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Vulgar Latin 13th International Colloquium on Late and Vulgar Latin LATIN VULGAIRE - LATIN TARDIF XIII September 3-7, 2018, Budapest, Eötvös Loránd University BOOK OF ABSTRACTS Budapest 2018 13th International Colloquium on Late and Vulgar Latin LATIN VULGAIRE - LATIN TARDIF XIII September 3-7, 2018, Budapest Eötvös Loránd University BOOK OF ABSTRACTS V L L - L O HE S V I C S E T A V N G S V I 0 D T A I L V B C I S D C V – A N O C E N V T IVS L R T E N I N S T 0 T R P P E T O R V S L P E S S I X I A R I I E E I 3 C T 1 V S 0 L P A A M T V L Budapest 2018 E L U lvlt13.elte.hu Edited and designed by Júlia Nemes and Katalin Nemes The 13th International Colloquium on Late and Vulgar Latin has been sponsored by Faculty of Humanities Hungarian Academy of Sciences of Eötvös Loránd University Hungarian National Museum Aquincum Museum and Archaeological Park The 13th International Colloquium on Late and Vulgar Latin is organised under the auspices of the Comité international pour l’étude du latin vulgaire et tardif (www.unibg.it/lvlt), whose current members are: Gerd HAVERLING (Uppsala, Sweden), President of the Committee Béla ADAMIK (Budapest, Hungary), Vice-President of the Committee Carmen ARIAS ABELLÁN (Sevilla, Spain) Frédérique BIVILLE (Lyon, France) Alfonso GARCÍA LEAL (Oviedo, Spain) Sándor KISS (Debrecen, Hungary) Piera MOLINELLI (Bergamo, Italy) Maria SELIG (Regensburg, Germany) Heikki SOLIN (Helsinki, Finland) Roger WRIGHT (Liverpool, United Kingdom) Comité d’honneur pour l’étude du latin vulgaire et tardif: Gualtiero CALBOLI (Bologna, Italy), Honorary President of the Committee Louis CALLEBAT (Caen, France) Benjamín GARCÍA HERNÁNDEZ (Madrid, Spain) Maria ILIESCU (Innsbruck, Austria) The 13th International Colloquium on Late and Vulgar Latin (Latin vulgaire – latin tardif XIII) is held at the Faculty of Humanities of the Eötvös Loránd University (1088 Budapest, Múzeum körút 4/F, Hungary), from Monday, September 3rd to Friday, September 7th, 2018. It is organized by the Latin Department of the Institute of Ancient and Classical Studies of the Eötvös Loránd University in collaboration with the ‘Momentum’ Research Group for Computational Latin Dialectology at the Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.The Colloquium of Budapest 2018 is dedicated to the memory of József Herman who organized the first Colloque international sur le Latin Vulgaire et Latin Tardif (Latin vulgaire – latin tardif I) in Pécs, Hungary in 1985. Members of the local organizing committee are: Béla Adamik, Andrea Barta, Attila Gonda, Júlia Nemes, Zsolt Simon Honorary members: Tamás Adamik, László Borhy, Sándor Kiss, Zsigmond Ritoók, Gábor Sonkoly Organizing Assistants: Dóra Bohacsek, Ágnes Jekl, Szilvia Nemes, Alessandro Papini, Sára Sánta, Dániel Seres, Tünde Vágási, Nóra Zelenai Contents Abstracts in the alphabetical order of authors .................................................................. p. 7 Participants ............................................................................................................................ p. 102 Adamik Béla Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences - Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest On the loss of final -m: phonological or morphosyntactic change? In his study on the Vulgar Latin of the Pompeian inscriptions, Väänänen (1966: 71- 77) dealt with the problem of the dropping of final -m in a peculiar way. He grouped the omissions of final ‑m in three categories as follows: a) cases where the omission of ‑m can be explained by non-phonetic, i.e. technical reasons (e.g. by the lack of space at the end of a line such as ad ampitheatru(m) |, or by a potential abbreviation (such as plurima(m) salut(em) or before a word-initial m‑ such as cu(m) media) or morphosyntac- tic reasons (by confusion of the cases such as the use of nominative for accusative, e.g. halica(m) … palmas or ablative for accusative, i.e. in conventu(m) veni with a facultative explanation by dropping of final ‑m); b) where ‑m is omitted without any reason, i.e. due to a phonetic process, such as inqua(m) or collegioru(m) and Succesus amat ancilla(m) or ad porta(m) Romana(m) etc.; and c) where a final ‑m is added hypercorrectly such as peperit die{m} Iovis etc. Väänänen’s categorisation is problematic on more than one account, however. Sev- eral items of category b) (‘m omis sans raison apparente’) could be inserted in category a) as well, since the reason for an omission is not necessarily phonetic; they can also be morphosyntactic. A considerable part of Väänänen’s examples consists of either “Accu- satifs en ‑a(m)” like Succesus amat ancilla(m) and ad porta(m) Romana(m) or “Accusatifs en ‑e(m)” such as qu(a)e amas Felicione(m) and ante aede(m), which can all be interpreted also as examples of confusing cases, and therefore — contrary to the items as inqua(m) or collegioru(m) — they are to be excluded from a purely phonetic analysis. With the help of the Computerized Historical Linguistic Database of the Latin In- scriptions of the Imperial Age (http://lldb.elte.hu), present paper tries to evidence that in cases like Succesus amat ancilla(m) and ad porta(m) Romana(m) the potential influ- ence of morphosyntactic changes cannot be left out of consideration, since in Vulgar Latin the merger of the accusative and ablative cases was a general process affecting all declensions both in the singular and in the plural, occurring in prepositional phrases as well as without prepositions, also appearing in the ablative absolute clause, cf. the illus- trative examples in Adamik (2017: 9, in note 9). Moreover, we will present (and refute) a potential counter-argument based on the relative rarity or even lack of confusions be- tween accusative and ablative cases as for the objective use of the accusative (of the type curam egit, memoriam posuit, arcam comparavit etc.) in plural as evidenced in inscrip- tions. While could be an argument against the morphosyntactic explanation, it can be probably offset by the frequency analysis to be presented (executed on the inscriptional material with the help of the EDCS http://db.edcs.eu/epigr/), which shows that the rel- evant plural phrases are actually either non-existent (e.g. we have no arcas posuit, only 7 arcam posuit etc.) or extremely rare (such as memorias fecit or comparavit occurs twice only while memoriam fecit or posuit etc. occur very often). Bibliography: Adamik (2014). In Search of the Regional Diversification of Latin: Changes of the De‑ clension System According to the Inscriptions. In: P. Molinelli, P. Cuzzolin, Ch. Fedriani (edd.). Latin Vulgaire Latin Tardif X: Actes du X e colloque international sur le latin vul‑ gaire et tardif, Bergamo, 5‑9 septembre 2012. Bergamo 641‑661. Adamik (2017). The problem of the omission of word-final -s as evidenced in Latin in‑ scriptions. Graeco-Latina Brunensia 22/2 5-21. Väänänen, V. (1963). Le latin vulgaire des inscriptions pompéiennes. Berlin. Adamik Tamás Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest Vocabulary of Catullus’ Poems: Hapax legomena „There are 150 words in Catullus which occur once only in his writings, and of these more than 70 per cent are rare in the whole of Latin literature, and more than 90 per cent do not occur in Vergil at all” – writes J. Whatmough in his work Poetic, Scientific, and other Forms of Discourse, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1956, 41. It is necessary to dis- tinguish between genuine and apparent once-words. The true once-word is a coinage that never recurs; the number of the true once-words is exceedingly small. Catullus’ once-words were well known, but not in writing. Theoretically one would expect such words to be polysyllabic; so are the comic jawbreakers of Aristophanes which fit the pat- tern of his verse so well. The hapax legomena of Catullus are not genuine once-words of the spoken language, but they are vulgar and in some contexte obscene. We can, there- fore, regard them as taboo words. They occur sometimes in similes; cf. Poems 17, 23, 25, 97. In my paper I would like to analyse some vulgar hapax legomena of Catullus. Aerts, Simon Ghent University Latin tense and aspect in the writings of Gregory of Tours: a Systemic Functional analysis of tense usage in the Historia Francorum The Classical Latin verb system displays a twofold morphological distinction be- tween perfectum and infectum tenses, based on the verb stems of which the exact na- ture - relative tense (e.g. Pinkster 1983, 2015; Kroon 2007; Adema 2008) vs. grammatical 8 aspect (e.g. Touratier 1994; Oldsjö 2001; Haverling 2010) - has been a matter of much debate. The discussion comes down to the question whether grammatical aspect is re- quired as a category to be able to account for the language data. With regard to the Late Latin system, the supposedly full grammaticalization (cf. Kiss 1982) of the additional analytical construction with habere + past participle, which was reportedly increasingly necessary to make the aspectual meaning of resultativity explicit, and which was the forerunner of the Romance descendants, has been questioned in recent research (Ţâra 2014; Haverling 2016). In this context of theoretical discord, I propose to appreciate both tense and aspect in their full semantic potential using a modern Systemic Functional Linguistic approach (Bache 2008), which is applied to a corpus made up of excerpts from Gregory of Tours’ historiographical narrative. SFL recognizes three metafunctions or levels of meaning, on which language phe- nomena such as tense and aspect may potentially express meaning, as identified by means of a range of cotextual cues (for the threefold interpretation of grammatical as- pect, cf.
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