Read Mr Schofield’s lightning tour of German History and answer this essay question.

Evaluate the view that only changed between 1800 and 1919 when monarchs and political leaders chose to change it. 20 marks

1800 – There was no ‘’ to speak of. There was a hotchpotch of 314 ‘states’, loosely gathered into the ‘’, under the nominal (in name only) rule of the Emperor – who was also emperor of . The two largest parts of the Holy Roman Empire were Austria and .

1806 – , Emperor of , defeated Austria and Prussia, and the Holy Roman Empire was wiped off the map.

• The Far west of Germany (everything west of the Rhine) was absorbed into the French Empire. • 17 states in West-central Germany were formed into the of the Rhine, under direct French rule. • Across the region, many smaller states combined, to make 39 larger states. • Austria and Prussia, defeated and with diminished influence, were still the two largest independent states in the region. • Under Napoleonic rule, west and central Germany began to modernise away from feudal society to modern, early-industrial capitalist society.

1813 – With Russian help, Prussia and then Austria attacked the French Empire, and forced Napoleon to abdicate. The ‘War of Liberation’ is often seen as the first act of ‘German’ unity, but in truth Austria and Prussia were rivals, not allies, and there’s little evidence of popular attachment to any concept of ‘Germany’. 1815 – The two great ‘German’ powers carved up their newly-won territory – Prussia more than doubled in population as it claimed large gains in the north and, weirdly, the north-west, where people who didn’t feel in the least bit Prussian were given new Prussian rulers. Austria picked up large chunks of Italy. In June 1815 the ‘’ was born. Basically, all of the old Holy Roman Empire was joined in a diplomatic union, 39 self-governing individual states, with shared ambassadors and shared diplomatic treaties with other countries. This definitely wasn’t a unified nation, nor was it particularly German: there were , Czech’s, Danes and French-speaking people inside it, and some German-speaking and Prussians outside it! Representatives from each state met at a Diet in , which ensured states didn’t do their own diplomatic deals, but did almost nothing to economically or legally unify the 39 states. Austria and Prussia remained the dominant rivals, in uneasy peace.

1815-1840

The German states at this time made little progress towards liberal democracy (as was occurring in the UK, for example). Some southern and central states opened elected assemblies, but the majority of states retained strict autocracies. Austria remained under the absolute control of its Emperor, Prussia was dominated by large noble land-owners (Junkers) in alliance with its king. Many states developed sophisticated bureaucracies.

Culturally, two forces began to well up during this period – and nationalism. Particularly in universities, young educated people called for a series of liberal democratic reforms and the creation of a unified German nation. There was a widespread cultural upswell of ‘German’ art, literature and music, and some political groups such as the ‘Young ’ formed to demand unification and liberal reforms. Under the dominance of Prussia and particularly Austria, under the leadership of the ultra- conservative Chancellor Metternich, these demands were met with repression. Some smaller states did open representative assemblies, but most followed Metternich’s fierce opposition to democracy. In 1832 he persuaded the Diet to increase central control over universities and . Economically, one significant change was that Prussia persuaded most of the states to join a free trade ‘’ (Austria did not join) which increased its status and control within the Confederation. By 1848 Austria had political control of the Confederation, but had been isolated and weakened in economic terms, where Prussia was the clear leader.

The Fears of a possible French invasion stoked a new wave of German nationalism in this period, with the newspapers whipping up patriotism and new songs such as Deutschland uber Alles becoming popular. Liberalism was also on the increase, with some states relaxing censorship. A new King of Prussia, Frederick William IV, opened a temporary national Diet in in 1847 (over half of whom were Junkers) then closed it when it demanded to be made permanent! With the highest literacy in Europe, liberal-national newspapers such as ‘The German Newspaper’ grew in popularity.

The 1848 Revolution

There was an economic crisis across Europe in 1846-7 (cholera, potato blight, land hunger, food prices, unemployment). In addition, aristocratic and royal domination of politics was a frustration to the growing in Germany, as was the lack of progress on liberal reform and national unification. In 1847 a gathering of liberals from all the south-west German states demanded a German People’s , while a similar radical gathering demanded a united German .

On 24th February 1848, the King of France was overthrown. By 13th March this had inspired mass demonstrations on the streets of – Metternich fled the city, and fell from power. Demonstrations sprang up across the German states and most German rulers folded, granting elections, and the end of the last remnants of . In many of these states, however, a familiar story emerged – prosperous liberals, granted the political reforms they desired, teamed up with the monarchies to crush peasant and worker demands for sweeping social reforms.

In Austria, in May 1848, the Emperor agreed to an elected constituent assembly. In March, Prussia (along with several other larger states) agreed to “a national representation elected in all the German lands” to meet rapidly, “for the development of the strength and flowering of German national life!”

Within a month, The was elected, and set itself the challenge of creating a united Germany, under a UK-style and elected Parliament.

It failed – there were too many conflicts over the borders of the new Germany, whether only German- speakers should be included, it couldn’t raise taxes or and army, and ultimately the forces of conservatism regained their confidence in time to resist it. In March 1849 the Frankfurt Parliament passed and invited the King of Prussia to become head of the new Germany. He refused, as he would have become a constitutional monarch, bound by a parliament, and because it might lead to war with Austria (which, by now, had a new Emperor, totally opposed to the whole project). The Frankfurt Parliament dispersed in failure.

The modernisation of Prussia: One other change came out of this revolution. In order to appease the protesting crowds in Berlin (and in order to build a new pathway to dominating Germany, that bypassed the Frankfurt Parliament) King Frederick William IV did agree to a new Prussian Constitution – it involved the rule of law, an elected Parliament of two houses (dominated by the wealthy) and the maintenance of autocracy in ‘emergency powers’. There was now a clear pattern to German geo-politics – Prussia wanted to dominate the region by uniting it, Austria by keeping it disunited. Culturally, the tide was with Prussia – the events of 1848-9 had strengthened a German national consciousness, even if they had demonstrated the huge divisions between peasants, workers, nobles and the urban middle classes in Germany.

1850-51 – How unified to be?

In 1850 Prussia managed to persuade 28 states to join a close – the Erfurt Union. Austria responded by re-opening the old Diet of the loose ‘German Confederation’. Austria won the stand-off, and in 1851 the German Confederation on 1815 was restored, with Prussia and Austria allied within it – for now. But Austria was falling behind Prussia economically and, in 1856, would be crippled financially by the . Prussia, meanwhile, was booming, under leadership that believed in economic reform but political reaction.

1862 – Bismark arrives In December 1861 a radical liberal party, the Progressives, won the elections to the Prussian parliament, and refused to support the King without serious reforms (particularly making the army a national rather than a royal army). He refused and dissolved parliament, they won again in 1862, he nearly abdicated. Instead, he appointed a new, conservative Chief Minister – Otto von Bismark. In his first speech to Parliament he declared “Germany does not look to Prussia’s liberalism, but to its power. It is not through speeches and majority decisions that the great questions of the day are decided. It is by iron and blood.” He called the Progressives’ bluff – they didn’t want a violent revolution, and backed off from their demands. Prussia had a new, strong, leader, the ‘Iron Chancellor’.

1866 – The Seven Weeks War Confident that he had the superior army, Bismark spent the next four years trying to goad Austria into a war, as the means of establishing Prussian dominance over Germany. He used the debate over who should control two tiny states in modern , Schleswig and , to finally get his war in 1866. It took one decisive battle, at Sadowa in July 1866, to prove Prussia’s military superiority, and Austria called for peace. The Treaty of Prague in August 1866 significantly strengthened Prussia and isolated Austria:

• Prussia absorbed several states, such as Hanover, Schleswig and Holstein. • All other states north of the River joined a North German Confederation under Prussian Control • Four Catholic states in the south (, etc) remained independent, but signed a secret mutual defence pact with Prussia.

Bismark could, perhaps have demanded a unified Germany in 1866, but was content to bide his time – he wanted to ensure Prussia was not damaged by over-expansion.

1867: Germany’s first constitution? The constitution of the North German is important, because it basically tuned into the German constitution in 1871. Bismark saw parliamentary democracy as weak and inefficient. He created a weak Reichstag (House of Commons), with real no powers of accountability over ministers or the all-powerful Chancellor, in the hope that Germans would grow disillusioned with parliamentary democracy. The Reichstag was elected by all German males, so it looked very democratic, and Bismark was largely supported by liberals. He was able to pass a series of laws strengthening the union between the territories of the new North German Federation.

German nationalists also supported Bismark – even though his priorities were always Prussia’s interests, not Germany’s, he was unifying the ‘nation’. Some historians argue that in the 1860s a new harder nationalism was forming in Germany, less interested in romantic ideas about Germany’s cultural roots and historical ties, more interested in global competitiveness and power, and therefore more sympathetic to Bismark.

1870-71 The Franco-Something War From 1867-70 Bismark was seeking a pretext for war with France, believing that would drive the southern German states into joining his Confederation. In 1870 he got his wish and, as hoped, all of the German states joined in. His army was dominated by Prussian troops and under Prussian command, but every German state contributed men, hence the confusion over the name ‘Franco-Prussia War’ or ‘Franco-German War’. Bismark organised a fiercely nationalistic and anti-French propaganda campaign, whipping up German nationalist sentiment. The war was a spectacular victory and amid a frenzy of popular nationalism, the heads of the four southern German states had no choice but to accept a union with Prussia.

On 18th January 1871, with Bismark watching on, King William I of Prussia was declared ‘German Kaiser’ (Emperor) in the , France! A new federal constitution came into being – there were 25 states with domestic responsibilities, but a single Emperor (who’d always, funnily enough, be the King of Prussia) with a powerful Chancellor dominating the political scene, and a national democratic Reichstag with veto powers over legislation but limited power to propose legislation, and no means of wielding accountability over Chancellor or Kaiser (who could dissolve the Reichstag by decree).

Of the 25 states, by far the biggest and most influential was, of course, Prussia (with 60% of the people and 2/3rds of the land) and it’s notable that Prussia’s government remained very conservative, dominated by aristocrats and officers and civil servants. This fact was vital in inhibiting the development of liberal democracy in the new wider Germany. Bismark himself, still fiercely anti- democratic, was now Imperial Chancellor and Prussian Prime Minister.

The New Reichstag 1871-1890

Historians disagree about the new German parliament. Was it, as the socialist leader August Bebel declared, a “fig-leaf of despotism”, or was it a genuinely significant parliament?

- It didn’t determine who was Chancellor, like the UK Prime Minister - The Chancellor and State Secretaries were not in it - Bismark regularly dissolved it for being obstructive - It did have the power of veto, particularly over new taxes, so Bismark did have to negotiate with it - It did gain widespread attention and stimulated the development of mass political parties, whose leaders Bismark could not ignore - Sometimes it bowed to Bismark’s will, other times he blinked first. The new German Army As the force whose success had created the new Germany, the Deutsches Heer was hugely influential. It was the Emperor’s army, not the nations, but all men served in it for two-three years and it was revered in German culture – it‘s values were seen as embodying German values. However, its officer class were amongst the most reactionary and anti-democratic groups in Germany.

1871-1890 – Bismark‘s Germany

There are a few notable points to be made about this period.

1. Bismark was able to make good progress in formalising unification – a national currency and bank were introduced, for example. 2. Bismark tried, and failed, to repress one force he felt was resisting unification – the in the south. A series of repressive anti-catholic measures failed – if anything, his ‘’ anti-catholic campaign worsened the feeling of southern Catholics that their ‘Germanness’ wasn’t the same as Protestant Prussian Germanness. 3. Bismark became obsessed with the threat from radical opposition groups, especially socialists. In May 1878 an anarchist attempted to assassinate the Kaiser. Bismark, riding a wave of popular support for the Kaiser, rammed through repressive measures, getting socialist groups, including trade unions, banned, and getting 1,500 socialist leaders arrested. This didn’t end working class support for , though – socialists got over 1 million votes in 1890. 4. Bismark launched a programme of ‘state socialism’ to reconcile the working class – paid sick leave, accident insurance, pensions. This was hugely innovative – but didn’t really work, in terms of working class support for his style of government. 5. Danish, French and Polish ‘Germans’ were subjected to official harassment and encouraged to emigrate. 6. In Foreign Policy, the unification had turned Germany, overnight, into the most powerful force in continental Europe. France, massively resentful having lost territory to Germany in 1871 and Russia, scared of this new superpower, were a possible threat, particularly if they allied (or even worse, triple-teamed up with Austria!) In 1879 Bismark neutralised this threat by forming the Dual Alliance pact with Austria. This was a treaty, not a union, but it was significant – it would still be in place in August 1914…. Until 1890 Russia decided its best interests were in a cautious alliance with Austria and Prussia, known as the Dreikaiserbund (three Emperors’ alliance). 7. In 1884 Bismark decided Germany needed colonies! They were good for the economy and fuelled patriotism – Germany acquired modern-day Cameroon, Namibia and much of Kenya. This increased tensions with Britain and fed German nationalism.

In 1890 a new, young, Kaiser, Wilhelm II, dismissed Bismark for his lack of willingness to consider further social reforms. A giant of German history left the stage.

1890-1914 – Wilhelmine Germany This period is known as the Wilhelmine Period because it was dominated by the personality of Kaiser Wilhelm II. He was a classic ‘last Emperor’ – irrational, unpredictable, and totally convinced of his divine right to rule. “There is only one Ruler in the Reich and I am he.”

Politically, this period is one of frustration and conflict – political parties had huge memberships, public support for radical social change was growing, but the Kaiser allowed traditional elites, particularly the Prussian nobles (Junkers) and the reactionary, aristocratic high-ranking officers in his army, to dominate power to an excessive (if declining) extent. This is a crucial moment in ‘’ (special path) theory, suggesting that Germany was held back from the development of a functioning mass democracy, a process that took place elsewhere in Europe at this time. Economically, this was a time of rapid growth – by 1914 Germany was the continent’s industrial superpower. There were some quality of life improvements for peasants and workers, too, but the real beneficiaries were entrepreneurs and skilled workers. Culturally, much had changed. Nationalism was now a firmly conservative force – focused on ‘dealing with’ non-Germans inside the Reich, such as Poles and Danes, and on supporting the army and colonial gains. German nationalism also became closely associated with anti-Semitism. A new belief in the racial superiority of Germans (or Aryans), fuelled by a misreading of Darwinism, combined with economic resentment of Jews to connect anti-Semitic feeling with nationalism. Many anti-Jewish pamphlets and articles were published, and cultural figures such as Wagner shared anti-Semitic views. But how genuinely widespread these ideas were is a subject for heated debate – as it gets to the heart of whether the anti-Semitism of 1933-45 had national, regional or personal origins.

Other key moments in this period:

1897-98 – 1914 : Weltpolitik (Worldpolitics). In this era, Germany’s leaders faced a series of pressures to become more ‘imperialistic’ and expand Germany’s colonies, or its territories in Europe.

- Industrialisation demanded raw materials. - A popular alternative to socialism was needed – nationalism was the obvious choice. - Radical nationalist-racist groups like the Pan-German League and the Navy League were demanding Germany was more assertive. - Political thought was focused on the Darwinian conflict between nations and races, which many Germans felt they could lose, particularly to Britain, without expansion.

Weltpolitik was the ensuing policy: of military (particularly naval) expansion to acquire imperial territory and global influence. It put the Reich in direct competition with Britain, and helped forge the Triple Entente alliance of Britain, France and Russia. It was a diplomatic failure, but strengthened militarism and aggressive nationalism as a political and cultural force in Germany.

1900 social reforms: in an attempt to weaken working class support for socialism, the Chancellor, Bulow, barred child labour and gave all workers access to labour rights courts. 1907 the Hottentot election: this is helpful – there was a controversy that year over the state’s brutal repression of a revolt in South-West Africa, by the Hottentot people. The Chancellor, Bulow, decided to call elections and in a fiercely nationalistic campaign the anti-socialist, anti-Catholic, pro-government parties won a clear victory. This event would merit investigation… 1912 The socialist SPD party became the largest party in the Reichstag. Without the power to pass legislation they couldn’t enact a socialist programme. But in response to their success, nationalist, anti- socialist, anti-Semitic parties such as the Pan-German League grew more vocal, demanding a new Iron Chancellor, a war to crush Germany’s global rivals, and the promotion of the Aryan race at the expense of Jews.

The fall to war – historians disagree relentlessly over why war broke out in 1914. In our context the key issue is this – did the German leadership desire and plan for a war, or stumble into one? There’s lots of evidence that they spent most of 1912-14 bluffing, appearing ready for war in order to negotiate peace from a position of strength; but there are also quotes which suggest they were fully committed to what Wilhelm called a “racial struggle” with Russia for control of Eastern Europe and the lebensraum (living space) Germany needed to thrive.

What we can say about the First World War is this:

It began (as elsewhere) in a frenzy of patriotism and over-confidence. The Germans thought it would all be over by Christmas, too.

The Germany army was able to demonstrate its excellent training and equipment in a couple of massive defeats of Russia, which made national heroes of the commanding officers, Hindeburg and Ludendorff. The war was a vast national shared experience, unlike any before it: 20% of the whole population saw combat, and every adult male (and most adult females) were eventually mobilised in some way.

By the start of 1917 the civilian cost of the war became increasingly hard to bear, rationing expanded from grain products to all products, there was a huge shortage of food and fuel during the winter of 1917-18, causing severer malnutrition and epidemics. Working hours were expanded relentlessly, to generate arms, and public anger against the profits industrialists were making grew. From 1917 onwards socialists organised a series of strikes, while nationalists blamed socialist saboteurs and Jews for the suffering.

As early as July 1917 the Reichstag passed a resolution calling for ‘peace without victory’. Hindenburg and Ludendorff, now basically running the state, ignored it.

In response, a right-wing Fatherland party was launched in September 1917, calling for military rule and fighting on for a ‘victorious peace’ - -it soon had perhaps half a million members, largely in the East of Germany. As we know, Germany won the war! Well, the war against Russia – where it made massive territorial gains in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in March 1918. Liberated from fighting on two fronts, the German High Command felt they then had a real chance of victory – hence they ignored US President Woodrow Wilson’s early-1918 peace plan. The German Spring Offensive of 1918 failed (but not by much) and the summer Allied counter-attack succeeded. In August 1918 desertions from the retreating army increased significantly,

In September the German High Command announced to the politicians that the war was lost and handed control to the Reichstag – hoping that would make the Allies less punitive, towards a fledgling democracy, and also hoping the Reichstag would bear the blame for the defeat.

The end The traumatic few weeks of Germany’s collapse were a crucial cultural as well as political turning point in the country’s history.

1. Ludendorff and Hindenburg did all they could to nurture the (false) belief in a betrayal of the German army by politicians (the ‘stab in the back’ theory) even organising a futile counter- attack at the last minute. 2. Of course, one condition of the ceasefire was the abdication of the Kaiser, making Germany a republic 3. The failed revolutions of 1918-19 were notable for demonstrating the lack of public support for a radical right or left-wing uprising, a point further proved in the first elections after the war, in January 1919, when over 75% of votes were cast for parties committed to the peaceful building of a new Republic. 4. It’s important to place the Versailles treaty in cultural terms. Virtually all Germans thought it was a travesty, but it’s important to note its specific assaults on nationalism: the loss of colonies; the demilitarization of Germany; the reduction in Germany’s lebensraum (living space) in Europe; above all, the removal of German-speaking peoples from the German nation. It was almost designed to aggravate and embitter German nationalism, which of course it did.

Now answer this essay question: “Evaluate the view that German nationalism only changed between 1800 and 1919 when monarchs and political leaders chose to change it.” 20 marks