DOCSLIB.ORG

Media Representation and Youth Crime in El Salvador

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Media Representation and Youth Crime in El Salvador UNIVERSITEIT VAN AMSTERDAM Media representation and Youth Crime in El Salvador Bachelor Thesis Human Geography Johannes Chinchilla 10179690 18-6-2014 This research focusses on the ways in which Salvadoran media have traditionally reported about youth-crime. Attention is paid to the Salvadoran context, which seems to have been violent for over several decades. Possible consequences the media may have on the public interpretation of youth crime will be discussed, as the public interpretation of youth crime might contribute to possible solutions Inhoud Introduction ..................................................................................................................................................................2 Framework ................................................................................................................................................................2 Research Methods ...................................................................................................................................................8 Chapter Layout ........................................................................................................................................................9 Chapter 1: The Salvadoran Context .................................................................................................................... 10 Historical and Political Context ....................................................................................................................... 10 Precedents of Civil War ................................................................................................................................. 10 The Legacy of the Civil War ........................................................................................................................ 14 Socio-economic Context ..................................................................................................................................... 15 Poverty, Inequality and Social Exclusion .................................................................................................. 16 Geography of inequalities .............................................................................................................................. 19 Chapter 2: Youth Crime .......................................................................................................................................... 21 Crime in General and Social Conflict ......................................................................................................... 21 Culture of Violence .......................................................................................................................................... 24 Youth Crime in General and the Gang Phenomenon ............................................................................ 25 Chapter 3: Salvadoran Media ................................................................................................................................. 29 Media and Democracy .................................................................................................................................... 29 Salvadoran Media: it’s just Business ........................................................................................................... 30 Print Media and Online Newspapers .......................................................................................................... 32 Legislation, Diversity and Ownership ....................................................................................................... 33 Chapter 4: Media Discourse ................................................................................................................................... 35 Salvadoran Media Discourse ............................................................................................................................. 35 Discourse Analysis ............................................................................................................................................... 40 Representation of reality ................................................................................................................................ 40 Stereotypes ........................................................................................................................................................ 41 Representativeness .......................................................................................................................................... 44 The message ..................................................................................................................................................... 45 Chapter 5: Public Interpretation of Youth Crime ............................................................................................. 48 Creating the ‘Other’ ........................................................................................................................................ 48 Construction of Discourse and Public Interpretation of Youth Crime .............................................. 50 Consequences negative media-representation .......................................................................................... 52 Conclusion .................................................................................................................................................................. 54 1 Introduction Although the amount of reported homicides decreased in 2013, El Salvador is still listed number four in the list of countries with the highest murder rates (Marroquín, 2014). In 2013 a total of 2,492 murders was registered, of which the majority of victims were males between 15 and 39 years old (Lohmuller, 2014). A common explanation for the high murder rate and the insecurity in the country is the presence of gangs or pandillas in Spanish. After the civil war, that lasted from 1980 until 1992, the problems associated with these gangs increased, or at least they were given more attention. Even now, 22 years after the civil war, not one day passes by without the media reporting something about these gangs. The majority of these media have showed to be influenced by politics and the private sector (Aguilar, 2006). Aguilar, for example, argues that although the gangs were perceived as a severe problem by society, it has not always been perceived as the biggest or most important problem for the people. However, when in October 2003 the right-wing government launched its new (aggressive) plan called ‘Mano Dura’ to fight the gangs, far more people indicated to perceive the gangs as the major national problem. Although the gang phenomenon is probably one of the most studied issues in Central America, there seems to be a gap in the literature –especially in English literature– about the way in which the media present information about these gangs. As not all homicides are related to gang violence, but most of them are related to violence from and among youngsters, the focus of this investigation will be on (the media coverage on) issues related to youth- violence and crime in general. The central research question of this investigation is as follows: How is youth crime and violence currently being pictured in the Salvadoran media and in what way may this influence the public opinion about youth crime? Framework In order to answer the research question it is useful to revise the literature existing literature on the topic, as various interesting ideas and concepts can be used. Xavier Giró (2006) shows us that the media do almost to improve the situation in the country when it comes to youth violence and gangs. Instead, they often present a one-sided story that is often stigmatizing. Amparro Marroquín Parducci (2006) writes about a self-fulfilling prophecy in which the media are even aggravating the problems surrounding youth violence. The article explains how certain images of stereotypes and certain stigmas can contribute to a vicious circle of violence and the author recommends that the media alter their way of reporting certain facts, if they want to be part of the solution. Aguilar and 2 Carranza (2011) describe the emergence of youth-gangs and focuses especially on the (social) opportunities of these youngsters. They plead for a wider and more structural approach to integrate these often excluded actors into society. This article is useful to understand the underlying causes of youth crime and gang culture, both in the past as in the present. Martel (2006) queries the ‘official discourse’ on gangs. Although the author recognizes the presence of these gangs and the negative consequences of many of their deeds, she points out that the commotion around those gangs is often a form of propaganda, used to justify policy changes that are mainly benefiting the people that are involved in decision making processes. From the ideas and concepts provided by these and some additional articles, it is possible to extract the necessary guidance for the investigation. Hence, the conceptual model builds on the information collected from the existing literature. Research Design The research will basically exist out of three main topics, which will form the guidelines for this research. The three topics are divided in different chapters and will focus on: • The most important causes behind youth crime and the main characteristics of youth crime • The approach of the different Salvadoran media
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Making a Gang: Exporting US Criminal Capital to El Salvador
    Making a Gang: Exporting US Criminal Capital to El Salvador Maria Micaela Sviatschi Princeton University∗y March 31, 2020 Abstract This paper provides new evidence on how criminal knowledge exported from the US affect gang development. In 1996, the US Illegal Immigration Responsibility Act drastically increased the number of criminal deportations. In particular, the members of large Salvadoran gangs that developed in Los Angeles were sent back to El Salvador. Using variation in criminal depor- tations over time and across cohorts combined with geographical variation in the location of gangs and their members place of birth, I find that criminal deportations led to a large increase in Salvadoran homicide rates and gang activity, such as extortion and drug trafficking, as well as an increase in gang recruitment of children. In particular, I find evidence that children in their early teens when the leaders arrived are more likely to be involved in gang-related crimes when they are adults. I also find evidence that these deportations, by increasing gang violence in El Salvador, increase child migration to the US–potentially leading to more deportations. However, I find that in municipalities characterized by stronger organizational skills and social ties in the 1980s, before the deportation shocks, gangs of US origin are less likely to develop. In sum, this paper provides evidence on how deportation policies can backfire by disseminating not only ideas between countries but also criminal networks, spreading gangs across Central America and back into parts of the US. ∗I am grateful for the feedback I received from Roland Benabou, Leah Boustan, Chris Blattman, Zach Brown, Janet Currie, Will Dobbie, Thomas Fujiwara, Jonas Hjort, Ben Lessing, Bentley Macleod, Beatriz Magaloni, Eduardo Morales, Mike Mueller-Smith, Suresh Naidu, Kiki Pop-Eleches, Maria Fernanda Rosales, Violeta Rosenthal, Jake Shapiro, Carlos Schmidt-Padilla, Santiago Tobon, Miguel Urquiola, Juan Vargas, Tom Vogl, Leonard Wanchekon, Austin Wright and participants at numerous conferences and seminars.
    [Show full text]
  • Paradoxes of Grassroots Peacemaking: Warrior Masculinity, Violence and Intergenerational Dialogues in Postwar El Salvador
    Copyright by R. Elizabeth Velásquez Estrada 2017 The Dissertation Committee for R. Elizabeth Velásquez Estrada Certifies that this is the approved version of the following: Paradoxes of Grassroots Peacemaking: Warrior Masculinity, Violence and Intergenerational Dialogues in Postwar El Salvador Committee: Charles R. Hale, Supervisor Shannon Speed, Co-Supervisor Edmund T. Gordon Kathleen C. Stewart Kamala Visweswaran Paradoxes of Grassroots Peacemaking: Warrior Masculinity, Violence and Intergenerational Dialogues in Postwar El Salvador by R. Elizabeth Velásquez Estrada Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin December 2017 Dedication To my mother, Rosa, for all that you did to raise my brother and me as a single parent in the midst of life challenges in times of war and peace. I would not have made it this far without your determination, support, and critical view of the world. To my US parents, Anne and John whose everyday commitment to fight for a better world has been an inspiration. To the women and men participants of this research who tirelessly continue to fight for social justice. Acknowledgements It is very difficult to do justice and thank in a few lines all the people who have helped me along the way, who made it possible for me to reach a successful completion of this research project. I want to thank Uzziel Peña and Jesús Reinaldo Barra for allowing me to document your life history, providing a diverse number of contacts, and for the many thought-provoking conversations for the past thirteen years.
    [Show full text]
  • Armed Violence & Poverty Case Studies
    Armed violence and poverty in El Salvador: a mini case study for the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative Item Type Report Authors Hume, Mo Citation Hume, M. (2004). Armed violence and poverty in El Salvador: a mini case study for the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative. Bradford, Centre of International Cooperation and Security, Department of Peace Studies, University of Bradford. AVPI CAse Studies. Rights © 2004 University of Bradford. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-Share Alike License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/uk). Download date 30/09/2021 23:31:08 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10454/994 Armed violence and poverty in El Salvador A mini case study for the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative November 2004 Mo Hume University of Liverpool Armed violence and poverty in El Salvador, Hume, November 2004 The Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative The UK Department for International Development (DFID) has commissioned the Centre for International Cooperation and Security (CICS) at Bradford University to carry out research to promote understanding of how and when poverty and vulnerability is exacerbated by armed violence. This study programme, which forms one element in a broader “Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative”, aims to provide the full documentation of that correlation which DFID feels is widely accepted but not confirmed. It also aims to analyse the processes through which such impacts occur and the circumstances which exacerbate or moderate them. In addition it has a practical policy-oriented purpose and concludes with programming and policy recommendations to donor government agencies.
    [Show full text]
  • Countering Criminal Violence in Central America Council Special Report No
    Countering Criminal Violence in Central AmericaCountering in Central Criminal Violence Cover Photo: A gang member flashes a gang sign as police parade more than one hundred suspected gang members they arrested in an overnight raid in San Salvador, El Salvador, on September 28, 2006 (Alex Pena/Courtesy of Reuters). Council Special Report No. 64 April 2012 Council on Foreign Relations Michael Shifter 58 East 68th Street New York, NY 10065 tel 212.434.9400 Council No. 64 Special Report fax 212.434.9800 Countering 1777 F Street, NW Washington, DC 20006 Criminal Violence tel 202.509.8400 fax 202.509.8490 in Central America www.cfr.org Countering Criminal Violence in Central America Council Special Report No. 64 April 2012 Michael Shifter Countering Criminal Violence in Central America The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher dedicated to being a resource for its members, government officials, business execu- tives, journalists, educators and students, civic and religious leaders, and other interested citizens in order to help them better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries. Founded in 1921, CFR carries out its mission by maintaining a diverse membership, with special programs to promote interest and develop expertise in the next generation of foreign policy leaders; con- vening meetings at its headquarters in New York and in Washington, DC, and other cities where senior government officials, members of Congress, global leaders, and prominent thinkers come together with CFR members to discuss and debate major international issues; supporting a Studies Program that fosters independent research, enabling CFR scholars to produce articles, reports, and books and hold roundtables that analyze foreign policy issues and make concrete policy recommendations; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal on international affairs and U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Central America Regional Security Initiative: Background and Policy Issues for Congress
    Central America Regional Security Initiative: Background and Policy Issues for Congress Peter J. Meyer Analyst in Latin American Affairs Clare Ribando Seelke Specialist in Latin American Affairs May 6, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41731 Central America Regional Security Initiative: Background and Policy Issues for Congress Summary Central America faces significant security challenges. Criminal threats, fragile political and judicial systems, and social hardships such as poverty and unemployment contribute to widespread insecurity in the region. Consequently, improving security conditions in these countries is a difficult, multifaceted endeavor. Since U.S. drug demand contributes to regional security challenges and the consequences of citizen insecurity in Central America are potentially far-reaching, the United States is collaborating with countries in the region to implement and refine security efforts. Criminal Threats Well-financed drug trafficking organizations (DTOs), along with gangs and other criminal groups, threaten to overwhelm Central American governments. Counternarcotics efforts in Colombia and Mexico have put pressure on DTOs in those countries, leading some to increase their operations in Central America—a region with fewer resources and weaker institutions with which to combat drug trafficking and related criminality. Increasing flows of narcotics through Central America are contributing to rising levels of violence and the corruption of government officials, both of which are weakening citizens’ support for democracy and the rule of law. DTOs are also increasingly becoming poly-criminal organizations, raising millions of dollars through smuggling, extorting, and sometimes kidnapping migrants. Given the transnational character of criminal organizations and their abilities to exploit ungoverned spaces, some analysts assert that insecurity in Central America poses a potential threat to the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Transnational Crime in Mexico and Central America: Its Evolution and Role in International Migration
    THE REGIONAL MIGRATION STUDY GROUP TRANSNATIONAL CRIME IN MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA: ITS EVOLUTION AND ROLE IN INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION By Steven Dudley THE REGIONAL MIGRATION STUDY GROUP TRANSNATIONAL CRIME IN MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA: Its Evolution and Role in International Migration By Steven Dudley Co-Director, InSight Crime November 2012 Acknowledgments Christopher Looft helped research this paper. The author thanks the members and staff of the Regional Migration Study Group and the participants in the study group’s March 2012 meeting for comments on earlier versions of this report. This research has been made possible through the generous support of the Tinker Foundation, the MacArthur Foundation, and the Open Society Foundations. This report was produced for the March 2012 meeting of the Regional Migration Study Group convened by the Migration Policy Institute (MPI) and the Latin American Program of the Woodrow Wilson Center. The Study Group, a three-year initiative, will act as a virtual think tank to the policymakers and civil-society officials in the United States, Mexico, and Central America who manage day-to-day migration relations and other issues related to human capital and global competitiveness. The Study Group’s mission, membership, and research can be found at: www.migrationpolicy.org/regionalstudygroup. © 2012 Migration Policy Institute. All Rights Reserved. Cover Photo: Modified version of North American map (2725801) – BigStockPhoto.com Cover Design: Burke Speaker, MPI Typesetting: April Siruno, MPI No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the Migration Policy Institute.
    [Show full text]
  • El Salvador 2019 Crime & Safety Report
    El Salvador 2019 Crime & Safety Report This is an annual report produced in conjunction with the Regional Security Office at the U.S. Embassy in San Salvador, El Salvador. The current U.S. Department of State Travel Advisory at the date of this report’s publication assesses El Salvador at Level 3, indicating travelers should reconsider travel to the country due to crime. Overall Crime and Safety Situation The U.S. Embassy in San Salvador does not assume responsibility for the professional ability or integrity of the persons or firms appearing in this report. The American Citizens’ Services unit (ACS) cannot recommend a particular individual or location, and assumes no responsibility for the quality of service provided. Review OSAC’s El Salvador-specific page for original OSAC reporting, consular messages, and contact information, some of which may be available only to private-sector representatives with an OSAC password. Crime Threats There is serious risk from crime in San Salvador. El Salvador is the most densely populated country in Central America, with more than six million people living in an area the size of Massachusetts, high unemployment and generally low wages, and comparatively high housing costs. Some of these factors push families in lower economic status into marginal housing zones. These zones, located throughout urban areas, including in upscale neighborhoods, provide a point of origin and safe haven for criminals. Crime can run the gamut from credit card skimming to homicide, and is characterized by violence directed against known targeted victims and targets of opportunity. No information suggests that criminals specifically target U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • El Salvador 4K Wikipedia
    El salvador 4k wikipedia Continue Country in Central America This article is about a country in Central America. For other purposes, see El Salvador (disambiguation). Coordinates: 13'41'N 89'11'W / 13.683'N 89.183'W / 13.683; -89.183 Republic SalvadorRepublic de Salvador (Spanish) Flag Herb Motto: Dios, Union, Libertad (Spanish)English: God, Union, LibertyGymn: Himno Nacional de Salvador (English: National Anthem of El Salvador) Capital And largest citySan Salvador13'41'56N 89'11'29W / 13.69889-N 89.19139'W / 13.69889; -89.19139Official languagesSpanishEthnic groups 86.3% Mestizo (mixed White and Indigenous)12.7% White1.23% Indigenous0.13% Black0.64% Other[1]Religion (2017)[2]84.1% Christianity—44.9% Roman Catholic—37.1% Protestant—2.1% Other Christian15.2% No religion0.7% Other religionsDemonym(s)Salvadorian, Salvadorean, SalvadoranGovernmentUnitary presidential constitutional republic• President Nayib Bukele• Vice President Félix Ulloa LegislatureLegislative AssemblyIndependence• Declared from Spain 15 September 1821• Declared from theFederal Republicof Central America 12 June 1824• International recognition[3] 18 February 1841 Area • Total21,041 km2 (8,124 sq mi) (148th)• Water (%)1.5Population• 2018 estimate6,420,746[4][5] (109th)• Density303.1/km2 (785.0/sq mi) (47th)GDP (PPP)2018 estimate• Total$53.667 billion[6] (101st)• Per capita$8,388[6] (111th)GDP (nominal)2018 estimate• Total$25.855 billion[6] (102nd)• Per capita$4,041[6] (111th)Gini (2016) 40.6[7]mediumHDI (2018) 0.667[8]medium · 121thCurrencyUnited States dollara (USD)Time zoneUTC−6 (CST)Driving siderightCalling code+503bISO 3166 codeSVInternet TLD.sv The United States dollar is the currency in use.
    [Show full text]
  • Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and Ley Anti Mara: El Salvador's Struggle to Reclaim Social Order*
    Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and Ley Anti Mara: El Salvador's Struggle to Reclaim Social Order* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 224 II. BACKGROUND: THE ORIGIN OF SALVADORIAN STREET G ANGS .................................................................................................. 226 A. The Salvadorian People: A Culture of Violence ..................................... 226 B. Forgive me Mother for this Crazy Life I Lead: Los Angeles' Street Gang Subculture ...................................................... 228 III. THE SEVERITY OF TRANSNATIONAL STREET GANG PROLIFERATION ................... 230 A. Mara Salvatrucha in the United States .................................................... 230 B. Mara Salvatruchain El Salvador 33,568 Homicides, Savage Crimes, and a ChristmastimeBus Massacre............................... 232 C. A ComparativeAnalysis: CurrentHomicide Rates Versus the Civil War Death Toll, Other Central American Nations, and Major US. Cities ................................................ 234 IV. EL SALVADOR'S LEGAL CHESS MATCH .............................................................. 236 A. A Close Look at LAM-] ........................................................................... 237 B. Arguments Before El Salvador's Supreme Court of Justice: The Unconstitutionalityof LAM-1 ................... 239 1. From the Perspectiveof El Salvador's Constitution......................... 240 2. From the Perspectiveof InternationalLaw
    [Show full text]
  • Dynamics of Violence in El Salvador
    DYNAMICS OF VIOLENCE IN EL SALVADOR by Viveca Pav´onTercero APPROVED BY SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE: Jennifer S. Holmes, Chair Clint Peinhardt Patrick T. Brandt Dohyeong Kim Copyright c 2018 Viveca Pav´onTercero All rights reserved This dissertation is dedicated to the Two that convinced me I could. DYNAMICS OF VIOLENCE IN EL SALVADOR by VIVECA PAVON´ TERCERO, BS, MBA DISSERTATION Presented to the Faculty of The University of Texas at Dallas in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN PUBLIC POLICY AND POLITICAL ECONOMY THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT DALLAS August 2018 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This research would not have been possible without those organizations that believed in my work and contributed financially for its completion. A special thanks to CUSLAI for their support during my studies and their help with my research. Without their travel grant this dissertation would have been quite difficult to complete. Dr. Monica Rankin and Dr. Jennifer Holmes were outstanding during our field work, I learned a lot from their interviewing skills. I would also like to thank Phi Kappa Phi Cyrus D. Cantrell III Academic Travel Grant for helping fund my research in El Salvador. To my committee, thank you for your insight, I have learned so much from each of you. Dr. Holmes, thank you for continuously working with me and helping me expand my view on the `dark side'. I would also like to thank Dr. Brandt for his direction in conducting research; Your training has been invaluable. Dr. Peinhardt, I truly appreciate your guidance and how you have encouraged me to think beyond the theoretical norms.
    [Show full text]
  • CPIN Template
    Country Policy and Information Note El Salvador: Fear of gangs Version 3.0 January 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: x A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm x The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules x The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules x A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) x A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory x A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and x If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002.
    [Show full text]
  • Spreading Gangs: Exporting US Criminal Capital to El Salvador
    Spreading Gangs: Exporting US Criminal Capital to El Salvador Maria Micaela Sviatschi Princeton University∗y April 7, 2020 Abstract This paper provides evidence showing how deportation policies can backfire by dissemi- nating not only ideas between countries but also criminal networks, spreading gangs, in this case, across Central America and spurring migration back to the US. In 1996, the US Illegal Immigration Responsibility Act drastically increased the number of criminal deportations. In particular, the members of large Salvadoran gangs that developed in Los Angeles were sent back to El Salvador. Using variation in criminal deportations over time and across cohorts combined with geographical variation in the location of gangs and their members’ place of birth, I find that criminal deportations led to a large increase in Salvadoran homicide rates and gang activity, such as extortion and drug trafficking, as well as an increase in gang recruitment of children. In particular, I find evidence that children in their early teens when the leaders arrived are more likely to be involved in gang-related crimes when they are adults. I also find evidence that these deportations, by increasing gang violence in El Salvador, increase child migration to the US–potentially leading to more deportations. ∗I am grateful for the feedback I received from Roland Benabou, Tim Besley, Leah Boustan, Chris Blattman, Zach Brown, Janet Currie, Will Dobbie, Thomas Fujiwara, Jonas Hjort, Ben Lessing, Nicola Limodio, Bentley Macleod, Beatriz Magaloni, Nikita Melnikov, Eduardo Morales, Mike Mueller-Smith, Suresh Naidu, Kiki Pop-Eleches, Nishith Prakash, Maria Fernanda Rosales, Violeta Rosenthal, Jake Shapiro, Carlos Schmidt-Padilla, Santiago Tobon, Miguel Urquiola, Juan Vargas, Tom Vogl, Leonard Wanchekon, Austin Wright, Owen Zidar, and participants at numerous conferences and seminars.
    [Show full text]