Politikon: IAPSS Political Science Journal Vol. 22, March 2014

The politics of writing history: historians' debates and high-school history teaching in post-socialist Romania

Sergiu DELCEA16, Central European University, Budapest

Abstract

fter exhibiting one of the "hottest" instances of ethno-national related violence in all post-socialist transitions, early 90s Romanian society seemed to have "cooled" down in terms identitarian conflicts, hence making it even more surprising why an apparently small-scale debate concerning history Atextbooks quickly spiraled to the point of becoming a fully-fledged public scandal against a Government dubbed as "Anti-Romanian". The aim of this paper is thus to contribute to the overarching research question: Why did remain such a powerful force despite the fall of the Ceausescu regime? To provide a comprehensive answer the article looks at two, tightly interwoven, sides of cultural reproduction: the politics of history-teaching in Romanian high-schools and its more general background - historians' debates on nationalism. The conclusion reached through this analysis is that a conservation of ethno- centered nationalistic thinking about history was generated by a distorted understanding of professionalization of history qua science.

16 Sergiu Delcea is a second year MA student in the Nationalism Studies Programme, Central European University, Budapest, with a previous background in Political Science (graduated BA studies in 2012) from the University of Bucharest. He is currently a member of the editorial board for the IAPSS blog A Different View, where he is exploring his current research interests that revolve around linking nation-building processes and welfare-regime construction (with a focus on Eastern Europe).

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been a liberalization of historical research and in the post-socialist setting, the nation-building inner logic, so he sweeping events of Eastern dear to communist state-makers, is still very T much preserved. While the old historians are Europe in 1989 were intuitively expected to preserving it via the classical proxy of anti- bring a sharp break with the past and all its Hungarian rhetoric (and the age-old of myth "obsolete" elements: centralized economies, of Romania protecting the "West"), the new monolithic Party rule and rampant ethno- wave of "de-mystifying" historians have nationalism. Interestingly enough though fallen to the other extreme of considering post-socialist transitions seemed to be more Romanian history purely as a succession of complex than this envisaged one-way road, national myths (with the apparent aim of with societal cohesion towards the goal of creating a quasi-void on which a more re-uniting with the "West" being oftentimes European identity might be built - obviously, questioned. Naturally, in such a scenario, still identity-building!). To be precise, I am cultural reproduction remains an important not arguing that the presence of some form element of stability and of nationalism is the central cause of cohesion(Paraianu:2001, 111 in Trencsenyi Romanian laggard transition (Petrescu:2001 et al. (eds):2001). What follows logically is in Trencsenyi et al (eds):2001). What I will that perceptions of the past and more argue throughout this paper is that the importantly, their massification, via history outward liberalization of Romanian teaching are put in a very intricate position. historiography is still done under the old The aim of this paper is to focus on template of "historia magistra vitae" post-socialist Romania, trying to contribute a (Iggers:2010, 35-36) which entails a clear possible answer to a huge over-arching instrumentalization. This idea is perfectly question: Why did nationalism remain such a caught by Dumitru Nalin who argues that powerful force despite the fall of the Ceausescu the core of the problem lies in the use of regime? The intuitive consequence foreseen discourses about the philosophy of history by many was that the oppressive ethno- in a debate that was intended to be political centric discourse of the Ceausescu regime (Nalin:2002, 44). The consequence of this would generate a backlash effect of continuation of patterns is that nationalism complete refutation towards manifestations in post-1990s Romania was perpetuated (at of nationalism. Much to the contrary, least in part) by a lack of modernization of Romania seemed to exhibit a continuation history as a science. of strong nationalist feelings (the violent Structurally I will divide the paper events of Targu Mures are most often into two main parts: an analysis of the 2000 quoted in this line of thought). Despite the alternative textbook scandal and a widening fact that violence occurred only in this of the discussion through the debate singular event, the huge scandal prompted between the "old guard" historians and the by alternative history textbooks in the late new "de-mystyfiers"17. Certainly, the second 90s showed clearly that Romanian policy part cannot be fully mapped in the narrow makers were still very much attached to older interpretations of history, which were 17To be clear, I am not arguing that all Romanian used to draw popular attachment and historians fall into this model. What I am arguing is legitimacy. that on a large scale (i.e. mass-media and non- Using this example, I will expand the university school-teaching) this is the fundamental discussion and analyze the broader topic of divide. As noted by Paraianu in the early 2000s when the original textbook scandal erupted Western historical myth-making as a basis for academic debates about Romanian history were not identity-building in post-socialist Romania. very well integrated into the Romanian academia My main argument is that although there has thus making it methodologically sound to analyze the divide I have selected. 46

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confines of this paper (for in-depth analysis roots pressures for reforms tended to focus Iordachi&Trencsenyi:2003, 415-453) and more on the quantitative side (i.e. therefore I will focus on the debates spurred refurnishing schools, heating systems etc.) up by Lucian Boia and his followers, and the rather than on fundamental epistemological rather recent critique put forward by a group issues. History-teaching reform in Eastern of University Babes-Bolyai of Cluj lead by Europe followed three important Ioan-Aurel Pop (member of the Romanian dimensions: ideological reconsideration, Academy). It feels methodologically sounds lightening the syllabus and teacher to do this selection because Prof. Boia's innovation (Nalin:2002, 41). In the works have been best-sellers (albeit not following, I will attempt to analyze the first instantly in some cases), achieving this status two criteria in the context of the Romanian by taking a controversial stand on topics text-book scandal, which escalated almost such as Romanian national history and instantaneously from a scholarly debate into nationalism in general. Interestingly enough, a fully-fledged political scandal where the despite having originally been published opposition labeled the Government as before the 1999 textbook scandal, Boia's opus having "Anti-Romanian feelings". This had not achieved public notoriety until then. scandal highlights that despite its outward Certainly, any direct link cannot be inferred liberalization the post 1989 Romanian non- but this intertwining does point towards a university education system still aimed at clear tendency. mass-producing the communist creed of "good Romanian citizens with a love of country and past"(Nalin:2002, 43) The main point of contention in these early attempts at The alternative textbook scandal - What reforming the system was the introduction image of the nation is the Romanian of alternative text-books for final year high- educational system disseminating? school students, which were supposed to focus exclusively on Romanian national history. One interesting side-note must be According to Brubaker, the tendency made here: within the Romanian education to view the nation as incomplete makes the framework study of national history is state adopt an active political stance reserved for the last year of the high-school (Brubaker:1996, 63). After the abrupt fall of studies, which overwhelmingly overlaps with the Ceausescu regime, the Romanian policy- the age of vote-right acquisition. Although a makers were faced with the daunting direct link is not easily measurable, there challenge of re-structuring an obsolete seems to be an intricate underlying logic educational system, which was mass- between a particular way of understanding producing obedience towards a unitary Romanian history and the transformation of teleological vision of the "socialist nation" students into "good" citizens. (Petrescu:2007 in The first major shock came as a Jarausch&Lindenberger:2007). The early result of Romania's efforts to join the EU, reforming of this system was a tenuous namely the late 90s-early 2000s European process, torn between the need for a new recommendation of moving towards approach and the overwhelming mass of liberalized history teaching emphasizing the personnel inherited from . European dimension of regional evolutions. History-teaching continued to be rather In the autumn of 1999, historian Sorin Mitu monolithic: while certain aberrations were was publicly scorn by the opposition parties abandoned, the core teleology and "hard for coordinating a text-book that introduced truths" (i.e. continuity, unity, nationhood) perceived identity-threatening topics: the were maintained. idea of constructed nationhood, the brief During the early 90s, public debate hint that mechanisms of the historical towards alternative text-books and imaginary plays a role in the image of the interpretations was limited, while grass- 47

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Romanian ethno-genetic process, the which was constantly including issues on downplay of some national heroes perceived Hungarian revisionism (Paraianu:2001, 95-97 in Trencsenyi et al (Paraianu:2001, 105 in Trencsenyi et al (eds):2001). As an accomplished historian (eds):2001), Mitu's textbook hints towards Mitu was trying to bring his text-book at a the fact that Romanian and Hungarian crossroads between the aforementioned narratives should be seen as intertwining goals: attempting to tear down Romanian histories. perennialism and lightening an The critique was violent, straight- overburdened curricula. The forward and mirrored a very simple background here is rather interesting to template: if Hungarian text-books state it as note: the EU directive involved integrating fact that the Romanian ethno-genetic process national histories into a broader narrative, took place in the South of the , why which generated a divergence between should Romanian schools teach teenagers Romanian historians acting as textbook that the North-Danubian continuation authors - some continued to stress the old narrative is a hypothesis and not fact?(A. myth of Romania having protected Europe Nastase apud Paraianu:2001 in Trencsenyi et from the Ottoman invasion, while Mitu was al. (eds):2001) The siege mentality so dear to pursuing the more delicate aim of communist nation-forgers pervades this introducing Western-inspired scholarly rhetoric and points towards an important perspectives on Romanian history. direction: the Romanian education system, A broad comparative overview particularly through history-teaching between Mitu's textbook and the available (Nalin:2002, 40), was mass-producing alternatives uncovers the following attachment to a very organic definition of differences: instead of certainty the author the nation. The point of contention raised in proposes understanding the construction of the Romanian media was not that of a narrative (Iggers:2010, 41-43 and whether high-profile Western academic White:1973); instead of heroes of Europe studies (that Mitu was mirroring, being medieval rulers approached as boyars with himself a prominent name in the field - personal aims and agendas; nationhood not Mitu:2001) are suitable for high-school as fact but construction, with state-hood pupils, but that the author is falsifying what being another purpose on the agenda rather "The in its entirety has than an "eternal dream". By contrast, other certified" (C.T. Popescu apud Paraianu:2001, manuals kept to the hardcore myths 107 in Trencsenyi et al (eds):2001). On the (Manea&Teodorescu:1994 for example), other hand, I disagree with general assertion stating that the Romanian nation is a fact, a that in a turbulent political context a grass- result of a 2000-year old teleological roots level "longing" for the nation evolution (eerily reminiscent of the (Verdery:1993, 192), substituting distorted communist discourse). To further understandings of democratic values and complicate the issue, Mitu was not practices (Gaber:2006, 35-39), was the outwardly anti-Hungarian: the arrival of the logical fallback point. Rather I would concur Hungarians in is depicted in a with the argument that what should have moderate stance, with an eye on both been an academic debate was quickly narratives, clearly leaning towards caution enveloped in politics, pointing towards the when looking at 12-13th century sources direction that this clash was perceived by (Mitu et al:1999 textbook). Much more society as a manifestation of "conflicting abrupt is the textbook's stance on 19th interests" (Nalin:2002, 44-45). Consequently, century nation-building: top-down elite- it feels safer to assume that at a grass-roots construction of the nation, an idea perceived level the scandal was perceived through a as radical by hard-core historians and political lens: emphasizing a complete break particularly by politicians. Instead of with the old-guard politicians inherited from following main-stream public discourse communism, the CDR Government

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appeared to back an anti-national version of that proposed by Mitu's textbook. history, which meant a huge blow to their Nonetheless I draw attention again to the popularity. important issue of politicization. Even if Although alternative manuals had society does not listen to historians and their existed for quite some time in the Romanian debates, it seems safe to assume that when education system, this complete deviation politicians render the impression that the from the norm happened to overlap with an textbook will fuel sensitive issues such as EU recommendation, which Romania had purported Hungarian revisionism, society is recently started negotiating with. likely to respond. The obsessive use of Consequently, there is yet another paradox: "what history are we teaching our children?" the intellectual origin of Mitu's purported rhetoric is likely to directly influence the "Anti-Romanian" character is not based on significantly greater electorate schooled in European discourse, but on globalization a communism (the 10 years since the fall of la americaine! (C.T. Popescu apud communism were not sufficient to consider Paraianu:2001 in Trencsenyi et al (eds):2001) a generational change), who was socialized The siege mentality is obvious: if the EU with the fundamental myths of continuation, cannot be directly blamed due to immediate unity and the nation. Consequently it seems interests, the need for a new scapegoat rather clear that cultural reproduction in arises. Reflected in the history textbooks the post-socialist Romania was still revolving issue was simple: Romania's return to around national identity. This scandal Europe is natural because ever since the highlights that despite an outward rhetoric have protected of breaking with the ethno-centered Christian Europe from the "onslaught" of communist approach to nationalism, the the Ottoman Empire. Quite to the contrary, underlying truth is that national the image of the US becomes blurred in with identification was still a key coordinate of that of a "West" that abandoned Romania at post-socialist Romanian society and its Yalta, the 1918 unification became a purely politics. Romanian victory rather than a contextual Summing up, there are a few key exploitation of Wilson's 14 points and so on issues to be noted from the history text- (these were not novel issues but rather a book scandal: despite outward liberalization continuation of what communist the education system was still focused on an historiographers had stated for over 20 identity-building style of cultural years). Instead of an integration of regional reproduction; while nationalist rhetoric is narratives, the Romanian education system not an outward and open tool of electoral made it clear to its pupils that EU competitions and politics, there seems to be integration is not an ongoing process but a rather tacit acknowledgment that certain part and parcel of some sort of "national "lines" connected with national pride". identification must not be crossed clearly Last but not least one important pointing towards the direction that point should be tackled here: does history nationalism qua ideology was still a force in teaching matter that much? In his critique to post-socialist Romania. Boia, Pop argues that society does not listen that closely to historians making it hard to assume that there would be some sort of Beyond the textbooks - historians, grass-roots pressure against a perceived historiography and nationalism in post- obsolete philosophy of history (Pop:2011, communist Romania 180). Certainly, this argument does hold some validity in the sense that it is extremely To being with, in the post-socialist hard (if not impossible) to assume that context national in Eastern society is made up of social scientists that Europe were expected to depart from their would immediately react to a change such as underlying parochialism and start employing 49

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a more "Western" framework and into the trap of the East/West divide methodology (Iordachi&Trencsenyi:2003, framework (Brubaker:1998 in Hall(ed):1998), 416). The envisaged liberalization would thus ensuring the survival of some forms of entail a renouncing of the communist nation-building rhetoric and logic. teleology, a re-consideration of the Before any conclusions on cultural exaggerations concerning Romania's history. reproduction can be made a brief overview Reconciliation with the past glossed with of the main spokes-persons for both sides remarkable ease over communist influence of the debate is needed. In the Romanian on historiography, considering it a mere context, a bhuge shock was generated by compromise with the totalitarian state rather Lucian Boia's 1997 work History and Myth in than analyzing its very intricate effects. The Romanian Consciousness (for a synthetic point here is to analyze the intellectual presentation of the author's main approach background on which the Romanian see Stancu:2012, 56-67; Boia:2001) followed textbook scandal fell: it is not only that a by an ample series of publications, by the politicized education system disseminates a same author, dedicated to the mechanisms nation-building rhetoric, but academic of historical imaginary, a methodology that debates also seem to revolve around it. had previously not gained much ground with Although this stepping back to a more Romanian historians. By employing a lax theoretical level might seem a bit far from definition of historical myths Boia attempts the very concrete issue of high-school text- a blending in of modernist theories on books, one can argue that it is impossible to nationalism (Boia often quotes Anderson's consider text-book authors as a "special classical works for instance, Anderson:1991) group" of historians to be delineated from and Hayden White's approach to the broader academic debates. Most historiography (White:1993), reaching the aforementioned authors are university conclusion that what is being taught as professors fairly well connected with the Romanian history is mostly a well-plotted zeitgeist of historians' debates in Romania narrative instrumentalized from its earliest hence solidifying the link between these beginnings qua science for the sole purpose seemingly disengaged lines of analysis. of nation-building. The gist of Boia's opus is What emerges is a very complicated epitomized by the following idea: since unity picture: a large number of communist- and the nation are being considered by educated historians faced with political historians as fundamental for Romanian pressures for reconsideration, free from history, this points towards a very oppressive ethno-national ideological fragmented polity who was held together by boundaries, yet faced with an abrupt return powerful symbolic myths, most of which to a democracy with a very unclear place in revolved around organic ties and cultural Romanian history (intellectual and political homogeneity. He goes on to argue that history). This provides a fertile ground for historians cannot seek truth but must vicious circle effects both for de- contend with putting forward convincing mystification efforts as well as for hard-core narratives, inextricably linked with moral supporters of the old interpretations. In the judgments (Pop:2011, 20-25). Not following, I will argue that in fact this surprisingly this approach shocked (although vicious circle effect did happen in the case of it is important to say that for some years the the most systematic effort at de- book was not a best-seller) violently mystification. Equally interesting is the fact contradicting the cause-effect teleology that instead of focusing on certain employed by the bulk of Romanian methodological aspects that are obviously historians. shaking in Boia's argumentation, critics have A coherent reaction in the form of a responded in a predictable manner: national book appeared rather late, in 2011 in the teleology. What will be drawn is the rather logical conclusion that both discourses fall

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guise of Ioan Pop's18 Istoria, Adevarurile si appears to be the center of the normative Miturile[History, Truth and Myths]. Written vicious circle around which both sides of the with a collective tone, Pop proceeds with a debate gravitate. step-by-step analysis of Boia's framework Since the paternalistic argument is and arguments reaching the following rather straight-forward I shall start by conclusions: the lax use of myths (which analyzing cultural reproduction through this have a conceptual background and lens. Although Pop's approach is not framework of their own) makes it possible stereotypical of the old-guard historians, his to consider any passed event as fiction for nuancing does not hide the perennialist tone: the simple fact that the modern historian did the Cluj historian argues that there is an un- not partake in them directly, but relies on deniable "core" to nationhood (although he written accounts which according to Boia is very far from the classical use of the are meaningless stories; the critical reader of notion in Benner:2001, 155-174) and it is the History and Myth is left with a sense of having "honest historian's mission" (a phrase that been taken through an exercise in he uses obsessively) to uncover the truth convenience sampling by putting together (similar approach as in Berindei:1997). For seemingly methodologically inconsistent this type of discourse national identity is examples; Boia's approach to nationalism salient, the purpose of historians being to gives the impression that nation-building is a come as close as possible to a purist type of normatively undesirable process of elite- objectivity in uncovering the national past. manipulation, myths representing the only This discourse would aim to go beyond point of cohesion of the national normative debates since in this line of community. This book encompasses a thinking a historical fact cannot be good or blending in of criticism aimed at bad, it simply exists. The immediate proxy methodology with epistemological concerns, through which this intellectual strand of attempting to "rehabilitate" the image of the thought reaches main-stream audiences is Romanian historian. simple and potent: ancient hatreds. By For the sake of space I will not continuous referrals to purported Hungarian provide a thorough individual analysis but revisionism this discourse remains at least rather focus on the purported aims of the latent in Romania. The vicious circle is debaters: reconciliation with the past in the rather obvious: even if free from political sense of better delineating the place of constraints, historians will continuously nationalist rhetoric and nation-building uncover the truth that will always be a part of projects in Romanian history, with an eye on a national past regardless of methodology and regional European integration. In itself this outward liberalization of discourse. points to a clear direction: Romanian Consequently, instead of escaping the historians seem to take a very normative oppressive ethno-centrism of communist approach to nationalism, focusing on the historiography, paternalist post-socialist new teleology of EU integration19. It is Romanian historians continuously operate important to bear in mind this stake since it within its framework ensuring its cultural reproduction (albeit in a more toned-down

18 fashion). In this sense there is no Ioan Aurel Pop - member of Romanian Academy, reconciliation to be done with the past: fairly accomplished historian of the Middle Ages, Professor at Babes-Bolyiai University of Cluj. communism did not have an impact on 19Again I emphasize that it is beyond any shadow of Romanian nation-hood whose "natural" a doubt that there historians who fall outside the place is in the European community from framework of this debate, but Boia and his whom it was temporarily disconnected. followers seem to have gained public notoriety to The case of the de-mystification rival that of the 1999 textbook scandal.On the other hand, Pop's reply although not highly mediatized is trend is somewhat more complicated as it written as a collective response, thus permitting us supposedly draws on a purely Western to use overarching categories such as "Boia and his methodology .Boia's main point is that followers", "main-stream Romanian historians". 51

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history writing cannot be separated from the draw attention to another important historian's belief system hence making it a dimension to be noted here: if myths are, by futile effort to search for "truth" since and large, considered identity building history itself is a narrative. Two important blocks then de-mystification efforts clearly consequences can be drawn from here about signal the presence of perceived identity- Boia's approach: although modernist in the threats and nation-building rhetoric. In the sense of recognizing the importance of post 90s Romanian environment the issue of constructionist approaches, there is a reconciliation with the past is aligned with pervading sense of normative judgment. The delineating a "true" historical identity: a veil seems to be better lifted when one takes communist-shaped one, or an older version a closer look at Boia's subsequent works that rooted in the perceived democratic inter-war complement his opus: Romanian national (hence communism being perceived as a history is not only a myth, but it is a bad past-discontinuous). This seems to point myth in the sense of espousing non-Western towards some sort of "new nation values (Boia:2001). Since the shortcomings syndrome" (Petrescu:2007, 39 in of this East/West ethnic/civic approach are Jarausch&Lindenberger:2007), again well documented, for the purpose of this strengthening the argument of cultural paper suffice it note a more subtle reproduction towards identity-building. observation on the Romanian de- Even if one concurs with Pop's idea that mystification trend: in itself it creates the society rarely listens to historians, the myth that "everything is a myth", which is overarching sense of a vicious circle persists: envisaged as a foundation for a new identity- post-socialist Romanian historiography is building in a Western-civic-normative spinning around everyone "de-mystifying" understanding! However, the issue here is everyone for the sake of "truth". Although still nation-building, although in a different Boia and his followers disagree with the idea scope: the teleology of civic nationhood and that the historian is looking for "truth" they "Western ". Certainly, the are putting forward the very normative communist template is abandoned, yet the argument that "Eastern" nationalism is the inner logic of identity creation through sole cause of Romania's economic and history is maintained. The normative political problems (a rather similar argument argument of this de-mystification is that to be found in Petrescu:2001 in Trencsenyi once the realization that Romanian history et al. (eds):2001). This is the point of the of a myth is acknowledged, a new identity myth that "everything is a myth": identity- can be constructed, supposedly better void on which a purported "better" national- managing the delicate regional integration of identity be constructed. Either side seems to historical narratives. fallen into a teleological trap: national- There is one underlying thread identity as a salient category (be it connecting these two issues in a very subtle constructed, or perennial the pervading idea way: both strands consider themselves as seems to be that there it is a clear "de-mystifiers"! In a very ironic twist the developmental-historical goal). Certainly, early 90s historians considered their mission both sides acknowledge that the goal of EU to de-mystify communism, Lucian Boia and integration is an on-going progress, his followers claim to de-mystify the entirety nonetheless they seem tied down to finding of Romanian historiography and its a "hard-core" starting point for a quasi- nationalist-orientation, while Ioan Pop historical quasi-cultural argument of why opens his laborious critique with the clear Romania should join the EU. aim of tearing down the "Lucian Boia myth"! (Pop:2011, 120) Acknowledging the

very strong point that one can analyze this issue through the obvious need for truth in the post-socialist setting (Nalin:2002, 44), I

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Conclusions unity and nation-hood. Institutionalized cultural reproduction seems be revolving

around a different type of discourse Broadly speaking, historical (certainly, it is far-fetched to call either Boia discourse in post-socialist Romania seems to and his followers or the critics as gravitate around the very political goal of "communists"), which touches however on a EU integration, attempting to put forward a hard-core set of issues that is continuously hard-core argument of why Romanian's preserved. particular historical trajectory recommends it All things considered, nationalism in as a natural enlargement goal. post-socialist Romania appears not to be a The 1999-2000 alternative text-book freak occurrence, nor is it a persona non grata scandal and the vicious "de-mystification" of public discourse. The efforts of tearing circle seem to be powerfully intertwined: down socialist legacies (institutional and although oppressive ethno-national intellectual) seem locked, for the time being, discourses are not used in political in a vicious circle. Nonetheless, open and competitions, there is an institutionalized fair debate has taken a fairly solid grip in the cultural reproduction that ensures the Romanian environment, leaving the door presence of a latent nationalist discourse. open for the possibility of reconciliation The background is not purely political with the past and a fair reconsidering of rhetoric, as historians themselves seem to be Romania's place in an integrated regional locked into a debate in which everyone narrative. espouses a more "truthful" history than the other. The criticism that society does not Bibliography follow historians fails when faced with the institutionalization of a rigid ethno-centered  Benner, Erica (2001), Is there a core approach to history. Certainly, the polarization between the text-books and nationalist doctrine?, published in historians must not be directly equated with Nations and Nationalism, Vol. 7, No. a societal polarization. On the other hand, polarized historical narratives seemed to 2, pp. 155-174; point towards normative stances more than  Berindei, Dan, (1997) Revolutia actual methodologies of historical research: the teleology of the East/West ethnic/civic Romana din 1848-1849. Consideratii si divide. Reflectii[ of 1848- To be fair to the sides, I am not arguing that they are putting forward 1849. Considerations and Reflections] – pseudo-scientific research, rather that the own translation – Transylvanian conclusions they seem to draw have less to do with history than with the politics of Studies Center, (Romanian Cultural nation-branding and nation-building. Foundation: Cluj-Napoca) Consequently, post-socialist Romania seems to be exhibiting an exaggerated identity crisis  Boia, Lucian, (2000) Doua Secole de based on its efforts to join the EU and the Mitologie Nationala [Two centuries of continuous struggle for reconciliation with the past. The natural backlash effect of the National Mythology - own communist ethno-centered discourse is that translation],(Humanitas: Bucharest) open nationalist rhetoric does not raise much political support (being perceived as  Boia, Lucian, (2001) History and extremist), yet socialization is still done Myth in Romanian consciousness, (CEU under a very rigid pattern that continuously emphasizes the mythology of continuation, Press: Budapest)

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 Brubaker, Rogers (1996)  Mitu, Sorin, Lucia Copoeru, Nationalism Reframed. Nationhood and Ovidiu Pecican, Liviu Tîrãu, and the National Question in Europe, Virgiliu Târãu, (1999) (Cambridge University Press: IstoriaRomânilor: Manual pentru clasa a Cambridge) XII-a (Romanian history: Twelfth grade  BRUBAKER, Rogers (1998) Myths textbook). (Sigma: Bucharest) and Misconceptions in the Study of  Mitu, Sorin (2001) National Identity of Nationalism. In. John HALL(ed.): The Romanians in Transylvania, (CEU State of the Nation: Ernest Gellner and Press: New York) the Theory of Nationalism. (Cambridge  Nalin, Dumitru (2002) History University Press. Cambridge:1998) Teaching in Romania, published in  Gaber, R., (2006) National Identity Diogenes, Vol. 49, Issue 2, No, 194 and Democratic Consolidation in Central  Petrescu, Dragos (2007) Communist and Eastern Europe, published in Legacies in the “New Europe”. History, International Journal of Sociology, Vol. Ethnicity, and the Creation of a “Socialist 36, No. 3 Nation” in Romania 1945-1989,  Iggers, Georg (2010) The Role of published in Conflicted Memories. Professional Historical Scholarship in the Europeanizing Contemporary Histories, Creation and Distortion of Memory, edit. K. H. Jarausch and T. published in Chinese Studies in History, Lindenberger,( New York: Berghan Vol. 43, Issue 3 Books, 2007)  Iordachi, Constantin, Trencsenyi,  Pop, Ioan-Aurel, (2011) Istoria, Balasz (2003) In Search of a Usable Adevarul si Miturile [History, Truth and Past: The Question of National Identity in Myths - own translation throughout the Romanian Studies 1990-2000, paper], (Virtual: Cluj), published in East-European Politics and  Stancu, Eugen (2012) Lucian Boia Societies, Vol. 17 and the Demythologization of the  Manea, Mihai, Teodorescu, (1994) Romanian Historical Discourse. Istoria Românilor de la 1821 pânã în Intellectual Origins, Arguments and 1989:Manual pentru clasa a XII-a Critics, published in Yearbook of the (Romanian history from 1821 till 'Gheorghe Sincai' Institute for Social 1989:Twelfth grade textbook); (Editura Sciences & the Humanities of the Didacticã si Pedagogicã: Bucharest) Romanian Academy, Vol. 15

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 Balasz TRENCSENYI, Dragos History Textbooks: The Mitu PETRESCU, Cristina Controversy PETRESCU, Constantin o Dragos Petrescu, Can IORDACHI, Zoltan KANTOR Democracy work in Southeastern (2001), Nation-Building and Contested Europe? Ethnic nationalism vs. Identities: Romanian and Hungarian Case Democratic consolidation in post- Studies, (Regio Books, Budapest, communist Romania 2001)  Verdery, Katherine, (1993) o Razvan Paraianu, National Nationalism and National Sentiment in Prejudices, Mass Media and Post-socialist Romania, published in Slavic Review, Vol. 52, No. 2, 1993

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