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Cultural Values Moderate Gender Stereotype Content Journal of Personality and Social Psychology © 2015 American Psychological Association 2015, Vol. 109, No. 4, 622–635 0022-3514/15/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000027 Men as Cultural Ideals: Cultural Values Moderate Gender Stereotype Content Amy J. C. Cuddy and Elizabeth Baily Wolf Peter Glick Harvard Business School Lawrence University Susan Crotty Jihye Chong Zayed University Asian Center for Theological Studies and Mission, Korea Michael I. Norton Harvard Business School Four studies tested whether cultural values moderate the content of gender stereotypes, such that male stereotypes more closely align with core cultural values (specifically, individualism vs. collectivism) than do female stereotypes. In Studies 1 and 2, using different measures, Americans rated men as less collectivistic than women, whereas Koreans rated men as more collectivistic than women. In Study 3, bicultural Korean Americans who completed a survey in English about American targets rated men as less collectivistic than women, whereas those who completed the survey in Korean about Korean targets did not, demonstrating how cultural frames influence gender stereotype content. Study 4 established generalizability by reanalyzing Williams and Best’s (1990) cross-national gender stereotype data across 26 nations. National individualism–collectivism scores predicted viewing collectivistic traits as more— and individualistic traits as less—stereotypically masculine. Taken together, these data offer support for the cultural moderation of gender stereotypes hypothesis, qualifying past conclusions about the univer- sality of gender stereotype content. Keywords: gender stereotypes, stereotype content, culture, individualism, collectivism Men are stereotyped as self-oriented and women as other- cultures and individualistic (i.e., self-oriented) in individualistic oriented. The preceding statement represents a consensus based on cultures, qualifying past conclusions about cross-cultural consis- decades of research (Kite, Deaux, & Haines, 2008; Wood & Eagly, tency in gender stereotypes. 2010). However, theories of intergroup social stratification, which The logic for our hypothesis that cultural values moderate posit that people attribute the most culturally valued traits to gender stereotypes is supported by several theories. Expectation dominant groups (Ridgeway, 2001; Ridgeway, Boyle, Kuipers, & states theory (Berger, Conner, & Fisek, 1981; Berger & Robinson, 1998), imply that gender stereotype content should vary Zelditch, 1998; see Correll & Ridgeway, 2003, for a review) depending on differences in nations’ core cultural values. Specif- proposes that widely shared cultural beliefs associate status ically, because men dominate (both economically and politically) characteristics and expectations (i.e., personal traits and abili- in virtually all nations (UN Development Programme, 2013), ties that are highly socially valued) with higher status groups, national stereotypes of men should reflect the culture’s most and that both advantaged and disadvantaged groups assign valued traits. If so, in cross-national comparisons, men should be socially valued traits more to higher status group members than stereotyped as collectivistic (i.e., other-oriented) in collectivistic to lower status group members (e.g., Ridgeway, 2001; Ridge- way et al., 1998). Similarly, social dominance theory and sys- This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. tem justification theory describe how people justify existing This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. systems of social stratification by endorsing legitimating myths Amy J. C. Cuddy and Elizabeth Baily Wolf, Department of Negotia- tions, Organizations, and Markets, Harvard Business School; Peter Glick, and stereotypes that attribute the most culturally valued traits to Department of Psychology, Lawrence University; Susan Crotty, College of dominant social groups (Ho et al., 2012; Jost & Banaji, 1994; Business Sciences, Zayed University; Jihye Chong, Department of Chris- Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle, 1994; Sidanius & Pratto, tian Counseling, Asian Center for Theological Studies and Mission, Korea; 1999). Even social identity theory, which emphasizes prefer- Michael I. Norton, Department of Marketing, Harvard Business School. ence for one’s in-group, suggests that social hierarchy shapes Susan Crotty is now an independent market research and management the form that in-group favoritism takes: because high status consultant in Charlotte, NC. We thank Bonneil Koo for his help with Study groups, who have greater social influence, claim the most 3 data collection; Tori Brescoll, Adam Galinsky, Kathleen McGinn, and socially valued traits as their own, lower status groups rely on Tyler Okimoto for their helpful comments on this research; and Nico Thornley for his help preparing the manuscript. “social creativity” to redefine less valued traits as favorably Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Amy J. C. distinguishing them (Tajfel, 1981). In sum, all of these theories Cuddy, Harvard Business School, Soldiers Field Road, Boston, MA 02163. offer support for the notion that people should assign the most E-mail: [email protected] valued traits in each culture to dominant groups. 622 MEN AS CULTURAL IDEALS 623 Given that men possess higher status than women in virtually analyses, Abele and Wojciszke (2007) concluded that agency and every society (e.g., UN Development Programme, 2013), male individualism on the one hand, and communion and collectivism stereotypes theoretically should match each society’s core cultural on the other, are synonymous: agency and individualism both values. Although there has been extensive research on how status represent a focus on the self, whereas communion and collectivism beliefs develop (e.g., Ridgeway et al., 1998), underlie racial prej- both represent a focus on others. For consistency and because our udices (e.g., Ho, Sidanius, Cuddy, & Banaji, 2013; Sidanius & hypotheses concern the cultural values of I-C, we use the labels Pratto, 1999), and drive behavior (see Correll & Ridgeway, 2003), “individualistic” and “collectivistic” to refer to the stereotype to our knowledge, no research has empirically tested whether core dimensions that are often labeled as agency–communion. cultural values shape the specific content of gender stereotypes. Putting the Cultural Moderation Hypothesis in Culture Moderates the Content of Gender Stereotypes Context: Relation to Past Theories We propose and test the cultural moderation of gender stereotypes Past theories suggest that structural factors—most prominently, hypothesis (which, for brevity, we subsequently refer to as the cultural the relative degree of gender inequality and separation in gender moderation hypothesis): Stereotypes of men more closely align with roles—affect the content of gender stereotypes. We do not view core cultural values than do stereotypes of women. In other words, the cultural moderation hypothesis as incompatible with these characteristics that are particularly valued in a culture should be theories. Rather, it adds a previously unexamined reason for cross- ascribed more to men in that culture when compared with cultures that cultural variation in gender stereotypes (cultural values) that prior do not particularly value those characteristics. By “valued,” we do not theories do not address. Below we outline how the cultural mod- merely mean positively valenced characteristics, but characteristics eration hypothesis is distinct from prior theories. that garner respect because they match core cultural values. For example, as the women-are-wonderful effect shows, women are pos- Ambivalent Sexism Theory itively evaluated as a group because they are associated with likable traits (e.g., nurturance and warmth; Eagly & Mladinic, 1994). Per- Ambivalent sexism theory focuses on social structural differ- ceivers evaluate such traits as highly positive; however, in Western, ences between men and women, emphasizing how men’s greater individualistic nations, these traits are not highly respected or valued power and status, combined with intimate interdependence be- in that they are associated with unpaid work, rather than with high tween the sexes, affects gender attitudes (Glick & Fiske, 1996, status roles such as leadership and management (Koenig, Eagly, 2001). The theory posits that both hostility toward women who Mitchell, & Ristikari, 2011) or with having power (Glick et al., 2004). challenge men’s power and patronizing benevolence toward In the current paper, we examine the cultural moderation hy- women who conform to traditional expectations combine to rein- pothesis in the context of the individualism–collectivism (I-C) force gender inequality. Further, it proposes that men are also dimension, which not only closely parallels the self-oriented– targets of ambivalence because status and power foster both ad- other-oriented distinction central to gender stereotypes but also miration and resentment. Cross-cultural studies measuring ambiv- represents one of the most fundamental and widely studied cultural alent sexism toward both sexes support the theory’s contention that value distinctions in psychology (e.g., Oyserman, Coon, & Kem- structural gender inequality predicts greater ambivalence toward melmeier, 2002; Triandis, 1989). For these reasons, comparing both sexes (i.e., higher
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