The Origin of State Societies in South America

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THE ORIGINOF STATESOCIETIES IN SOUTH AMERICA

CharlesStanish Departmentof Anthropology,University of California,Los Angeles, Los Angeles, California 90095-1553; e-mail: [email protected]

Key Words stateformation, cultural evolution, Andes, chiefdoms, states * Abstract Theearliest states developed in thecentral Andean highlands and along thecentral Pacific coast of westernSouth America. The consensus in thearchaeological literatureis thatstate societies first developed in thecentral Andes in theearly part of the firstmillennium C.E. A minorityopinion holds that first-generationstates developed as early as the late second millenniumB.C.E. in the same area.The Andeanregion constitutesone of a few areasof first-generationstate development in the world.This areatherefore represents an importantcase studyfor the comparativeanalysis of state formation.This articleoutlines the argumentsfor stateformation in SouthAmerica, presentsthe evidence, analyzes the underlying assumptions about these arguments, and assessesthe SouthAmerican data in termsof contemporaryanthropological theory of stateevolution.

SOUTH AMERICA

South America, a continent approximately17,870,000 km2 in size, has been di- vided into as few as three and as many as two dozen different cultural areas by anthropologists(Willey 1971, pp. 17-24). Borrowing on the earlier work of Wissler (1922, pp. 245-57) and Bennett (1946, p. 1), Lumbreras(1981, p. 42) provides the most common culturalgeographical division of South America:the Andes, the Llanos, Amazonia, the Chaco, the Pampas,and Patagonia(Figure 1). First-generationstates evolved only in the central and south central part of one area, the Andes. This area, referredto collectively as the central Andes, would correspondto partsof Wissler's Inca area and to all of Willey's Peruviancultural area(Willey 1971, p. 4). Borderedon the west by the Pacific Ocean, this culturally precociousregion stretchesfrom roughly the Peru-Ecuadorborder in the north,to the low forests of Peru and Bolivia in the east, and south to the southernpart of the Titicaca Basin in Bolivia.

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THE CENTRAL ANDES

The centralAndes extends over 1,000,000 km2 and includes some of the world's driest deserts, rugged mountainsides and peaks, highland grasslands, and low forests (Figure2). At the time of Europeancontact, the centralAndes was home to severaldozen distinctethnic and linguistic groups. In spite of this diversity,the idea that the centralAndes is culturallyunified and homogenous has been a subtextin anthropologicaland historical studies since at least the Europeanconquest. A good argumentcan be made that such a bias developeddirectly out of Inca and Spanish

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1-Aspero 2-Cahuachi, 3-Cardarl, 4-Cerro Blantco, 5-Cerrro Sechht,n, 6-Chankillo, 7-Chavin, 8-Chiripa, 9-Chupacigarro, 10-El Para(so, Arica Il-Huaca La Florida, 12-Huacaloma, 13-Huaca Prieta, 14-Huaricoto, 15-Hsaynund, 16-Kotosh, 17-Kuntur Wasi, 18-La Galgada, 19-La Pampa, 20-Las Haldas, 21-Mina Perdida, 22-Modw, 23-Pachacamac, Iquiqw. 24-Pacopampa, 25-Pampa de las Llamas - Moxeke, 26-Pikillacta, 27-Pirurn, 28-Porn Porn, 29-Pucara, 30-Putina, 31-Qaluyu, 32-Salinas de Chao, 33-San Jacinto, 34-Secht AAlto, 35-Sedhfn Bajo, 36-Sipdn, 37-Taukachi-Konkan, 38-T:wanaku, 39-Wari

Figure 2 The centralAndes.

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imperialpropaganda that promoted the culturalunity of empire.It is thereforenot surprisingthat many definitions of the Andean or central Andean cultural area correspondrather neatly to the Incan imperialboundaries in the 1530s. If one used the political and linguistic boundariesof the later first millennium C.E., there would be a very different picture. Around C.E.600 there were three relativelydistinct cultural, linguistic, political, and geographical areas in the central Andes. The Moche culturedeveloped in the northerncoastal desert. In this area, people spoke Mochica andrelated dialects (Torero1990). In the centralhighlands, the Wari state dominatedthe political landscape. Most likely, an ancestralform of Quechua was spoken in this region. The people of Tiwanakuruled the south centralAndean altiplano, or high plains.In this region,Aymara, Pukina, and related dialects were the dominantlanguages in the sixteenth century,and we presume that some form of proto-Aymara(Aru) and/orPukina was spoken in this area at the time of Tiwanaku.Each of these areas has its own researchtraditions. Given thatthis discussion focuses on the origin of the state and thatmany archaeologists point to these threeregions as home to the earliest states, these areasstructure this discussion.

DEFINING THE STATE

Flannery(1998, pp. 15-16; 1999) makesthe essentialpoint that the definitionof the stateis a taskfor anthropologistsand political scientistsworking with ethnographic or historicaldata. The role of archaeologists,in contrast,is to define the material indicatorsof this phenomenonand then assess the datato define the emergenceof the state. The anthropologicaldefinitions of the state, as well as its materialindi- catorsin the archaeologicalrecord, are closely linked to the theoreticalframework in which the concept of the state is developed. Definitions that focus on political power and social classes tend to define states broadly,with many archaeological cases fitting into the definition.In most neomarxistframeworks, the existence of social classes in and of itself is the defining feature of state organization.Silva Santisteban(1997, p. 22), for instance,argues that the existence of any monument that is significantlylarge or elaborateenough to indicate group labor above the household, is evidence for state organization.In his words, "... the presence of a ceremonialcenter [is] tangible evidence of the sociopolitical formationthat we call a State" (Silva Santisteban1997, p. 101). A theoreticallysimilar position is advocatedby Haas (1987, p. 32), who also sees the exercise of economic power to be the essential variablein the definition of the state. In the Andes according to this definition,large earthenconstructions reflect concentrated economic power and a state organization(Haas 1987, p. 22). A more common view is that monumentalarchitectural construction precedes the statein westernSouth America. In this view, nonstatesocieties arefully capable of amassingsufficient labor to buildlarge monuments, usually throughreligious or "theocratic"means (Burger1995, p. 37; Fung Pineda 1988, p. 80; Moseley 1975,

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1992). Moseley refers to complex, prestate societies as "civilizations,"in which hierarchycan exist withouthereditary rank (M.E. Moseley, personalcommunica- tion). In this context, the ideology representsthe community,not individuals or elite groups, and corporatearchitecture is created to provide focus for community ritualsand the materializationof chief ideologies (e.g. DeMarraiset al 1996, Dillehay 1992). In models thatemphasize the religious functionsof early monumentalconstruc- tions, the state develops after the shift from a kin-based, chief "hierarchyat the service of the collectivity" (Albarracin-Jordan1996, p. 70) to a hierarchyheaded by a stateelite thatacts largelyin its own interest.The stateis definedby a series of factors that distinguishit from chief, kin-basedorganization. The relative impor- tance of these factorsis based upon the particulartheoretical framework in which they are proposed. In the Andes, factors that have been proposed are generally consistent with the literatureon state formationfrom aroundthe world.

THE EMERGENCE OF COMPLEX SOCIETY IN THE LATEPRECERAMIC PERIOD

At the beginning of the fourth millennium B.C.E., all peoples in South America lived in small hunting, gathering,and horticulturalcamps, or, on rare occasions, in small semipermanentvillages. By 3000-2500 B.C.E.,the first fully sedentary and complex societies developed on the Pacific coast of Peru. Social complexity in the Andean archaeologicalrecord is generally indicated by the existence of large monumentsthat have functionsbeyond domestic residence and subsistence. Andeanarchaeologists refer to such architectureby severalterms, including corporate, civic-ceremonial,elite-ceremonial, ritual, or public architecture.Settlements that have pyramids,courts, walled plazas, and so forth are considered to be or- ganizationallymore complex than politically egalitarianvillages. The theoretical link between corporatearchitecture, a termfirst proposed by Moseley (1975), and culturalcomplexity rests on the premise that the monumentswere built by, and meant to be seen and used by, a social group largerthan a few families.

The Coast

Beginning around3000 B.C.E.,a few societies with a predominantlynonagricul- tural subsistencebase built corporatemonuments on the Peruviancoast. The site of Aspero, located on the northernedge of the Supe River adjacentto the Pacific Ocean, representsone of these early settlements. The earliest phases of corporate constructionbegan around2800-2000 B.C.E.(Feldman 1987, p. 12; Moseley 1992a, p. 117) (dates uncorrectedunless noted otherwise). One large monument is the Huaca de los Idolos, a flat-toppedpyramid 1500 m2 in size used for ritual display (Feldman 1987, p. 11; Moseley 1992a, p. 115). Along with this pyramid, Aspero has 12-15 hectares(ha) of domestic midden areas, and 17 otherpyramids

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between 1.0 and 4.0 m high. Excavationsat the site reveal a patternof continu- ally rebuilt constructionsby a residentpopulation, a patternfound at many sites throughoutthe coastal valleys at this time. Perhaps the largest settlement of this time period is located 2 km from the coast in the Chillon valley and is known as El Paraiso. According to Quilter (1985, p. 294) and Moseley (1992a, p. 119), the major constructionat the site was in progress by 2000 B.C.E.,and it continued to be occupied for two to four centuries. The 100,000 tons of stone masonry constructionis found in at least seven mounds that form a giant U shape over 58 ha (Quilter 1985, p. 279). It has a huge, 7.0-ha plaza located between the arms of the U. Many structureswere elaboratelydecorated. In particular,one structurewas paintedred and had a bright orange burnt floor with evidence of fire rituals. Moseley (1992a, p. 120) notes that artifactsinclude red pigment grinders,bird feathers, unfired figurines, and fruittree branches. Earlier, we believed thatthere was little evidence for permanent habitationat the site. However,later work indicates that it indeed had a resident population(Fung Pineda 1988; Quilter 1991b, p. 427; Quilter 1991a;Quilter et al 1991). Another large Preceramic site is known as Chupacigarroor Caral. Located inland in the Supe valley, the site is an impressive 50-ha Preceramicsettlement that includes circularstructures with ramps 50-80 m in diameter(Engel 1987), 25 pyramids up to 25 m high, and evidence of a sedentarypopulation (Silva Santisteban1997, pp. 103-4). The three sites of Chupacigarro,Aspero, and El Paraisoare located in different ecological zones. They representthe geographicallybroad settlement distribution of majorPreceramic sites, includingthe immediatecoast, a site within a shortwalk from the ocean, and an inland site well away from the marine resources. These three examples indicate that the first monumentalarchitecture was constructed in differentecological zones, where access to marine and agriculturalresources variedgreatly.

The CentralHighlands During the late Preceramic,a widespreadbuilding and ritualtradition developed among a numberof formerlyegalitarian highland communities as well. This has been called the "KotoshReligious Tradition"by Burger& Burger(1980). At the type site of Kotosh, Burger (1995, p. 47) describes two artificialmounds and a series of superimposedtemples. The highest mound was 14 m high and had a three-tieredplatform with numerouschambers built into the base. There are at least 11 chambersand possibly up to 100 chambersat Kotoshitself (Burger1995, p. 48; Izumi & Terada1972). A prominentfeature of this architecturaltradition is small buildings,usually plastered and decorated with firepitsin the floor.One of the most spectacularof these Preceramicstructures is the Templeof the CrossedHands at Kotosh.Other sites in the highlands,such as Huaricoto,La Galgada(Grieder et al 1988b), andPiruru (Bonnier & Rozenberg1988), have similarritual constructions,

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but the amountof labor and architecturalcomplexity of each site varies. Paintings of serpents,niches in the walls, fire ritual,and repeatedburying and rebuildingof the structuresare some of the salient featuresof the Kotosh Religious Tradition. La Galgadais a particularlyimportant Preceramic period site that participated in the Kotosh tradition.Around 2300 B.C.E.,the people at this site constructed elaborateround chambers with firepits. Significantfeatures of La Galgadainclude a circularcourt 17 m in diameter,the existence of "megalithicshaft tombs" (Grieder 1988, p. 73; Grieder& Bueno 1985, p. 108), and exotic objects in the fire pits. The architectureof the Kotosh Religious Traditionis differentfrom contemporarycoastal sites. In the highlands, corporatearchitecture is characterizedby single, free-standingbuildings with separateentrances and no internalconnect- ions. Thereis no evidence for site planning,restricted access, or formaldesigns that were replicatedacross sites (Burger1995, p. 51). In contrast,coastal traditions were characterizedby much largerbuildings with patternsof restrictedaccess, although at least one site, Huaynunain the Casma, has a ventilated hearth similar to the Kotosh Tradition(Pozorski & Pozorski 1990). Certainly,in both coast and sierra, monumentalarchitecture was widespreadby the beginning of the second millennium B.C.E.

Late Preceramic States? The late Preceramic period witnessed the emergence of the first nonegalit- ariansocieties in SouthAmerica. On the Pacificcoast, it is clearthat some of the earliest settlementsdid not rely on agriculturefor a significantproportion of theirdiet. Moseley (1975, 1985, 1992a, 1992b) has persuasively argued that many Prece- ramiccoastal populationswere based predominantlyon the exploitationof marine resources. His "maritimehypothesis" has been supportedby excavations at As- pero, HuacaPrieta, and othersites (Quilter& Stocker 1983, but see Wilson 1981). This work indicatesthat an economy based heavily on marineproducts was sufficient to supportthe constructionof monumentalarchitecture. It is significant that cultigens are also found in Preceramicperiod middens. While marineresources were the staple in coastal Preceramicsites, the inhabitants also utilized both wild and cultivatedfood and industrialcrops (Feldman 1987, p. 9; Pozorski & Pozorski 1990; Quilter & Stocker 1983) such as cotton, gourd, legumes,achira, andsquash. Other Preceramic period sites were locatedaway from the littoral.Settlements such as Chupacigarroexploited a mix of plantagricultural productsand the collection wild foods. Marineresources at the site were obtained by exchange with other groups and/ordirect exploitation. In the highlandslarge Preceramicmonuments were constructedin economies based largely on rain-fed and small-scale irrigationagriculture, plus the elabora- tion of exchange networks (Fung Pineda 1988, p. 71). Burger (1995, p. 32, 53) notes that marine fish bone and shell have been found at all Preceramichighland sites that have corporatearchitecture and notes that the populationof Salinas de Chao controlledsalt productionand exchange (but cf. Pozorski & Pozorski 1990,

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p. 24). In short, there are solid culturallinks between the highlands, coast, and even easternslopes in the late Preceramic(Bonavia & Grobman1979; Quilter& Stocker 1983, pp. 554-55). The consensus in the literatureis that the late Preceramicperiod represents at most the development of ranked society typical of simple chiefdoms in the evolutionaryanthropological literature. Terms used to describe this organization include "chiefdoms"(Feldman 1987), "societies with labor organizing leaders" (Bawden 1999, p. 172) "centralized,nonstate polities," and "regional centers" (Quilter 199 a). Certainly,the data indicate that there was no one site that was a center of a regionalpolity. Rather,there were a series of autonomoussettlements of varyingcomplexity up anddown the coast. Few scholarsargue that any political organizationas complex as the statedeveloped in the Preceramic.One exceptionis Silva Santisteban(1997, pp. 100-2), who arguesthat the pristinestate had formed by 2300 B.C.E.on the Peruviancoast.

THE INITIAL PERIOD

The Coast The Initial period dates from circa 2000-1800 B.C.E.to circa 900-600 B.C.E.The Initialperiod witnessed a rapidgrowth in the size of sites, developmentof architectural complexity, and general social complexity based on late Preceramicperiod antecedents.Several regional architecturalstyles emerged in this period. One of these is known as the U-shapedarchitectural tradition, first described by Williams (1971, also see CarrionSotelo 1998 for an example of a recent field study). The ideal layout was composed of a high, flat-toppedpyramid mound flankedin the front by two projectinglinear structuresto form a large U. The site of HuacaLa Florida,located 11 km inland in the Rimac valley, is one of the oldest of the classic U-shapedstructures so far studied(Von Hagen & Morris 1998, p. 51). The main pyramidis 17 m high and the two projecting structures rise 4 m from base for approximately500 m. Constructionat the site began in the eighteenthcentury B.C.E. Burger estimates that the site required6.7 million person- days of labor.He notes that it is not even the largest of the U-shaped sites on the coast. The little-knownsite of San Jacintoin the Chancayvalley is four times as large, with a 30-ha plaza and two million cubic metersof fill (Burger1995, p. 61). While centeredon the centralcoast of Peru, this U-shaped architecturaltradition has been noted as far south as the Lake TiticacaBasin (Stanish& Steadman1994, p. 13) and as far northas Piura(Guffroy 1989, pp. 161-207). A second architecturaltradition of the Initialperiod centers on the construction of sunken, circularcourts usually next to pyramids.This tradition,concentrated northof the Chancayvalley, has been found in at least 50 sites. Many of these are located in the Supe valley (Burger 1995, p. 76). A third architecturaltradition is knownas Cupisnique,characterized by low platformpyramids, large stairways, and rectangularcourts. Colonnades and elaboratepainted sculpturesdistinguish this

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architecture(Burger 1995, p. 92). The architecturalcomplex known as Huaca de los Reyes at the site of CaballoMuerto is emblematicof this late Initialperiod style. Ware-felinemotifs executed as adobe friezes adornthis huaca (Conklin 1996). One of the richest areas of the Initial period culture is the Casma valley. By 1400 B.C.E.or perhapsearlier, the site of Sechin Alto was the largestsettlement in the WesternHemisphere (Burger 1995, p. 80, Moseley 1992a, pp. 123-24, Tello 1956). It is dominatedby a huge, stone masonry platform 300 m in length and 250 m in width that forms the base of a U-shaped center. Located near Sechin Alto is the site of Cerro Sechin. The oldest construction at Cerro Sechin was built on a stepped platform with three levels (Samaniego et al 1985, p. 173). In this early Initial period, the site covered only about 5 ha. A possible sunkencourt was located in the front of this pyramidand noted long ago by Tello. Perhapsthe most outstandingfeature of Cerro Sechin is the numerous carvings in stone on the outer wall of the pyramid. These early Initial period carvingsdepict macabrescenes of war,including decapitations, trophy heads, and body parts,plus warriorsand victims in various states of subjugation. The Casmavalley site of Pampade las Llamas-Moxekestands as one of the most importantInitial period sites in the Andes. The site has two huge artificialmounds, plaza areas,other buildings, and a substantialhabitation area. The Moxeke mound measures 160 x 170 x 30 m and is decorated with elaborate friezes along its flanks.The second mound,known as HuacaA, measures 140 x 140 m at its base and reaches up to 9 m in height. Both of the mounds are aligned along a central axis. These two alignedpyramids demarcate high-walled enclosures, a patternthat suggests a surprisinglyhigh degree of site planning.Pozorski & Pozorski (1994, p. 67) note that middens up to 1.5 m deep are found at the edges of the corporate architecture.This residentialdebris, at least 110 "administrative"buildings, plus the mounds and enclosures cover up to 200 ha, althoughthe total area of purely residentialmidden and corporatearchitecture is less that 75 ha. The Casma valley data, as well as that from other valleys, indicate that the northPacific coast was a majorarea of culturaldevelopment in the Initial period. However, the highlands also witnessed the rise of architecturallycomplex and large settlementsas well.

The CentralHighlands U-shaped structureswere built at sites throughoutthe highlandsduring the Initial period. At La Galgada, ritual architecturalstyles shifted away from the earlier fire-pit tradition.Likewise, this period witnessed the constructionof a U-shaped building on a Preceramic temple mound, and the continuation of large burials (Griederet al 1988b, pp. 202-3). Significant architecturalmonuments were erected at KunturWasi in Huacaloma,Poro Poro, at the site of Chavin, and at dozens of other highland settlements (Burger 1995, pp. 109-112; Shady 1993). Constructionat Chavin began by at least 900 B.C.E.,and possibly earlier (Rick et al 1998, p. 208). The settlementwitnessed the buildingof a numberof corporate

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architecturalfeatures. During this periodChavin was the centerof a highlandstyle of elite pottery,textile, and stone art.

The South CentralHighlands The first constructionof corporatearchitecture in the south centralAndean highlands began in the Titicaca Basin around1300 B.C.E.Hastorf (1999) and her col- leagueshave uncovered corporate structures at the site of Chiripa,located in Bolivia in the south TiticacaBasin. These early small rooms were built with uncut stone, had plasteredfloors and walls, and were sometimesbuilt low into the ground.Over time, this architecturalstyle became more elaborate.The plasteredarea became larger,rooms were added to the exteriors, the floors were sunk deeper into the ground,and walled terraceswere built aroundthe entirearchitectural complex. By 900 B.C.E.,Chiripa was a nucleatedhabitation and ceremonialcenter spreadover 7.5 ha (Bandy 1999, p. 26). By the firstcenturies of the firstmillennium B.C.E., many peoples builtelaborate sunkencourts in the entire Titicacaregion. Along with the corporatearchitecture, a new suite of ritual artifactswas introduced.These include ceramic trumpets, flat-bottomedbowls, and stone carvings (Chavez & Mohr Chaivez1975). In the northbasin, the Qaluyu cultureflourished from as early as 1300 B.C.E.up to 500 B.C.E.The type site of Qaluyuis a largemound and associateddomestic habitation areasthat cover at least 7 ha. Thereare a numberof sunkencourts on the mound.A stone temple wall was discoveredin Qaluyu levels at the site of Pucara,located a few kilometersto the south (Wheeler& Mujica 1981). Otherlarge Qaluyu sites are found in Ayaviriand Putinain the north(Plourde 1999). In short,throughout the TiticacaBasin from 1300 B.C.E.to circa 500 B.C.E.,a few peoples in some villages startedconstructing elaborate court complexes, intensifiedinterregional exchange, and intensifiedritual behavior.

Initial Period States? There is a wide difference of opinion regardingthe level of political complexity in the Initialperiod. According to Pozorski(1987, p. 15) and Pozorski& Pozorski (1994, p. 70), early Initial period Pampa de las Llamas-Moxekewas the center of a "simple theocraticstate" with a populationof 2500-3000. It was linked to other sites in the Casmavalley, placing Pampade la Llamas-Moxekeat the top of a sitesize hierarchy.They point to numerouselite objects on Huaca A, including turquoisebeads, figurines,and textiles, which suggests thatthis was a palace. They likewise arguethat there was both elite- and low-statushousing at the site and that the entire settlementwas planned.Instead of one single site that can be identified as the firststate, they arguethat states developed among a numberof polities in the Moche, Casma, Supe, and Chillon valleys in the northand centralPeruvian coast (Pozorski & Pozorski 1987, p. 45). Burger(1995, p. 75) views the Initialperiod as characterizedby 20 or so "weak- ly stratifiedsmall-scale societies with highly developed religious institutions."

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Burgernotes that there is no state architecturetypical of known states in the An- des, little evidence of economic specialization,an absence of workshops, and a great deal of variationbetween settlements.Schreiber (2001) agrees, viewing the Initialperiod as a time of simple chiefdom development.It is importantto empha- size our lack of systematic regional researchin the area. In those regions where surveysare conducted,we find dozens of early sites with monumentalarchitecture (e.g. Vega-Centenoet al 1998). In short,the Initial period culturallandscape was populatedwith thousandsof corporatebuildings on hundredsof sites of varying sizes and complexity. The evidence suggests the existence of local polities with little regional integrationwith no single site that can be described as a political center of a multivalleypolity.

THE EARLYHORIZON

The Early Horizon dates from circa 900 B.C.E. to 200 B.C.E.and correspondsto the first pan-Andeanart style known as Chavin in the central highlands and the coast. This periodcorresponds to the last half of the Middle Formative(1300-500 B.C.E.)and the early part of the Upper Formative(500 B.C.E.to C.E.400) in the south centralAndes.

The Coast and Central Highlands Therewas a widespreadcollapse of coastal polities just priorto the EarlyHorizon. Constructionof architecturalmonuments was halted in progress at sites such as Cardal,Mina Perdida,Taukachi-Konkan, Sechfn Bajo, Sechin Alto, and Las Haldas(Burger 1995, pp. 183-85; Fung Pineda 1988, p. 89; Greider1975, p. 101). Likewise, a numberof sites with differentarchitectural and potterystyles were es- tablishedin Casma, such as PampaRosario, San Diego, and Chankillo.Chankillo has traditionallybeen interpretedas a fortress,but some recentinterpretations suggest that it served ritualpurposes instead. Otherunequivocal defensive sites were established throughoutthe region. In the Santa valley during the Early Horizon, Wilson discovered a numberof fortified settlements(1988, p. 100). Some argue for an invasion of highlandersinto the coast during the Early Horizon (Pozorski 1987), while others feel that the evidence points to local changes (Burger 1995, p. 189). In contrastto the coastalcultures, the culturesof the highlandsprospered during the Early Horizon. The site of Chavmnincreased in size and power. Construction at Chavin continued up to at least 400 B.C.E. and possibly two centuries later (Rick et al 1998, p. 208). Regional data suggest an aggregationof the surrounding sites into a 42-ha settlementby 400-200 B.C.E.with a populationof 2000- 3000 (Burger 1995, p. 168). At 20 times largerthan any surroundingsettlement, Chavin emerged as a true political center. Exchange with other Andean regions, includingthe coast, flourished,and thereis evidence of the importationof prestige

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goods andlocal economic specialization.The prosperitywas not limitedto Chavin. Pacopampa,Kotosh, La Pampa,Kuntur Wasi, and otherhighland sites grew in size and complexity as well (Silverman1996, p. 120).

The South CentralHighlands From approximately400 B.C.E. to C.E. 200, the site of Pucaradominated the nor- thern Titicaca Basin. Estimates of the size of Pucara range from 2.0-4.0 km2 (Erickson 1988). The main architecturalfeature of Pucarais a series of massive terracesthat lead up to a flat areawith three, stone-slab-lined, sunkencourts. The largestcourt measuresabout 16 x 16 m in size and is 2.2 m deep (Chavez 1988, Kidder 1943). A dense habitationarea is located in front of the large terraces. Likewise, there are a numberof mounds that most likely held sunken courts as well. Pucara pottery and sculptureshow links to contemporarycoastal Paracas and Early Tiwanaku,with antecedentsin Chavin (Cook 1994, p. 186; Conklin & Moseley 1988; Silverman 1996). The site of Tiwanaku,located in the southernTiticaca Basin, was occupied at this time as well. We do not know the size and complexity of Upper Forma- tive period Tiwanakubecause later constructionscovered 4-6 km2 with temples, pyramids, and other buildings. Limited test excavations at the site suggest that Tiwanakuwas probablyabout as large as Pucaraduring the UpperFormative, but this remainsspeculative.

EarlyHorizon States? Obviously,for those who view Chupacigarroand Pampade las Llamas-Moxeke as states, polities such as Chavin and Pucarawould be second-generationstates. Manyargue that the EarlyHorizon ceremonial centers were centers of regionalcults or pilgrimagedestinations that, while complex, do not meet the definitionof a state society (Burger 1989, pp. 557-60; 1995, pp. 193-200). Schreiber(2001) views the Early Horizon coastal and northhighland polities as complex chiefdoms, and Moseley (1992a, p. 159) suggests the existence of two regionalpolitical spheres, Chavin in the north and Pucara-Paracasin the south, that dominatedthe area as oracle centers. The regionalcult model was developedby Silvermanusing the site of Cahuachi as a case study (1990, 1991). Silverman(1995, p. 27) arguesthat this Nasca settlement did not have a urbanpopulation. She views it as a "complexnon-state society or ranked society or chiefdom-level society," but not a state-level organization. This model provides a means by which a large settlement,with substantialarchi- tecture,could be constructedin a nonstatecontext. Burger(1988) likewise argues that the Early Horizon centers could be analogousto the historicallydocumented pilgrimage center at Pachacamac.In the pilgrimage center model, many of the surface attributesof state organizationcan exist-large centers, widespreaddis- tributionof artstyles, and so forth-without the actual socioeconomic hierarchies that anthropologistssee as centralto state organization.

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THE EARLYINTERMEDIATE AND MIDDLEHORIZON

A poorly understoodculture that is known as Gallinazo developed on the north coast during the Early Intermediateperiod. In the Virn valley, the Gallinazo Groupwas a town of severalthousand people (Bawden 1999, p. 187). There was a substantialGallinazo occupation in the Moche valley as well. Gallinazois usually believed to antedatethe Moche, although some evidence suggests at least some chronological overlap between the two (Bawden 1999, p. 190). With large settlements, impressive platformpyramids, extensive agriculturalsystems, and the like, some scholars have argued that Gallinazo was in fact a state-level society (e.g., Fogel 1993). Certainly,many of the cultural patterns seen in the Moche culturehave direct antecedentsto Gallinazo.

The CoastalMoche

In the northcoast, the late Early Intermediateperiod Moche culturedeveloped as a multivalleypolitical entity by the fourth century C.E.(Bawden 1999; Shimada 1994, p. 95; Wilson 1988). The capital of the Moche polity is located in the Moche valley at the site of Moche. It is dominatedby two main pyramids-the Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna. The largestof these two, the Huacadel Sol, measures about 160 x 340 m in size and stands 40 m in height. It was one of the largest prehispanicmonuments constructed in the WesternHemisphere. The Moche capital is unequivocallyan urbansettlement, perhaps the first true city in the Andes. It is characterizedby a system of streets, canals, plazas, architectural groups, areas of craft specialization,and so forth (Uceda & Mujica 1998). Moche-relatedsites are found throughoutthe northcoast. Some scholarshave suggestedthat there were two Moche spheres,a northernand a southern(Shimada 1994). The famous site of Sipainin the northernvalley of Lambayequecontained one of the most elaborateMoche burialsyet discovered.The date of the Lord of Sipan burialis early in Moche culture, aroundC.E. 150-200, which suggests the simultaneousemergence of elite centersof powerthat sharedMoche iconography. Bawden provides a map of the early and middle Moche polity that suggests a dis- continuousterritory until Moche V, again reinforcingthe notion of a simultaneous rise of the state culminatingin Moche as its capital.

The South CentralHighlands The Upper Formativeperiod site of Pucaraended as a political center no later thanC.E. 400. AroundC.E. 600, the Tiwanakustate began an aggressiveexpansion out of the southernTiticaca Basin. The site of Tiwanakuis a vast, plannedurban capital that sprawledover the altiplanolandscape in the southernTiticaca Basin. At its height in C.E.800-900, Tiwanakuboasted an impressivearchitectural core of pyramids,temples, palaces, streets,and statebuildings. Surrounding the core of the capitalwas an urbansettlement of nonelite artisans,laborers, and farmerswho lived in adobe structuresup anddown the valley (Janusek1999). Currentestimates suggest that the total urbansettlement covers 4-6 km2 in area, with a population

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in the Tiwanakuvalley ranging from 30,000 to 60,000 (Janusek 1999, Kolata & Ponce 1992). Largeareas of intensifiedagricultural production are associatedwith Tiwanakuand pre-Tiwanakupopulations around the basin (Erickson1988, Kolata 1986, Stanish 1994). The combinedpopulation of these settlementsand the capital itself wouldhave been quitesubstantial at the heightof the Tiwanakustate, possibly reaching 100,000 people in the Tiwanakuand adjacentKatari valleys. Tiwanakuartifacts and colonies are found throughoutthe circum-Titicacabasin and beyond. A well-documented Tiwanaku colony is found in Moquegua (Goldstein 1993). In the Cochabambaregion of Bolivia, Anderson & Cespedes Paz (1998) argue for a Tiwanakucolony (but see Higueras-Hare1996). Probable colonial areashave been identifiedin the Larecajaregion of Bolivia (Faldin 1990), the Arequipaarea, and Azapa (Goldstein 1995/1996). Recent settlementarchaeol- ogy in the Titicaca Basin suggests that the Tiwanakuselectively controlledareas throughoutthe region. Tiwanakudid not, or could not, practice a small version of Inca statecraftby incorporatinglarge, contiguous areas. Rather,it appearsto have controlledeconomically and militarilystrategic areas, including roads, rich agriculturalareas, and resource-richzones.

The CentralHighlands The site and culture of Wari represent an autochthonousexpansive state that emergedin the middle of the firstmillennium C.E. in the centralhighlands roughly parallel in time to Tiwanaku.The capital site contains about 200 ha of stone architectureand another300 ha of domestic residencearound this architecturalcore (Schreiber 1987; 1992, p. 80). Up to 15 km2 of site area has been cited as being partof the Wariurban complex (Isbell et al 1991, Schreiber2001). The proportion of core architectureto domestic, nonelite architecture,and the overall size of the site is quite similarto contemporaryTiwanaku. Waristretches from the Cuzco areain the southto Cajamarcain MiddleHorizon 1B (Schreiber 1992, p. 77). There are several provincial Wari settlements. Pikillacta, located near Cuzco, is built on a grid, has 700 individual structures, is 2 km2 in size, and is the center of intrusivegarrisons of Wari settlements in the Lucre valley (McEwan 1991, p. 93-100). Likewise, the site of Jincamocco in the Carhuarazovalley representsan intrusiveWari settlement that differs from local sites based on size, artifactinventory, and architecturalplan (Meddens 1991; Schreiber1992, p. 165). Like Pikillacta,the main enclosure was laid out as a single unit. The site conforms to Wari architecturalcanons with large, subdivided compoundsof patios surroundedby peripheralgalleries inside a single, large, and well-definedrectangular enclosure with a thickouter wall (Schreiber1992, p. 200). These and other Wari sites indicate a rigidity of overall plan in Wari provincial architecture.

The EarlyIntermediate and Middle Horizon States? The consensus in the archaeologicalliterature is thatstates existed in the Andes by the middle of the first millennium C.E.(e.g. Berdichewsky 1995/1996, Flannery

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1995, 1998, Isbell 1987, Lumbreras1999, Marcus 1998). For the first time in the Andes, as representedby Moche, we have unequivocalevidence of royal tombs built in restricted-accesstemples, clear economic specialization,the existence of a road system, palaces, a warrior-basedelite, a regional polity beyond a single valley, and a fully urbanizedcapital. Likewise both Wariand Tiwanakuhave palaces, planned urban capitals, high populations, evidence of socioeconomic classes, site-size hierarchies,expansionist policies, agriculturalintensification, economic specialization, and colonial enclaves. The state originatedin Moche, Wari, and Tiwanakuin the firsthalf of the first millenniumC.E.

SOUTH AMERICAIN COMPARATIVECONTEXT

Two assumptionsabout the natureof Andeanculture and historyunderlie archaeological research in the region. One position views the Andes as culturallyand historically unique. The position was developed as a coherent theory by Murra (1968, 1972) and continues to hold considerable influence, particularlyamong ethnohistoriansand ethnographers.This body of theory is known as "verticality" or "zonalcomplementarity." The basic principlebehind this theoryis thatthe "vertical" stratificationof ecological zones in the Andes has affected the political and economic strategiesof the pre-Hispanicpopulations. It furthermoreassumes that this is uniqueto the Andes and,as such, has promotedthe developmentof a culture understandableonly in its own terms. Accordingto verticalitymodels, people strategicallylocate colonies to controla diverseset of ecological zones even in nonstatecontexts. This geographicalpattern allows the "complementary"ecozones to be exploited by a single group or polity. Hypothetically,the resultingdistribution of colonies createsan archipelagoof iso- lated landholdingsover a numberof ecological zones. The overlapof archipelagos results in a complex patchworkof differentethnic groups and political units, creating a socioeconomic system unique to the Andes. Recent work suggests that this perspective is not supportable.Throughout the world where the geography is characterizedby a close juxtapositionof different ecological zones, complex polities have securedeconomic access by similar strategies. The opposing perspectiveassumes that much of Andeanhistory can be under- stood as an example of anthropologicalprocesses typical of all human societies. Fromthis perspective,the Andes providesa rich corpusof datato refineour models of the evolution of state societies. It provides a numberof parallels and contrasts to other areas of first-generationstate development.

Geography One difference stands out between the Andes and other areas of first-generation state evolution. The Andean culturalarea, defined conservativelyas the limits of the Inca state in 1532, is exceptionally long and covers a very rugged territory.It stretchesfor over 4000 km up and down western South America. To place this in

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context, this is about the same distanceeast-west from the Nile to the Indus river, an area that covers three regions of pristine state developmentin the Old World (includingMesopotamia). Giventhe vast distancesin the Andeancultural area, a legitimatequestion can be raised as to whetherwe shouldview westernSouth Americaas having not one but three differentareas of first-generationstate developmentrepresented by Moche, Wari,and Tiwanaku. Perhaps the very notion of "pristine"state developmentmust be challenged, and instead we should find a bettercontrol for the relativedegrees of culturalautonomy in the formationof archaicstates aroundthe world.

Political and Economic Structure The argumentthat there were state societies priorto the Middle Horizon is weak. In particular,we can point to the lack of evidence of state-levelregional integration priorto Moche. The model thatbest characterizesthe pre-MiddleHorizon political landscape is a series of autonomousand semiautonomouspolities without any evidence of complexity beyond that of a chiefdom society. In contrast,the Moche, Tiwanaku,and Waripolities are similar to other first- generationstates aroundthe world. There is good evidence for the replicationof distinctiveartistic, mortuary, and architectural styles in distantregions. Unlike earlier periods there is unequivocalevidence for an urbanizedcapital city. Marcus& Flannery's(1996) descriptionof Uruk and Teotihuacancan also be used to char- acterize these Andean state polities: the existence of "hyperurban"capital cities, "directcontrol of an irregularand noncontiguousterritory, and distant 'colonies' or 'enclaves."' Moche, Tiwanaku,and Wari also exhibit classic site-size hierarchiestypical of first-generationstates. Albarracin-Jordan(1996) and McAndrewset al (1997) demonstratea four-tieredsite-size hierarchyfor Tiwanakuin its core territory. Using moreflexible criteria, a six-tieredone is notedin a nearbyprovincial territory (Stanish et al 1997). Isbell & Schreiber(1978) argue for a four-tieredhierarchy for Wari.For a major Moche area, Wilson (1988, p. 336) defines a hierarchyof sites thatincludes five tiers. In all cases, the numberof site-size tiers is greaterthan the preceding periods, which suggests a differentiationof the settlementpattern and administrativecomplexity at the time of state formation.

Population Sizes The populationestimates for Initial period or Early Horizon sites such as Pampa de las Llamas-Moxekeand Chavin are quite low, around2000-3000. In contrast, estimates for the later polities such as Moche, Wari, and Tiwanakuare higher, with publishedpopulations in the 50,000-200,000 range (Kolata 1993, Schreiber 1992). Johnson & Earle (1987, pp. 230-46) and Earle (1997) offer baseline data on chiefdom and state demographicsat the high end of the literature.Simple chiefdoms have populationlevels in the low thousandsto tens of thousands.Complex

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chiefdoms,at least in Hawaii,have populationsbetween 30,000 and 100,000, while states numberin the hundredsof thousandsto millions. At the otherend, Renfrew (1982) has suggested that some small states have as few as 2000 people. Feinman & Neitzel (1984), using comparativedata from the Americas, note that almost all middle-rangesocieties have a maximum of 31,000 people. An intermediate estimate by Baker & Sanders(1972) suggests a figure of 48,000 as the threshold between chiefdoms and states. In this regard,the populationestimates for hypoth- esized state societies in the Initialand EarlyHorizon periods is at the very low end of populationestimates for archaicstates from aroundthe world.The demographic size proposedfor the Middle Horizonpolities is more consistentwith the average populationsestimates in the literature.

Circumscriptionand Population Pressure The Pacific coastal valleys can be viewed as incredibly rich "linearoases" that pierce a virtually uninhabitabledesert. These valleys occur at somewhat regular intervalsthat averagearound 30 km and constituteclassic examples of a circum- scribedenvironment. The highlandsand altiplano,in contrast,are far less circumscribed.In particular,camelid pastoralismis not restrictedto narrowzones but can be practicedover a very wide area. Unlike the coast, populationshad alternatives to a single, rich, and restrictiveecological zone. Systematic surveys provide data on population growth and densities. Earle (1997, p. 65) notes that in Mantarovalley, "... the populations... expandedand declined in erraticcycles thatwere not evidentlyrelated to resourceconditions," a patternsimilar to two othercase studieshe cites in Denmarkand Hawaii.The data fit the circumscriptionmodel only after the Waristate developed. In the Titicaca Basin, there is a pattern of very slow, continuous growth with a spike in Inca period (Albarracin-Jordan& Mathews 1990, Stanish et al 1997). The data from these two highland areas supporta political economic model (Earle 1987; 1997, p. 119), as opposed to strict populationpressure models. Likewise, even on the coast, there remains little evidence of direct populationpressure. Wilson (1988, p. 357), for instance, notes that in the Santa valley, "there is little evidence of populationpressure per se in the pre-state systems ...," althoughhe goes on to suggest that it may have been a factor in other valleys. In spite of the circumscribednature of the coastal environment,there is little evidence for direct populationpressure as a factorin state development.This also appearsto be the case in the highlands. In short, localized populationpressure does not appearto be a sufficient or necessary cause in Andean state formation. However, at a regional level, there are correlationsbetween populationsize and state formationthat remainsubject to futuretesting.

Conflict and Warfare Intergroupconflict is recognized as one of the key factors in the development of political complexity (e.g., Marcus & Flannery 1996, p. 157; Redmond 1994).

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Warfareis present on the Andean coast from at least the Early Horizon. Wilson (1999) arguesthat conflict was presentin the Santavalley from the EarlyHorizon until the developmentof Moche. Pozorski (1987) agrees that warfarewas central to the formationof the first states in Santa and Nepefia but arguesthat in Casma, little conflict preceded the development of the first "theocratic"states. Conflict does occur later on in the Casma with the arrivalof a "secular,militaristic state" around1000 B.C.E. (Pozorski 1987). Therefore,if Pampade las Llamas-Moxeke is consideredto be an Initial period state, then warfarewas not a factor.If, however,the statedid not develop until the late EarlyIntermediate period, then conflict indeedwas a factorin the rise of the statein the Casmavalley as well. Iconographic evidence and physical remains unequivocally indicate that conflict and human sacrifice, probablyof prisoners,was common in Moche society (Bourget 1997; Donnan & McClelland 1999; Veranoet al 1999). There is little doubt that militarismwas a major strategyin Moche expansion on the coast. In the Santavalley, Wilson (1988, p. 333) and Shimada(1987) argue for a militaryconquest by the Moche displacingthe earlierGallinazo populations. Defensive architectureis common on Moche period sites throughoutthe north coast. In the highlands, Earle (1997, p. 119) notes that warfarebegan early in the Mantarovalley, subsided with the Wari conquest, then increased again prior to Inca conquest.In the Titicacaregion, evidence of conflict and the developmentof complex chiefly society are stronglycorrelated. In the Earlyand Middle Formative periods, there is little evidence of conflict. Then, in the Upper Formative,many sites were located in defensive positions (but see Topic & Topic 1987), and there is a pronouncedintroduction of trophyhead and othermilitaristic iconography on stone stelae and pottery.

WealthFinance D'Altroy & Earle (1985) and Earle (1997) argue that central to developmentof complex society is the creationof a system of financefor statepolitical economies. The key factorsinclude the existence of surplus-producingsubject peoples andpo- tential efficiency in production.From this perspective,the emergence of archaic states in South America can be understoodas a conjunctionof favorableenviron- mentalzones in a context of gradualpopulation growth. Population spikes tend to occur after state development,not before. The areas where states first developed have the greatestcapacity for sustaineddemographic increase and the intensification of production.As a generalrule, the northcoast riverswhere states took root are large, while the south coast riversare not. The few exceptions supportthe rule; large southernrivers tend to be deeply entrenchedand provide less opportunityfor irrigation,while smallernorthern rivers are connectableby intervalleycanals. As mentionedabove, perhapssome of the richest areas in South America are found on the northPeruvian coast where these large riversdischarge into the sea. Here,the richriverine resources are combined with the marineresources in the delta

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areas. In the highlands, there are many productivezones outside of the Titicaca Basin andnorth central highlands. However, it is in these two areaswhere a suite of highly productivenatural features combine. The Lake Titicacaregion has the lake itself, vast grasslands,rivers, and relativelyclose access to the easternslopes. The use of raisedfields nearthe lakeprovide the capacityfor agriculturalintensification, a techniquenot availablein otherareas of the highlands.In the northcentral Andes, the availabilityof irrigableland is often cited as one of the primaryfactors in the development of complexity and the state in the Andes. Likewise, the highland areas have access to pasturelands, rivers, and the eastern slopes. All three cases of Moche, Tiwanaku,and Wari state formation are correlatedwith agricultural intensification, intensification of exchange relationships, and intensification of commodity production,observations that conform to the wealth financemodel.

Dynamic Cycling Marcus (1992, 1993) and Marcus & Flannery (1996) have proposed a dynamic model of episodic expansion and collapse of archaicstates. State polities emerge throughthe incorporationof other groups,creating at least a four-tieredhierarchy of settlement.As one polity peaks and begins to breakdown, formerlower-level settlementsregain their autonomy,after which the process of consolidation,expansion, and dissolution continues again (Marcus 1998). This model works not only for the Maya area, where it was originallyproposed, but can be successfully used in many areas of state developmentaround the world, including the Andes. Data from the Andes supportthis model. In the Titicaca Basin, Tiwanakude- veloped aftera periodof Pucaracontraction. After the Tiwanakucollapse, smaller Aymara-speakingpolities developedthroughout the area.Over a 1500-yearperiod, polities expandedand contractedfor four cycles, ending with the Inca conquestof the region. Likewise, in the northcoast, regional researchby Billman (1999) and Wilson (1988) outlinea series of valleys andpeaks beginning before the emergence of the Moche state.

Summary South America provides an excellent case study for defining the processes of first-generationstate formation.The dataindicate that several factors were significant, includingcompetition and war,high resourceconcentration in circumscribed environments,interregional exchange, the materializationof elite ideologies, and ecological conditionsconducive to populationincreases. Factors that do not appear to be significantinclude local populationpressures in circumscribedenvironments, directcontrol of irrigation,or otheragricultural technologies by an elite. Localized population spikes appearafter the developmentof state societies. Irrigationsys- tems long predatethe developmentof states. Moche, Wari,and Tiwanakuare not organizationallyidentical. There is virtuallyno evidence for any direct links between Tiwanakuand Moche, except for the most superficialof iconographicdata. Thereare greater links betweenMoche andWari, but these arelargely iconographic

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as well and related to the fact that Wari seems to have had some political access to former Moche territory. Moche culture emphasized platform mounds with con- tinual rebuilding, probably on the accension of a new ruler or dynasty. Elaborate elite burials are found in these pyramids. In contrast, we have yet to define a significant elite burial in Tiwanaku. Likewise, the focus of political ritual appears to be the "kalasasayas" (stone enclosures) and sunken courts, and not the pyramids themselves in Tiwanaku. The highlands and coast have different evolutionary tra- jectories, based in large part on the nature of resource distribution and availability and political finance (T. Earle, personal communication). In general, models that incorporate dynamic cycling and political economic theoretical frameworks best explain the evolution of the state in western South America.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I thank B. Bauer, T. Earle, J. Haas, J. Marcus, M. Moseley, H. Silverman, and K. Schreiber for their gracious assistance on this article.

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