bucharest [email protected] Cotugno Francesca University of Nottingham - francesca.cotugno@ CSAD, University of Oxford nottingham.ac.uk Cser András Pázmány Péter Catholic [email protected] University Piliscsaba - Budapest Cuzzolin Pierluigi Università di Bergamo [email protected] Dalbera Joseph Université de Corse - UMR [email protected] Lisa 6240
102 Surname First Name Home University / Email Institution Danckaert Lieven CNRS/Université de Lille lieven.danckaert@ univ-lille3.fr D’Aquino Mattia [email protected] D’Argenio Elisa Università di Verona [email protected] Dascalu Ioana-Rucsandra University of Craiova [email protected] Denecker Tim Research Foundation – tim.denecker@kuleuven. Flanders (FWO) at KU Leuven be and UGent Déri Balázs Eötvös Loránd University, [email protected] Budapest Di Marco Michele Università Roma Tre michele.dimarco@ uniroma3.it Dimitrijevic Dragana University of Belgrade dragana_dim77@hotmail. com Duerrschnabel Chaja V. University of Bern vera.duerrschnabel@ theol.unibe.ch Ekler Péter Hungarian National Archive [email protected] (Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár), Budapest Fedriani Chiara University of Genoa [email protected] Ferrari Valentina Università degli Studi di [email protected] Napoli Federico II Ferri Rolando University of Pisa [email protected] Fruyt Michèle Sorbonne-Université, Paris [email protected] Galdi Giovanbattista University of Ghent giovanbattista.galdi@ ugent.be García Leal Alfonso Universidad de Oviedo [email protected] García Prieto Julia Universidad de Oviedo [email protected] Garnier Romain University of Limoges [email protected] Gaspar Catarina Universidade de Lisboa [email protected] Georgescu Simona University of Bucharest simona_rodina@yahoo. com Georgescu Theodor University of Bucharest theogeorgescu@yahoo. com Gianollo Chiara Università di Bologna [email protected] Gonda Attila Eötvös Loránd University, [email protected] Budapest Greco Paolo Università di Napoli “Federico [email protected] II” Grimm-Stadel- Isabel Ludwig Maximilians University [email protected] mann Munich Gulyás Adrienn Károli Gáspár University adrienn.gulyas@gmail. of the Reformed Church in com Hungary, Budapest
103 Surname First Name Home University / Email Institution Halla-aho Hilla University of Helsinki [email protected] Haverling Gerd Vanja Uppsala University gerd.haverling@lingfil. Maria uu.se Hoffmann Roland Independent Researcher, [email protected] Mainz Horváthy Sára Eötvös Loránd University, [email protected] Budapest Ittzés Máté Eötvös Loránd University, [email protected] Budapest Jekl Ágnes Eötvös Loránd University, [email protected] Budapest Joffre Marie- Université de Poitiers FoReLL [email protected] Dominique Kiss Sándor Université de Debrecen [email protected]. hu Knocke Hans-Holger hans-holger.knocke@gmx. de Korkiakangas Timo University of Oslo timo.t.korkiakangas@ gmail.com Lee Jesse James Independent Scholar, Davis, adlucemobscuram@gmail. USA com Longree Dominique Université de Liège dominique.longree@ulg. ac.be Magni Elisabetta University of Bologna [email protected] Mari Tommaso Otto-Friedrich-Universität tommaso.mari@ Bamberg uni-bamberg.de Martín Punte Cristina Universidad Complutense de [email protected] Madrid Mikulová Jana Masaryk University, Brno [email protected] Molinelli Piera University of Bergamo [email protected] Montefusco Lucia Università di Bologna luciamontefusco@gmail. com Moretti Paola Francesca Università degli Studi di [email protected] Milano Müller Roman Universität Heidelberg Roman.Mueller@ uni-heidelberg.de Nowak Krzysztof Institute of Polish Language, [email protected]. Polish Academy of Sciences, pl Krakow Panagl Oswald Universität Salzburg [email protected] Papini Alessandro Università “La Sapienza” [email protected] Roma
104 Surname First Name Home University / Email Institution Parkes Angela University of Birmingham angelamparkes@yahoo. co.uk Persig Anna University of Birmingham [email protected] Peterson David Universidad de Burgos [email protected] Plocharz Piotr ENS de Lyon [email protected]
Prieto Entrialgo Clara Elena IES Virgen de la Calle, [email protected] Palencia Schaller Gaëtan Universität Basel gaetan.schaller@unibas. ch Schrickx Josine Bayerische Akademie der j.schrickx@thesaurus. Wissenschaften badw.de Selig Maria University of Regensburg [email protected] Simon Zsolt Research Institute for [email protected] Linguistics, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest Skutta Franciska Université de Debrecen skutta.franciska@arts. unideb.hu Solin Heikki University of Helsinki [email protected] Sornicola Rosanna Università Federico II di [email protected] Napoli Spangenberg Elena Trinity College Dublin [email protected] Yanes Spevak Olga University of Toulouse 2 [email protected] Spieralska Beata Cardinal S. Wyszyński beata.spieralska@gmail. University, Warszawa com Tamponi Lucia University of Pisa [email protected]. it Tantimonaco Silvia Universitat de Barcelona silvia.tantimonaco@gmail. com Tarsi Matteo University of Iceland, [email protected] Reykjavik Trabelsi Hamida Institut supérieur des Langues hamida_trabelsi@yahoo. de Nabeul, Tunisie fr Unceta Gómez Luis Universidad Autónoma de [email protected] Madrid Urbanová Daniela Masaryk University Brno [email protected] Urso Anna Maria Università degli Studi di [email protected] Messina Vágási Tünde Eötvös Loránd University, [email protected] Budapest
105 Surname First Name Home University / Email Institution Valente Simona Università della Campania simona.valente@ “Luigi Vanvitelli”, Caserta unicampania.it Vangaever Jasper Université de Lille & Ghent jasper.vangaever@ University univ-lille3.fr Varga Éva Katalin Semmelweis University, [email protected] Budapest Verdo Rémy Centre Jean-Mabillon, Paris [email protected] Wehr Barbara Johannes-Gutenberg- [email protected] Universität Mainz Willms Lothar Brown University, Providence, lothar.willms@skph. USA - Ruprecht-Karls- uni-heidelberg.de Universität Heidelberg Wolff Etienne Université Paris-Nanterre [email protected] Wright Roger University of Liverpool [email protected] Zago Anna University of Pisa [email protected] Zelenai Nóra Eötvös Loránd University, [email protected] Budapest Zheltova Elena St. Petersburg State University [email protected] Zilverberg Kevin Consejo Superior de kevin.zilverberg@gmail. Investigaciones Científicas, com CSIC - Madrid Žytková Klára Charles University, Prague [email protected]
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