Dear Friend, 2. Write Or Call the to the Contras) and Mge Tbe1m to Vote And

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Dear Friend, 2. Write Or Call the to the Contras) and Mge Tbe1m to Vote And THE WASHINGTON OFFICE ON AFRICA t! 0 MARYLAND AVENUE. N.E. WASHINGTON. 0. C. 20002 {20~1 546.1961 May 15, 1987 Dear Friend, There is an urgent need for anti-apartheid groups to 't:ak'e the political offensive to end U.S. aid to UNITA. Each day the war waged by South Africa, UNITA and the u.s. against Angola intensifies* causing widespreOCI destruction, death, and the maiming arrl displacenent of Angolan people. Ending aid to UNITA {the South Africa-backed rebel movement led by Jonas Savinbi) arrl preventing sanctions against Angola rust become key parts of our work for justice in Southern Africa. There is a strong right wing campaign to discredit the Angolan government and to gain support for UNITA. This canpaign gained momentum in 1985 with the repeal of the Clark Amendment, which had prevented the u.s. government from aiding any Angolan rebel rnoverrent. Since Jonas Savinbi was received by Presi­ dent Reagan in early 1985, the u.s. has provided UNITA with over $15 million dollars in military aid and sophisticated Stinger missiles. South Africa and UNITA have continued to find support in the lOOth Congress (see the enclosed "time-line"). In addition, costly public relations tours by UNITA represent­ atives have presented UNITA as a nationalist roovernent fighting to overthrow domination by racist Cubans and Soviets. In a recent trip to the South, UNITA representatives were hosted by the Alabama Conference of Black Mayors. UNITA has targeted southern states in order to win grassroots support for future votes on increased military aid. It is imperative that we counter UNITA's propaganda and the right wing carrpaign to increase u.s. support for South Africa's war against Angola. We need intensive lobbying and an educational program aimed at both Congress and the grassroots in order to stop u.s. support for UNITA. Therefore, please: 1. duplicate and distribute the enclosed information to people in your net­ work/church/labor union/anti-apartheid group and ask them to alert others to the situation in Angola. 2. write or call the legislators on 'tile El!lClosed U.st (page 1 and 2, who have voted against aid to the Nicaraguan contras but have not consistently opposed aid to UNITA, and page 3, who are new rnenbers of Congress who voted against aid to the contras) and mge tbe1m to vote and to speak a;ainst any overt or covert aid to ~ and to oppose all sanctions against Angola. Ask people in your network to do the same. 3. write or call the legislators an the El!lClosed list {page 4, who have voted against aid to UNITA and against aid to the contras) and uzge them to introduce a bill prohibit:IDJ all covert am overt aid to m:rrA and to oppose all sanctions against Argola. Ask people in your network to do the same. THE SPONSORS OF THE WASHINGTON OFFICI!. ON AFRICA ARE: Alv'ALGAMATED GLOHiiNG .AND TEXTiLE •VORKERS UNION • THE AMERICAN COMMiTTEE ON AFR'CA • TME AMERiCAN LUTHERA.N CHURCH, DiViSION FOR WORLD MiSSION ANO COOPERA T:ON • CHRISTiAN CHURCH (DISCIPLES OF CHRiSTi• CHURCH OF THE BRETHREN • EPISCOPAL CHURCH, COALiTION FOR HUMAN NEEDS AND PUBUC AFFAiRS OFFiCE. EXECUTIVE COUNCIL • LUTHERAN CHURCH IN AMERICA, DiVISim< FOR MiSSION IN 1\0RTH AMERiCA • MISSIONARIES OF AFRICA • PROGRESSIVE NATIONAL SAPTlSf CONVENTION. HOME MISSiON BOARD • REFORMED CHURCHES IN AMERICA • SACRED HEART FATHERS • SOCIETY FOR AFRICAN MISSiONS (S.M.A. i=AfHERS) • UNITED AUTOMOBILE, AEROSPACE AND AGRICULTURALIMPLEME"iT WORKERS OF AMERICA UAW • UNITED CHURCH OF (;HRIST, BOARD FOR WORLD MINISTRIES. AND OFFICE FOR CHuRCH IN SOCiETY • UNITED METHODIST CHURCH. AFRICA OF;ICE AND WOMEN'S DIVISION OF BOARD OF GLOBAL MINISTRIES • UNITED STEELWORKERS •.)F AMERICA • PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH (USA) This l@ying effort haS· no chance of suceess wit.hout grassroots sQPPOrt. The following resourcesf in afidition to those enclosedr are available from the Washington Office on Africa arrl other groups ...We encourage you to use them and to make them available to .YQUr networks. "'Destabilizinj Angola: Soath Africa's War am u .. s .. Policy.. • an eight pJ1!19e description of the conflict Al'lgola available from the washington Office Afrwa Jif!ucational Fund (~) ana· the Center for International Policy .. -:DestabUizin; Angola: SW.tb Af:riaa!s war ani u.s .. Policy.. • a 15 minute demon"" stration video available from the Washi.""'gton Office Qn Africa a:lucational Fund~ 1111U'Jgola: i\ Natica. Urx:ler Attack by Scutb Africa•• a press packet produced by Fenton Commnications. {21.?) 489-5630 arrl (202) 745-0701 .. •savi.Jibi and SCOth Afrka: ·fib· Ca.sual Affair .. • a fact sheet about Jonas Savi1ibi arrl the histoz: ical backgroutd of m.r.rTA, available from the Washington Office on Africa litlucational Fund in Jpne. "Children on the FrQ'ltl!ne .. • a UNICEF report which documents the inpact of South African destabilization on the· child.ten of southern Africa, including Angola~ This report. available from Leslie Whitworth at UNICEF (202) 547-7946. Periroic updates on the prtgress of legislation can be ootainetl by ca1lin9 (202) 546-0408.~ our .Anti-Apartheid .l!Ction Hotline. Please contact us if you need ooditional information, Or YOU have infO!'mation to share with us aboUt the Angola c~ign. Sincerely1 ~a- h. w~\-- Jacqueline M. Wilson Legislative Director Encls .. <::fiE 1\la to tiN'I"l7t is aid b:t Sou.tb Africa. Aid to. UN!'m. rots the U.S. in a de facto military alliance with Sooth Africa. South Afdca ptovides approxi­ mately 90% of UNITA's support anti commits hundreds of men to its defense. For exanple, in 1995 South African planes bolibed Angolan govern100nt troqps advancing on ~ forces in southern Angola. South African troops have raidEd Angola over 11 tiMs since 1976, often fighting side-by-side with UNITA forces. "fM) S!,lppo.r:t for mt.t:"m d~es US z:~i~ with ot;her .1\fd.can natioas arx'J isolates t:he u.s. u.s. creCl.ibility as an irrpartial broker in the regioo destroyed by aiding til:'ll'TA~ to which no Black nation has given significant support since it joined forces with South Africa. !n July, 1985~' the 21st Sommit of the Organization of African Unity {OP\.U} declared that it would interpret any US intervention oo behalf of rebel forces in Angola as a tthostile act" toward the OAU. Nearly e.very major anti-ap&::theid leader in Sooth Africa and Namibia opposes u.s~ aid to f.1'NITA. All of the leaders of the Front-Line States oppose aid to UN!TA and have critiched u.s. support •. The u.s. and South Africa are the only countries in the world which do not reocgnize the Angolan government. mmm Aid to· UNI'D\ will not bring C'boltt the t~itb:Jz:awal of CUban t.roqm .. Cuban troops first came . to A11gola to help repel the 1975 South. Afdoan inva,... sion. Their continuea presence is the result of.. South Africa's. repeated cross-border raids into and military occupation of Angola .. Angola bas repeat€..'dly stated its to negotiate the removal of CUban t:roq>s. However, South Africa has repeatEdly sabotaged regional peace, efforts. The best way to encourage a with:lrawal of Cuban troops, who themselves shoW no interest in venturing beyond Angola's borders, would. to deroam that South Africa Ci iscontinue its invasions of 1l.ft9ola, support of UNI'rn. and illegal occupation of Namibia. POOR. t:JNl:'m violates !muan rights .... UNITA has a history of bolibing public places, kidnapping foreign teci"~T~icians, killing inrt<:cent c::lvilians and l'llining village farmlands.. 1\ccording to the Wasl)ingtpn Post, all available accounts attribute the February 1900 mas.sacre at' 120 Angolans at Caroabatela vill~e tc; UNTTA forces. t:IN!TA's ag9ression has disrupted faoo production and distri­ bution and caused one of the continent's worst famines. A recent UNICEF report d~nts that becaus~ of tbe war, Mgola bas one of the highest child :rrortality rates . in the world. ONITA threatens to blow up Gulf Oil1 s refinery in Angola, therei:ly posing a seriQUs threat to American lives,. FI'9B Jc.ms Bavfubi is an unreliii>le ally. Savimi, the leader of UNI'D\ 1 is a political chameleon, changing his alliances to suit his interests,. He bas been by turns stridently anti-ilrperialist, pro-capitalist .~·. Maoist. In 1985, UNITA itself split heeause of dissatisfaction with Savi~i's leader­ ship~ The dissidents accu,sed Savin:bi of "waging a ~ar again~?t those who do not obey him unconditionally/' and called him another Idi Amin. SIX tJRI"..J\ e-.ot win. Savinbi •s human rights abtlses. have cost him popular support~. In ;;pdltion, analyses :recently prepat'ed by the CIA an:!. the State Department concluded that UNITA cannot .achieve a . military . vietory, or negotiate a power sharing agreement with the Angolan government, even with increased U.s. aid . May 11,1987 WASHINGTON OFFICE ON AFRICAEDUCATIONAL FUND HO Morylond Avenve, NE IS Washington, DC 20002 e 202/546-7961 1\CT SHEET invades Angola to re info:tce and defend UN!TA positions. In return, UNITA fulfills a. is located in south-western one South Africa's primary foreign pOlicy ~£rica. The country is slightly larger than oojectiv~: the dest,abili:zation of Arigala. Texas. New Mexico and Cklahoma cottbined. It Savimbi cJ.ose relationship with South has a population of al.:nx>st 9 million people. Afr k:a ·was illustrated in 1984 when he was Angola ~ its ~epeooepce from Portugal m the only Black leader to partic:ipate in 1975.
Recommended publications
  • William Chislett
    ANTI-AMERICANISM IN SPAIN: THE WEIGHT OF HISTORY William Chislett Working Paper (WP) 47/2005 18/11/2005 Area: US-Transatlantic Dialogue – WP Nº 47/2005 18/11/2005 Anti-Americanism in Spain: The Weight of History William Chislett ∗ Summary: Spain’s feelings toward the United States are the coldest in Europe after Turkey, according to a poll by the German Marshall Fund. And they have been that way for a very long time. The country’s thermometer reading on a scale of 0-100 was 42º in 2005, only surpassed by Turkey’s 28º and compared with an average of 50º for the 10 countries surveyed (see Figure 1). The same degree of coldness towards the United States was brought out in the 16-country Pew Global Attitudes Project where only 41% of Spaniards said they had a very or somewhat favourable view of the United States. This surprises many people. After all, Spain has become a vibrant democracy and a successful market economy since the right-wing dictatorship of General Franco ended in 1975 with the death of the Generalísimo. Why are Spaniards so cool towards the United States? Spain’s feelings toward the United States are the coldest in Europe after Turkey, according to a poll by the German Marshall Fund. And they have been that way for a very long time. The country’s thermometer reading on a scale of 0-100 was 42º in 2005, only surpassed by Turkey’s 28º and compared with an average of 50º for the 10 countries surveyed (see Figure 1).
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 32 Sec 3 End of the Cold War Section___Focus Question
    Name ______________________ Date ___________ Chapter 32 Sec 3 End of the Cold War Section__________ Focus Question: What were Reaganʼs foreign policies and how did they contribute to the fall of communism in Europe? President Reagan believed that Peace would come through strength rather than the policy of détente. He also believed that the US had to challenge communism to weaken it. How would he do this? 1. Build up military-new nuclear weapons 2. Support and aid anti-communists around the world A. Reagan builds up the military. 1. largest peacetime military build up 2. Billions of dollars to development and productions of new weapons, B1, B-2 bombers, MX missile system 3. Reagan knew the economy of Soviet Union could not support massive military build up 4. Strategic Defense Initiative/Star Wars—land and space lasers would destroy any missile aimed at US before it hit its target B. Reagan aids and supports anti-communists around the world 1. Afghanistan --- 1979 Soviet Union invades Afghanistan US funded and trained the Mujahadeen (guerilla forces on holy mission for Allah). Soviets begin to pull out 1988 2. Grenada --- small island nation in Caribbean Government taken over by radicals aided by Cuba US invades to keep Granada from becoming Communist outpost and to help Medical students there. 3. El Salvador --- US supports a right wing (less government control of people) government. Congress said the government there “rotten” and US should not aid. Decided aid dependent on government making progress with human rights 4. Nicaragua --- New Government, Sandanistas in control, socialist form of govt.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anti-Contra-War Campaign: Organizational Dynamics of a Decentralized Movement
    International Journal of Peace Studies, Volume 13, Number 1, Spring/Summer 2008 THE ANTI-CONTRA-WAR CAMPAIGN: ORGANIZATIONAL DYNAMICS OF A DECENTRALIZED MOVEMENT Roger Peace Abstract This essay examines the nature and organizational dynamics of the anti-Contra-war campaign in the United States. Lasting from 1982 to 1990, this anti-interventionist movement sought to halt the U.S.- backed guerrilla war against the Sandinista government of Nicaragua. The forces pulling the anti- Contra-war campaign (ACWC) together and pulling it apart are analyzed. The essay is comprised of four parts: 1) overview of the Contra war and the ACWC; 2) the major activist networks involved in the ACWC, 3) the development of common political goals and educational themes; and 4) the national coordination of activities—lobbying, educational outreach, protests, and transnational activities. The final section addresses the significance of the ACWC from an historical perspective. Introduction The U.S.-directed Contra war against Sandinista Nicaragua in the 1980s sparked an anti-interventionist campaign that involved over one thousand U.S. peace and justice organizations (Central America Resource Center, 1987). The anti-Contra-war campaign (ACWC) was part of a vigorous Central America movement that included efforts to halt U.S. aid to the Salvadoran and Guatemalan governments and provide sanctuary for Central American refugees. Scholarly literature on the anti-Contra-war campaign is not extensive. Some scholars have examined the ACWC in the context of the Central America movement (Battista, 2002; Brett, 1991; Gosse, 1988, 1995, 1998; Nepstad, 1997, 2001, 2004; Smith, 1996). Some have concentrated on particular aspects of the ACWC—political influence (Arnson and Brenner, 1993), local organizing in Boston and New Bedford, Massachusetts (Hannon, 1991; Ryan, 1989, 1991), and transnational activities (Kavaloski, 1990; Nepstad, 1996; Nepstad and Smith, 1999; Scallen, 1992).
    [Show full text]
  • Nicaragua and El Salvador
    UNIDIR/97/1 UNIDIR United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research Geneva Disarmament and Conflict Resolution Project Managing Arms in Peace Processes: Nicaragua and El Salvador Papers: Paulo S. Wrobel Questionnaire Analysis: Lt Col Guilherme Theophilo Gaspar de Oliverra Project funded by: the Ford Foundation, the United States Institute of Peace, the Winston Foundation, the Ploughshares Fund, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, and the governments of Argentina, Austria, Brazil, Finland, France, Germany, Malta, the Netherlands, Norway, South Africa, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America. UNITED NATIONS New York and Geneva, 1997 NOTE The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. * * * The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations Secretariat. UNIDIR/97/1 UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATION Sales No. GV.E.97.0.1 ISBN 92-9045-121-1 Table of Contents Page Previous DCR Project Publications............................... v Preface - Sverre Lodgaard ..................................... vii Acknowledgements ...........................................ix Project Introduction - Virginia Gamba ............................xi List of Acronyms........................................... xvii Maps.................................................... xviii Part I: Case Study: Nicaragua .......................... 1 I. Introduction ....................................... 3 II. National Disputes and Regional Crisis .................. 3 III. The Peace Agreement, the Evolution of the Conflicts and the UN Role.................................... 8 1. The Evolution of the Conflict in Nicaragua............ 10 2.
    [Show full text]
  • El Salvador in the 1980S: War by Other Means
    U.S. Naval War College U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons CIWAG Case Studies 6-2015 El Salvador in the 1980s: War by Other Means Donald R. Hamilton Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/ciwag-case-studies Recommended Citation Hamilton, Donald R., "El Salvador in the 1980s: War by Other Means" (2015). CIWAG Case Studies. 5. https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/ciwag-case-studies/5 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in CIWAG Case Studies by an authorized administrator of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Draft as of 121916 ARF R W ARE LA a U nd G A E R R M R I E D n o G R R E O T U N P E S C U N E IT EG ED L S OL TA R C TES NAVAL WA El Salvador in the 1980’s: War by Other Means Donald R. Hamilton United States Naval War College Newport, Rhode Island El Salvador in the 1980s: War by Other Means Donald R. Hamilton HAMILTON: EL SALVADOR IN THE 1980s Center on Irregular Warfare & Armed Groups (CIWAG) US Naval War College, Newport, RI [email protected] This work is cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited. This case study is available on CIWAG’s public website located at http://www.usnwc.edu/ciwag 2 HAMILTON: EL SALVADOR IN THE 1980s Message from the Editors In 2008, the Naval War College established the Center on Irregular Warfare & Armed Groups (CIWAG).
    [Show full text]
  • Apartheid's Contras: an Inquiry Into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique
    Apartheid's Contras: An Inquiry into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.crp20005 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Apartheid's Contras: An Inquiry into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique Author/Creator Minter, William Publisher Zed Books Ltd, Witwatersrand University Press Date 1994-00-00 Resource type Books Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Angola, Mozambique, South Africa, Southern Africa (region) Coverage (temporal) 1975 - 1993 Rights By kind permission of William Minter. Description This book explores the wars in Angola and Mozambique after independence.
    [Show full text]
  • Washington's Foundering Fathers: the Contras and Contragate
    AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW 31 WASHINGTON'S FOUNDERING FATHERS The Contras and Contragate Barry Carr Contragate revealed the depth of Washington's commitment to the Contras. But it hasn't made life any easier for Nicaragua. here is no issue closer to the footsteps of the Founding Fathers of million) to the Contras, Reagan heart of the Reagan administ­ the United States, and has likened commented "I'm sure it put a smile T ration than its crusade against them to Simon Bolivar, the French on the face ofthe Statue ofLiberty".1 the Sandinista government of Resistance and, most recently and Nicaragua. President Reagan is bizarrely, the Abratlam Lincoln Support for the Nicaraguan completely besotted with the Brigade of the Spanish Civil War. counter-revolution is the best Contras. He has described them as When the US Co!!gress finall3 voted, example of the US's grotesque efforts freedom fighters following in the in JuJy 1986, to renew aid ($100 at "symmetry" - i.e. the attempt to AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW 33 mtmtc and counter the Soviet Union's alleged instigation of national liberation movements by fomenting anti-communist insurgencies in regions of the world where US hegemony is threatened by nationalist and socialist states. The Contras emerged from the ranks of the hated National Guard who fled to Honduras and Costa Rica following on the fall of the Somoza dynasty in 1979. The bedraggled and demoralised Somocistas in Honduras were reorganised by the CIA during 1981, receiving $19 million in US government funds, and training from Argentine military advisers who had been blooded in the ferocious "dirty war" of 1976-81 in which 25-30,000 Argentine civilians were murdered.
    [Show full text]
  • US Interference in El Salvador, The
    James Madison University JMU Scholarly Commons Masters Theses The Graduate School Spring 2019 Unintended consequences: U.S. interference in El Salvador, the Salvadoran Diaspora, and the role of activist community organizations in establishing a Salvadoran-American community in Los Angeles Blake Bergstrom James Madison University Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/master201019 Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, International Relations Commons, Latin American History Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, Political History Commons, and the Social History Commons Recommended Citation Bergstrom, Blake, "Unintended consequences: U.S. interference in El Salvador, the Salvadoran Diaspora, and the role of activist community organizations in establishing a Salvadoran-American community in Los Angeles" (2019). Masters Theses. 606. https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/master201019/606 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the The Graduate School at JMU Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of JMU Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Unintended Consequences: U.S. Interference in El Salvador, the Salvadoran Diaspora, and the Role of Activist Community Organizations in Establishing a Transnational Salvadoran-American Community in Los Angeles Blake Bergstrom A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of JAMES MADISON UNIVERSITY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History May 2019 FACULTY COMMITTEE: Committee Chair: Kristen McCleary Committee Members: Michael Gubser William Van Norman Dedication This thesis is dedicated to my wonderful parents, Gunnar and Liz, who have given me endless encouragement, support, and love throughout all of my pursuits.
    [Show full text]
  • The US and Nicaragua: Understanding the Breakdown in Relations
    The US and Nicaragua: Understanding the Breakdown in Relations Robert Snyder Southwestern University Robert Hager Los Angeles Community College District Paper presented at the Western Political Science Association in Los Angeles, March 28, 2013. 1 The confrontation that developed between the US and Sandinista Nicaragua in the 1980s significantly affected both countries. For the US, the conflict led to events like the Iran-Contra affair, which threatened to bring down the Reagan administration. For Nicaragua, the antagonism grew to the point that the US-supported rebels, the contras, were able to cause enough damage to the regime that it agreed to elections that removed the Sandinistas from power. As was the case with a number of other revolutionary states during the Cold War, the US seemingly had reasonably good relations with Nicaragua for some time after the Sandinista-led revolution. Thus arguably the most perplexing issue in the troubled US-Nicaragua relationship is ascertaining why and how the two states moved from cooperation to hostility. What best explains the breakdown in relations between the two countries? The most popular explanation has focused on the US and its unequal relations with Nicaragua. Given the power discrepancy between the two states, the US, particularly during the Reagan administration, resented any move on Nicaragua’s part that challenged Washington’s interests. Moreover, given the legacy of American intervention in Nicaragua and Washington’s support for the Somoza regime, the Sandinistas had every reason to suspect the worst from Washington. From a theoretical perspective, Stephen Walt (1996) offers the spiral model as an explanation for the breakdown in relations between status quo states and revolutionary ones.
    [Show full text]
  • The Nicaraguan Contras: Were They Indios?
    Review: The Nicaraguan Contras: Were They Indios? Author(s): David Stoll Reviewed work(s): When the AK-47s Fall Silent: Revolutionaries, Guerrillas, and the Dangers of Peace by Timothy C. Brown The Real Contra War: Highlander Peasant Resistance in Nicaragua by Timothy C. Brown Peasants in Arms: War and Peace in the Mountains of Nicaragua, 1979-1994 by Lynn Horton Source: Latin American Politics and Society, Vol. 47, No. 3 (Autumn, 2005), pp. 145-157 Published by: Distributed by Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Miami Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4490421 Accessed: 13/05/2010 10:22 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=black. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive.
    [Show full text]
  • El Salvador's Civil War and Civic Foreign Policy
    157 4 El Salvador's Civil War and Civic Foreign Policy In the 1980s, civic foreign policy toward El Salvador materialized in more public forums and strata of society than in the previous decade. It manifested itself in insistent lobbying campaigns of Catholic, Protestant, and a few Jewish denominations. Religious human rights groups aimed at policymakers in Congress and in the Carter and Reagan administrations. As a response to the murder of El Salvador's popular archbishop and outspoken defender of citizens' rights, Oscar Romero, and to the killings of four U.S. churchwomen in 1980, religious activists established additional advocacy groups throughout the United States which concerned themselves with events in El Salvador and Central America. While targeting Congress, the administration, church constituencies, and U.S. public opinion, civic foreign policy strategies that tried to affect U.S. foreign policy matured during the 1980s. Civic foreign policy toward El Salvador also broadened numerically. While the bulk of interested citizens in the 1970s stemmed from religious orders and staff exposed to events abroad, many of the newcomers in the 1980s did not belong to the church establishment or orders and groups active in Washington and overseas. Civic foreign policy developed and became quite articulate and dedicated on the grassroots level of U.S. society. Throughout the United States, new citizens' groups focusing on policy questions regarding Central America emerged. While heterogeneous in character and purpose, most of these groups and citizens were generated from the religious sector. Apart from new grassroots groups and active citizens, an increasing and large number of religious denominations and NGOs made their voices heard on Central America.
    [Show full text]
  • Report on the Central Intelligence Agency's Alleged Involvement in Crack Cocaine Trafficking in the Los Angeles Area
    -- · I REPORT ON THE CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY'S ALLEGED INVOLVEMENT IN CRACK COCAINE TRAFFICKING IN THE LOS ANGELES AREA PERMANENT SELECT (COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENT(CE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED SIXTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION FEBRUARY 2000 0 U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 62-595 WASHINGTON : 2000 For sale by the U.S. Government Printing Office Superintendent of Documents, Congressional Sales Office, Washington, DC 20402 ISBN 0-16-060426-5 \\^"-d -_*-~.I------ ____·---------- I I_- PERMANENT SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE PORTER J. GOSS, Florida, Chairman JERRY LEWIS, California JULIAN C. DIXON, California BILL McCOLLUM, Florida NANCY PELOSI, California MICHAEL N. CASTLE, Delaware SANFORD D. BISHOP, JR., Georgia SHERWOOD L. BOEHLERT, New York NORMAN SISISKY, Virginia CHARLES F. BASS, New Hampshire GARY A. CONDIT, California JIM GIBBONS, Nevada TIM ROEMER, Indiana RAY LAHOOD, Illinois ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida HEATHER WILSON, New Mexico ,^"- (II) --" __ ~ __ _ · __ · Y ---- ---- ---- ----- - ---- , CONTENTS Page Introduction ... ........................ ........................ ......... .......... ........... 1 Context .................... ................................... 2 T he Allegation s .... .......... ... .......................... ....... ..... ......... .............. 6 Scope of Com m ittee Investigation .... .............................................................. 7 C om m ittee A ctions ...................................................................... ....................... 7 A. Review of Other Investigations
    [Show full text]