How Important Was the CIA for Ronald Reagan's Foreign Policy?
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William Chislett
ANTI-AMERICANISM IN SPAIN: THE WEIGHT OF HISTORY William Chislett Working Paper (WP) 47/2005 18/11/2005 Area: US-Transatlantic Dialogue – WP Nº 47/2005 18/11/2005 Anti-Americanism in Spain: The Weight of History William Chislett ∗ Summary: Spain’s feelings toward the United States are the coldest in Europe after Turkey, according to a poll by the German Marshall Fund. And they have been that way for a very long time. The country’s thermometer reading on a scale of 0-100 was 42º in 2005, only surpassed by Turkey’s 28º and compared with an average of 50º for the 10 countries surveyed (see Figure 1). The same degree of coldness towards the United States was brought out in the 16-country Pew Global Attitudes Project where only 41% of Spaniards said they had a very or somewhat favourable view of the United States. This surprises many people. After all, Spain has become a vibrant democracy and a successful market economy since the right-wing dictatorship of General Franco ended in 1975 with the death of the Generalísimo. Why are Spaniards so cool towards the United States? Spain’s feelings toward the United States are the coldest in Europe after Turkey, according to a poll by the German Marshall Fund. And they have been that way for a very long time. The country’s thermometer reading on a scale of 0-100 was 42º in 2005, only surpassed by Turkey’s 28º and compared with an average of 50º for the 10 countries surveyed (see Figure 1). -
Chapter 32 Sec 3 End of the Cold War Section___Focus Question
Name ______________________ Date ___________ Chapter 32 Sec 3 End of the Cold War Section__________ Focus Question: What were Reaganʼs foreign policies and how did they contribute to the fall of communism in Europe? President Reagan believed that Peace would come through strength rather than the policy of détente. He also believed that the US had to challenge communism to weaken it. How would he do this? 1. Build up military-new nuclear weapons 2. Support and aid anti-communists around the world A. Reagan builds up the military. 1. largest peacetime military build up 2. Billions of dollars to development and productions of new weapons, B1, B-2 bombers, MX missile system 3. Reagan knew the economy of Soviet Union could not support massive military build up 4. Strategic Defense Initiative/Star Wars—land and space lasers would destroy any missile aimed at US before it hit its target B. Reagan aids and supports anti-communists around the world 1. Afghanistan --- 1979 Soviet Union invades Afghanistan US funded and trained the Mujahadeen (guerilla forces on holy mission for Allah). Soviets begin to pull out 1988 2. Grenada --- small island nation in Caribbean Government taken over by radicals aided by Cuba US invades to keep Granada from becoming Communist outpost and to help Medical students there. 3. El Salvador --- US supports a right wing (less government control of people) government. Congress said the government there “rotten” and US should not aid. Decided aid dependent on government making progress with human rights 4. Nicaragua --- New Government, Sandanistas in control, socialist form of govt. -
The Anti-Contra-War Campaign: Organizational Dynamics of a Decentralized Movement
International Journal of Peace Studies, Volume 13, Number 1, Spring/Summer 2008 THE ANTI-CONTRA-WAR CAMPAIGN: ORGANIZATIONAL DYNAMICS OF A DECENTRALIZED MOVEMENT Roger Peace Abstract This essay examines the nature and organizational dynamics of the anti-Contra-war campaign in the United States. Lasting from 1982 to 1990, this anti-interventionist movement sought to halt the U.S.- backed guerrilla war against the Sandinista government of Nicaragua. The forces pulling the anti- Contra-war campaign (ACWC) together and pulling it apart are analyzed. The essay is comprised of four parts: 1) overview of the Contra war and the ACWC; 2) the major activist networks involved in the ACWC, 3) the development of common political goals and educational themes; and 4) the national coordination of activities—lobbying, educational outreach, protests, and transnational activities. The final section addresses the significance of the ACWC from an historical perspective. Introduction The U.S.-directed Contra war against Sandinista Nicaragua in the 1980s sparked an anti-interventionist campaign that involved over one thousand U.S. peace and justice organizations (Central America Resource Center, 1987). The anti-Contra-war campaign (ACWC) was part of a vigorous Central America movement that included efforts to halt U.S. aid to the Salvadoran and Guatemalan governments and provide sanctuary for Central American refugees. Scholarly literature on the anti-Contra-war campaign is not extensive. Some scholars have examined the ACWC in the context of the Central America movement (Battista, 2002; Brett, 1991; Gosse, 1988, 1995, 1998; Nepstad, 1997, 2001, 2004; Smith, 1996). Some have concentrated on particular aspects of the ACWC—political influence (Arnson and Brenner, 1993), local organizing in Boston and New Bedford, Massachusetts (Hannon, 1991; Ryan, 1989, 1991), and transnational activities (Kavaloski, 1990; Nepstad, 1996; Nepstad and Smith, 1999; Scallen, 1992). -
Nicaragua and El Salvador
UNIDIR/97/1 UNIDIR United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research Geneva Disarmament and Conflict Resolution Project Managing Arms in Peace Processes: Nicaragua and El Salvador Papers: Paulo S. Wrobel Questionnaire Analysis: Lt Col Guilherme Theophilo Gaspar de Oliverra Project funded by: the Ford Foundation, the United States Institute of Peace, the Winston Foundation, the Ploughshares Fund, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, and the governments of Argentina, Austria, Brazil, Finland, France, Germany, Malta, the Netherlands, Norway, South Africa, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America. UNITED NATIONS New York and Geneva, 1997 NOTE The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. * * * The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations Secretariat. UNIDIR/97/1 UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATION Sales No. GV.E.97.0.1 ISBN 92-9045-121-1 Table of Contents Page Previous DCR Project Publications............................... v Preface - Sverre Lodgaard ..................................... vii Acknowledgements ...........................................ix Project Introduction - Virginia Gamba ............................xi List of Acronyms........................................... xvii Maps.................................................... xviii Part I: Case Study: Nicaragua .......................... 1 I. Introduction ....................................... 3 II. National Disputes and Regional Crisis .................. 3 III. The Peace Agreement, the Evolution of the Conflicts and the UN Role.................................... 8 1. The Evolution of the Conflict in Nicaragua............ 10 2. -
El Salvador in the 1980S: War by Other Means
U.S. Naval War College U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons CIWAG Case Studies 6-2015 El Salvador in the 1980s: War by Other Means Donald R. Hamilton Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/ciwag-case-studies Recommended Citation Hamilton, Donald R., "El Salvador in the 1980s: War by Other Means" (2015). CIWAG Case Studies. 5. https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/ciwag-case-studies/5 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in CIWAG Case Studies by an authorized administrator of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Draft as of 121916 ARF R W ARE LA a U nd G A E R R M R I E D n o G R R E O T U N P E S C U N E IT EG ED L S OL TA R C TES NAVAL WA El Salvador in the 1980’s: War by Other Means Donald R. Hamilton United States Naval War College Newport, Rhode Island El Salvador in the 1980s: War by Other Means Donald R. Hamilton HAMILTON: EL SALVADOR IN THE 1980s Center on Irregular Warfare & Armed Groups (CIWAG) US Naval War College, Newport, RI [email protected] This work is cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited. This case study is available on CIWAG’s public website located at http://www.usnwc.edu/ciwag 2 HAMILTON: EL SALVADOR IN THE 1980s Message from the Editors In 2008, the Naval War College established the Center on Irregular Warfare & Armed Groups (CIWAG). -
Remarks by Otto Reich, Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs, at the Center for Strategic and International Studies
REMARKS BY OTTO REICH, ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR WESTERN HEMISPHERE AFFAIRS, AT THE CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES TOPIC: U.S. FOREIGN POLICY IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE LOCATION: WILLARD INTERCONTINENTAL HOTEL, WASHINGTON, D.C. TIME: 8:35 A.M. EST DATE: TUESDAY, MARCH 12, 2002 (Applause.) MR. REICH: Well, I didn't expect quite this many people either, but it's nice to see so many friends, former colleagues, unindicted coconspirators. (Laughter.) That was supposed to get a better laugh than that. (Laughter.) That was a joke. (Laughter.) It is good to be back at CSIS. As John Hamre said, I go back quite a ways at CSIS -- actually 1971. I was getting my masters at Georgetown University, and the late Jim Theberge (ph) was director of the Latin American program at CSIS, which was, at that time, still associated with Georgetown. And there was a contest or requests for proposals, or whatever you want to call it, for two Ph.D. theses and one masters thesis. And not being a scholar, frankly, I didn't think I had much of a chance. But somebody said, "Look, you might as well apply, submit a masters thesis proposal, and you get a fellowship if you are selected." Well, I was selected. And, frankly, I think that changed my career considerably, because I did spend a little bit more time studying than I had been. I had to give up a little tennis in the process. But as a result of that and many other very fortunate turns in the road, I am now in this position, and I get to speak to a group of people who know more about this subject than I do. -
Apartheid's Contras: an Inquiry Into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique
Apartheid's Contras: An Inquiry into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.crp20005 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Apartheid's Contras: An Inquiry into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique Author/Creator Minter, William Publisher Zed Books Ltd, Witwatersrand University Press Date 1994-00-00 Resource type Books Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Angola, Mozambique, South Africa, Southern Africa (region) Coverage (temporal) 1975 - 1993 Rights By kind permission of William Minter. Description This book explores the wars in Angola and Mozambique after independence. -
International Drug Control Hearing
If you have issues viewing or accessing this file contact us at NCJRS.gov. /SIJ.~fo3 S. HRG. 101-591 INTERNATIONAL DRUG CONTROL HEARING BEFORE THE OOMMITTEE ON THE JI.IDIOIARX UNITED STATES aENATJR (CiNE HyNDRED FIR§YCONGRESS FIRST SESSION ON • THE CONTROL OF FOREIGN DRUG TRAFFICKING ACTIVITIES AUGUST 17, 1989 Serial No. J-101-38 Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary NCJRS mIN 9 1995 ~ ACQUISITIONS • ~'J. U.s. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE • 2R-05:l WASHINGTON: 1990 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Congressional Sales Office U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402 . n r r-"'l f .. ' COMMI'ITEE ON THE JUDICIARY JOSEPH R. BIOEN, JR., Delaware, Chairman EDWARD M. KENNEDY, Massachusetts STROM THURMOND, South Carolina HOWARD M. METZENBAUM, Ohio ORRIN G. HATCH, Utah DENNIS DECONCINI, Arizona ALAN K. SIMPSON, Wyoming • PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont CHARLES E. GRASSLEY, Iowa HOWELL HEFLIN, Alabama ARLEN SPEGrER, Pennsylvania PAUL SIMON, Illinois GORDON J. HUMPHREY, New Hampshire HERBERT KOHL, Wisconsin RONALD A. KLAIJo!, Chief Counsel DIANA HUFFMAN, Staff Director JEFFREY J. PECK, General Counsel TERRY L, WOOTEN, Minority Chief Counsel and Staff Director (II) 154863 U.S. Department of Justice National Institute of Justice This document has been reproduced exactly as received from the p~rson or organization originating it. Points of view or opinions stated in this doc.ument are thos~ of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position or poh<'les of the National Institute of Justice. Permission to reproduce this ""'iJlllaiit'material has been granted by .. Public D::main u.s. -
Obstacles Offset Advances for Human Rights in Guatemala by Adriana Beltrán
CrossCurrents NEWSLETTER OF THE WASHINGTON OFFICE ON LATIN AMERICA • DECEMBER 2002 Obstacles Offset Advances for Human Rights in Guatemala By Adriana Beltrán espite recent court decisions in two high profile human rights cases, the Guatemalan human rights situation has deteriorated. On DOctober 3, 2002, twelve years after the bloody murder of renowned Guatemalan anthropologist Myrna Mack Chang, a three-judge tribunal sentenced Col. Juan Valencia Osorio to thirty years imprisonment for orchestrating her murder, and acquitted his co-defendants Gen. Augusto Godoy Gaitán and Col. Juan Guillermo Oliva Carrera. The defendants were members of the notorious Presidential High Command (Estado Mayor Presidencial – EMP), a unit responsible for numerous human rights violations during the country’s internal armed conflict, according to the UN- sponsored Historical Clarification Commission and the Catholic Church’s Recovery of the Historical Memory Project (REHMI). This landmark conviction, and the verdicts in the case of Bishop Juan Gerardi in 2001, in which three military officers of the EMP were convicted for his murder, do set a precedent for the pursuit of justice in other human rights cases that have remained stalled within Guatemala’s justice system. IN THIS ISSUE The convictions in the Mack and Gerardi cases are breakthroughs because for the first time judicial tribunals convicted military officers for political crimes committed during and after the internal conflict respectively. But Venezuela’s Political Crisis: while the decision to convict in both cases is an important step toward A joint statement by the accountability, the cases clearly illustrate the major challenges that remain Washington Office on Latin in the fight against impunity. -
Washington's Foundering Fathers: the Contras and Contragate
AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW 31 WASHINGTON'S FOUNDERING FATHERS The Contras and Contragate Barry Carr Contragate revealed the depth of Washington's commitment to the Contras. But it hasn't made life any easier for Nicaragua. here is no issue closer to the footsteps of the Founding Fathers of million) to the Contras, Reagan heart of the Reagan administ the United States, and has likened commented "I'm sure it put a smile T ration than its crusade against them to Simon Bolivar, the French on the face ofthe Statue ofLiberty".1 the Sandinista government of Resistance and, most recently and Nicaragua. President Reagan is bizarrely, the Abratlam Lincoln Support for the Nicaraguan completely besotted with the Brigade of the Spanish Civil War. counter-revolution is the best Contras. He has described them as When the US Co!!gress finall3 voted, example of the US's grotesque efforts freedom fighters following in the in JuJy 1986, to renew aid ($100 at "symmetry" - i.e. the attempt to AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW 33 mtmtc and counter the Soviet Union's alleged instigation of national liberation movements by fomenting anti-communist insurgencies in regions of the world where US hegemony is threatened by nationalist and socialist states. The Contras emerged from the ranks of the hated National Guard who fled to Honduras and Costa Rica following on the fall of the Somoza dynasty in 1979. The bedraggled and demoralised Somocistas in Honduras were reorganised by the CIA during 1981, receiving $19 million in US government funds, and training from Argentine military advisers who had been blooded in the ferocious "dirty war" of 1976-81 in which 25-30,000 Argentine civilians were murdered. -
Testimony of the Hon. Otto J. Reich President, Otto Reich Associates
Testimony of The Hon. Otto J. Reich President, Otto Reich Associates, LLC Presented Before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs March 25, 2014 “US Disengagement from Latin America: Compromised Security and Economic Interests.” Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee: I thank you for the opportunity t0 come before this Committee once again to address a phenomenon that, if ignored, could threaten the security of our country: the increasing anti- Americanism and radicalization of some governments in the region, and the lack of effective response by our government. In the past few years the US government has neglected parts of the western hemisphere while adopting a misguided approach toward others. For example, in 2009 the Obama Administration seemed more determined to reach out to unfriendly governments such as Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador, than to friendlier states, such as Mexico, Colombia, Peru and Chile. That sent confusing signals to friend and foe alike. Some say that the Administration believed that if it could get our adversaries to just listen to our earnest message, then they would stop their hostile behavior. That is not diplomacy; that is self-delusion. As we have seen with Russia, North Korea, Syria and Iran, wishful thinking does not make for an effective foreign policy. The same reasoning applies in our part of the world. For example, in its first year in office the Obama Administration unilaterally lifted financial sanctions against the military dictatorship in Cuba, thus allowing the Castro brothers to capture several billion dollars per year in travel and remittances that had been previously denied their regime. -
Open Morrisdmilitarism 1 .Pdf
The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School College of Education FILM AS PUBLIC PEDAGOGY IN THE U.S. CULTURE OF MILITARISM A Thesis in Curriculum and Instruction by Douglas S. Morris Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2006 The thesis of Douglas S. Morris was reviewed and approved* by the following: Patrick Shannon Professor of Education Thesis Advisor Chair of Committee Coordinator of Graduate Studies Jacqueline Edmondson Associate Professor of Education Paul Youngquist Professor of English Jeanne Hall Associate Professor of Communications *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School ABSTRACT The following study examines the relationship between militarized Hollywood cinema, the US culture of militarism, the systemic nature of US aggression, and the possibilities for creating a pedagogy of hope that will work to overcome militarism’s abominations. By recognizing film as a powerful form of public pedagogy that shapes beliefs, attitudes, and values, constructs identities and identifications, and directs allegiances and actions (or inactions), the study investigates ways in which Hollywood films work to convey and inculcate circumscribed notions of history through regularized patterns of film images and narratives in pursuit of the indirect or direct goal of distracting public attention, along with conditioning the public mind, engineering public consent, and mobilizing public support for a US culture of militarism dedicated to aggression in the pursuit of global domination. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………….1 Chapter 2. THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK…..…………………………………….37 Chapter 3. A SHORT HISTORY OF MILITARIZED FILMS…………………………….63 Chapter 4. RULES OF ENGAGEMENT: WASTE THE MOTHERFUCKERS…………..99 Chapter 5.