The Public Economy: Understanding Government As a Producer a Reformation of Public Economics

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Public Economy: Understanding Government As a Producer a Reformation of Public Economics The public economy: Understanding government as a producer A reformation of public economics June Sekera Senior Research Fellow, UCL Institute for Innovation and Public Purpose Visiting Scholar, Heilbroner Center for Capitalism Studies, New School for Social Research, NYC UCL Institute for Innovation and WORKING PAPER Public Purpose WP 2020-01 About the Institute for Innovation and Public Purpose The UCL Institute for Innovation and Public Purpose (IIPP) aims to develop a new framework for creating, nurturing and evaluating public value in order to achieve economic growth that is more innovation-led, inclusive and sustainable. We intend this framework to inform the debate about the direction of economic growth and the use of mission-oriented policies to confront social and technological problems. Our work will feed into innovation and industrial policy, financial reform, institutional change, and sustainable development. A key pillar of IIPP's research is its understanding of markets as outcomes of the interactions between different actors. In this context, public policy should not be seen as simply fixing market failures but also as actively shaping and co-creating markets. Re-focusing and designing public organisations around mission-led, public purpose aims will help tackle the grand challenges facing the 21st century. IIPP is housed in The Bartlett, a leading global Faculty of the Built Environment at University College London (UCL), with its radical thinking about space, design and sustainability. This report can be referenced as follows: Sekera, J. (2020). The public economy: Understanding government as a producer. UCL Institute for Innovation and Public Purpose, Working Paper Series (IIPP WP 2020-01). Available at: https://www.ucl.ac.uk/bartlett/public-purpose/wp2020-01 The public economy: Understanding government as a producer A reformation of public economics June Sekera Abstract In mainstream economics scripting, government is either bumbler or villain. Cast as market fixer, intervenor, enforcer or redistributor, the state cannot but act inefficiently or, worse, illegitimately. Public goods and collective action are called ‘problems’, the commons a ‘tragedy’. Even today’s so-called ‘public economics’, as represented by the ‘public choice’ school, is decidedly anti-public. It was not always thus. More than a century ago, economists theorised the state as a framework of collective agency for public purpose and understood government as a producer meeting collective needs. A cogent concept of ‘the public economy’ guided this nascent field of public economics, long since lost to historic upheavals and repression by proponents of market-centric rational choice theory. This paper rejects today’s orthodoxy and the artful, but artificial, construct that subverts the ability of the public economic system to produce on behalf of the polity. I call, instead, for a new public economics that returns to lost roots, while breaking new ground by taking into account the biophysical imperatives of production. The model offered here takes a systems perspective (as did Quesnay and early 18th-century physiocrats); recognises a public economy with distinctive purpose and drivers (as did the German public economics theorist, Gerhard Colm, in the 1920s); and focuses on government as a producer (as did Paul Studenski in the 1930s to 1950s). Finally, it draws on two centuries of physics and 21st- century systems ecology in recognising biophysical imperatives inherent to production. Developing and promoting a cogent theory of the public economy system is vital to the effective operation and, ultimately, survival of the governmental systems by which democratic nation-states function today. The simplistic typecasting of government, the ‘market-failure’ rationalisation for state action, the invalid imposition of market axioms and assumptions on the public domain, and the disregard of public purpose must all be rejected. It is time for a reformation of public economics. Keywords: economics; political economy; biophysical economics; public administration JEL codes: A10; A11; A13; A20; B00; B50; H00; H20; H40; K00; N00; P00; P40; Q40; Q50; Q58 1. Mainstream economics and the state In standard economics scripting, government is most often cast in the role of bumbler or villain. Whether as market fixer, intervenor, enforcer or redistributor, its actions are portrayed as resulting in distortion, inefficiency, deadweight loss and worse. Three-quarters of a century ago, Paul Studenski rejected such casting. He found government to be a vital figure whose role was not simply to intervene or redistribute. Government was a producer. A professor of economics at New York University (1927-55), an authority on public finance and a widely-respected historian of national income accounting,1 Studenski argued that ‘Government is a productive, wealth-creating organisation. It supplies direct utilities as well as aids to private production.‘ (1939, p. 34). He elaborated: ‘Under all forms of organized society, economic activity has required some collective effort in addition to the individual one, and this is still true of the modern society. The notion that production for exchange is alone ‘productive’ is preposterous.’ ‘Production consists in the creation of utilities. Government furnishes services and goods which satisfy the two tests of economic value — namely, utility and scarcity. They satisfy human needs and must be economically used. Government is, therefore, engaged in production just as much as is private enterprise. Government employees are just as much producers as are private employees and entrepreneurs. To deny this fact is to demonstrate one’s faulty economic education or the fact that one’s idolatry for business has thwarted one’s vision.’ (emphasis added) His language and logic challenged mainstream economic thought, which by his era had turned to ‘exchange’ theory and had sidelined ‘production’. However, production had been of central interest to 18th-century and subsequent generations of economists, who were concerned with the processes by which value was created. But, even then, government had persistently been placed outside the ‘production boundary’ (Mazzucato 2018) and the state was, at most, assigned only a supporting role. Even Karl Marx, who wrote of the ‘hidden abode of production’ in the first volume of Capital (Böhm & Land 2012) did not address the state’s role as producer. And once Marx adumbrated a ‘labour theory of value’ that could be used effectively to reveal the exploitation of workers by employers, liberal economists began to downplay the significance of production itself. In reaction to Marx, mainstream economists moved to ‘recast economics as a science of exchange rather than production’ (Perelman 2006). This transformation facilitated mathematical modelling in economics and the eventual construction of a quantitatively precise, but pragmatically constricting, ‘production function’. 1 In The Income of Nations (1958), Studenski traced the history of national income accounting and competing historical conceptions of production. Descriptions of Studenski’s work can be found in Warren 2005 and Ogle 2000. 1 In short, by the time that Studenski was writing, not only was government viewed as not productive, there was essentially no basis for even considering government as a producer, since economics had made ‘exchange’ 2 between sellers and buyers the embodiment of economic value. But Studenski’s stance would not have been out of line with the thinking in the German public economics school that had flourished in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Economists in Germany (and other European countries) had concerned themselves with ‘understanding the economic foundations and explaining the scope of the state’ (Sturn 2010). Some saw the state as ‘a framework of collective agency for common purposes’ and understood government as a producer — the ‘mechanism’ for producing the goods and services necessary to meet ‘collective needs’. However, with the rise of Nazism and the emigration of many of these theorists, a flourishing school of public economics fractured and the very idea of a ‘public economy’ was eventually expunged from mainstream economics. This paper calls for recognition of the public economy, argues for a reformed public economics and proposes the elements of a new conceptual model. This section describes and challenges the role-casting of mainstream economics, and very briefly reviews the history of the emergence and then submergence of the concept of a ‘public economy’. Section 2 outlines the impacts on the polity and the planet that have resulted, at least in part, from submerging the public economy in economic theory, and concurrently imposing market axioms and assumptions on the public sphere. In Section 3 I revive the idea, also buried by modern mainstream theory, that there are multiple economies, not simply a market economy. Section 4 introduces the elements of a new theory of the public economy which both returns to the 18th- century roots of economics and also breaks new ground. The new public economics concept offered here has the following features: 1) it takes a systems perspective (as did Quesnay and the early 18th century-physiocrats); 2) it recognises a public economic system with distinctive purpose and drivers (as did Gerhard Colm, a leader in late 19th- century German public economics); 3) it focuses on government as a producer (following Studenski); and 4) it incorporates biophysical imperatives and
Recommended publications
  • Working Paper No. 517 What Are the Relative Macroeconomic Merits And
    Working Paper No. 517 What Are the Relative Macroeconomic Merits and Environmental Impacts of Direct Job Creation and Basic Income Guarantees? by Pavlina R. Tcherneva The Levy Economics Institute of Bard College October 2007 The Levy Economics Institute Working Paper Collection presents research in progress by Levy Institute scholars and conference participants. The purpose of the series is to disseminate ideas to and elicit comments from academics and professionals. The Levy Economics Institute of Bard College, founded in 1986, is a nonprofit, nonpartisan, independently funded research organization devoted to public service. Through scholarship and economic research it generates viable, effective public policy responses to important economic problems that profoundly affect the quality of life in the United States and abroad. The Levy Economics Institute P.O. Box 5000 Annandale-on-Hudson, NY 12504-5000 http://www.levy.org Copyright © The Levy Economics Institute 2007 All rights reserved. ABSTRACT There is a body of literature that favors universal and unconditional public assurance policies over those that are targeted and means-tested. Two such proposals—the basic income proposal and job guarantees—are discussed here. The paper evaluates the impact of each program on macroeconomic stability, arguing that direct job creation has inherent stabilization features that are lacking in the basic income proposal. A discussion of modern finance and labor market dynamics renders the latter proposal inherently inflationary, and potentially stagflationary. After studying the macroeconomic viability of each program, the paper elaborates on their environmental merits. It is argued that the “green” consequences of the basic income proposal are likely to emerge, not from its modus operandi, but from the tax schemes that have been advanced for its financing.
    [Show full text]
  • Economics Chair: Marian Manic Sai Mamunuru Halefom Belay Rosie Mueller Jan P
    Economics Chair: Marian Manic Sai Mamunuru Halefom Belay Rosie Mueller Jan P. Crouter Jason Ralston Denise Hazlett Economics is the study of how people and societies choose to use scarce resources in the production of goods and services, and of the distribution of these goods and services among individuals and groups in society. The economics major requires coursework in economics and mathematics. A student who enters Whitman with no prior college-level work in either of these areas would need to complete math 125 and complete at least 35 credits in economics. Learning Goals: Upon graduation, a student will be able to demonstrate: Major-Specific Areas of Knowledge o Students should have an understanding of how economics can be used to explain and interpret a) the behavior of agents (for example, firms and households) and the markets or settings in which they interact, and b) the structure and performance of national and global economies. Students should also be able to evaluate the structure, internal consistency and logic of economic models and the role of assumptions in economic arguments. Communication o Students should be able to communicate effectively in written, spoken, graphical, and quantitative form about specific economic issues. Critical Reasoning o Students should be able to apply economic analysis to evaluate everyday problems and policy proposals and to assess the assumptions, reasoning and evidence contained in an economic argument. Quantitative Analysis o Students should grasp the mathematical logic of standard macroeconomic and microeconomic models. o Students should know how to use empirical evidence to evaluate an economic argument (including the collection of relevant data for empirical analysis, statistical analysis, and interpretation of the results of the analysis) and how to understand empirical analyses of others.
    [Show full text]
  • 1. Introduction : (A) What Is Public Economics? First, a Very Brief and Broad Outline of the Structure of Government Finance, Pa
    1. Introduction : (a) What is Public Economics? First, a very brief and broad outline of the structure of government finance, particularly government revenue sources, in Canada. In other words, \what level of government levies what tax, and how important are the different taxes?". Before that, an important message. This course is a fourth{year level course. The pre- requisites are intermediate microeconomics, and intermediate macroeconomics : AP/ECON 2300, 2350, 2400 and 2450, or their equivalents. Those prerequisites are meant to be taken seriously. In particular, you will find out very soon that this course is a course in the application of microe- conomic theory. It is microeconomic theory applied to taxation. Some of the concepts used in Econ 2300 and 2350 are going to get used here again | every day. Indifference curves, income and substitution effects, general equilibrium prices : these will keep popping up. So this is a double warning : (i) you have to have the formal prerequisites in order to get in to the course, and (ii) the course content is going to keep reminding you of material from Econ 2300 and 2350. Why is this course full of microeconomic theory? Because economists think that the concepts of microeconomic theory are useful in analyzing the behaviour of consumers and workers and firms and voters. And because much of the subject matter of the course is the effects of taxation on the behaviour of these economic agents, and the analysis of how the behaviour of these economic agents should affect the government's choices of taxes. Why microeconomics? After all, there is something pretty public about most of the material in macroeconomics.
    [Show full text]
  • Economics 230A Public Sector Microeconomics
    University of California, Berkeley Professor Alan Auerbach Department of Economics 525 Evans Hall Fall 2005 3-0711; auerbach@econ ECONOMICS 230A PUBLIC SECTOR MICROECONOMICS This is the first of two courses in the Public Economics sequence. It will cover core material on taxation, public expenditures and public choice, and conclude with a consideration of the effects of capital income taxation on the behavior of households and firms. Economics 230B, the second semester in the sequence, will extend the discussion of optimal income taxation and consider more fully the behavioral effects of government policy and the institutional characteristics of important U.S. federal taxes and expenditure programs Class meetings: Tuesdays 9-11, 639 Evans Hall Office hours: Mondays, 10:00-11:30, and by appointment Prerequisites: This course should normally be taken after the completion of first-year Ph. D. courses in economic theory and econometrics. Requirements: Problem sets (2) - 30% Paper (5 page review) - 20% Final examination - 50% There is no required textbook for this course. All starred readings below are required and are either included in the course reader or, where noted, available on the web. Non-starred material will be useful for further reading on topics of interest and preparation for the public economics field examination. The following texts and collections, selections from which appear on the reading list, are also useful for background reference: A. Atkinson and J. Stiglitz, Lectures on Public Economics, McGraw-Hill (1980) A. Auerbach and M. Feldstein, eds., Handbook of Public Economics, North-Holland, vol. 1 (1985), vol. 2 (1987), vol. 3 (2002) and vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Government Major Modified – Type B
    Government Major Modified – Type B Prerequisites (2 courses): o GOVT 10, ECON 10, MATH 10, or QSS 015 (circle one) _________ Term o Economics 1: The Price System: Analysis, problems, and policies _________ Term Courses required to complete the Government Major modified (10 courses total) 1. Government Introductory Courses (2 courses): o Government 6: Political Ideas ________ Term o Government ____: _________________________ (GOVT 3, 4, 5) ________ Term 2. Government Upper Level course (Midlevel OR Seminar - 2 courses): o Government ____: _________________________ ________ Term o Government ____: _________________________ ________ Term 3. Government Seminars (2 seminars, which are the culminating experience): o Government ____: _________________________ (seminar) ________ Term o Government ____: _________________________ (seminar) ________ Term Please check list of Government Seminars on the back. 4. Economics and Philosophy (4 courses): o Economics______: _________________________ ________ Term o Economics______: _________________________ ________ Term o Philosophy______: _________________________ ________ Term o Philosophy______: _________________________ ________ Term **Important: check prerequisites before enrolling** Please check list of Political Economy and Political Theory courses on the back This form needs to be approved by the Department of Government Vice-Chair by the end of the sophomore year. Plan of Study Form_GOVT_2020 Government Midlevel courses: • Choose any government courses levels 20’s to GOVT 60’s The Government Department
    [Show full text]
  • Hypergeorgism: When Rent Taxation Is Socially Optimal∗
    Hypergeorgism: When rent taxation is socially optimal∗ Ottmar Edenhoferyz, Linus Mattauch,x Jan Siegmeier{ June 25, 2014 Abstract Imperfect altruism between generations may lead to insufficient capital accumulation. We study the welfare consequences of taxing the rent on a fixed production factor, such as land, in combination with age-dependent redistributions as a remedy. Taxing rent enhances welfare by increasing capital investment. This holds for any tax rate and recycling of the tax revenues except for combinations of high taxes and strongly redistributive recycling. We prove that specific forms of recycling the land rent tax - a transfer directed at fundless newborns or a capital subsidy - allow reproducing the social optimum under pa- rameter restrictions valid for most economies. JEL classification: E22, E62, H21, H22, H23, Q24 Keywords: land rent tax, overlapping generations, revenue recycling, social optimum ∗This is a pre-print version. The final article was published at FinanzArchiv / Public Finance Analysis, doi: 10.1628/001522115X14425626525128 yAuthors listed in alphabetical order as all contributed equally to the paper. zMercator Research Institute on Global Commons and Climate Change, Techni- cal University of Berlin and Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research. E-Mail: [email protected] xMercator Research Institute on Global Commons and Climate Change. E-Mail: [email protected] {(Corresponding author) Technical University of Berlin and Mercator Research Insti- tute on Global Commons and Climate Change. Torgauer Str. 12-15, D-10829 Berlin, E-Mail: [email protected], Phone: +49-(0)30-3385537-220 1 1 INTRODUCTION 2 1 Introduction Rent taxation may become a more important source of revenue in the future due to potentially low growth rates and increased inequality in wealth in many developed economies (Piketty and Zucman, 2014; Demailly et al., 2013), concerns about international tax competition (Wilson, 1986; Zodrow and Mieszkowski, 1986; Zodrow, 2010), and growing demand for natural resources (IEA, 2013).
    [Show full text]
  • Regulation and the Marginalist Revolution
    Florida Law Review Volume 71 Issue 2 Article 4 Regulation and the Marginalist Revolution Herbert Hovenkamp Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/flr Part of the Antitrust and Trade Regulation Commons Recommended Citation Herbert Hovenkamp, Regulation and the Marginalist Revolution, 71 Fla. L. Rev. 455 (). Available at: https://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/flr/vol71/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UF Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Florida Law Review by an authorized editor of UF Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hovenkamp: Regulation and the Marginalist Revolution REGULATION AND THE MARGINALIST REVOLUTION Herbert Hovenkamp* Abstract The marginalist revolution in economics became the foundation for the modern regulatory State with its “mixed” economy. For the classical political economists, value was a function of past averages. Marginalism substituted forward looking theories based on expectations about firm and market performance. Marginalism swept through university economics, and by 1920 or so virtually every academic economist was a marginalist. This Article considers the historical influence of marginalism on regulatory policy in the United States. My view is at odds with those who argue that marginalism saved capitalism by rationalizing it as a more defensible buttress against incipient socialism. While marginalism did permit economists and policy makers to strike a middle ground between laissez faire and socialism, the “middle ground” tilted very strongly toward public control. Ironically, regulation plus private ownership was able to go much further in the United States than socialism ever could because it preserved the rhetoric of capital as privately owned, even as it deprived firms of many of the most important indicia of ownership.
    [Show full text]
  • Publics and Markets. What's Wrong with Neoliberalism?
    12 Publics and Markets. What’s Wrong with Neoliberalism? Clive Barnett THEORIZING NEOLIBERALISM AS A egoists, despite much evidence that they POLITICAL PROJECT don’t. Critics of neoliberalism tend to assume that increasingly people do act like this, but Neoliberalism has become a key object of they think that they ought not to. For critics, analysis in human geography in the last this is what’s wrong with neoliberalism. And decade. Although the words ‘neoliberal’ and it is precisely this evaluation that suggests ‘neoliberalism’ have been around for a long that there is something wrong with how while, it is only since the end of the 1990s neoliberalism is theorized in critical human that they have taken on the aura of grand geography. theoretical terms. Neoliberalism emerges as In critical human geography, neoliberal- an object of conceptual and empirical reflec- ism refers in the first instance to a family tion in the process of restoring to view a of ideas associated with the revival of sense of political agency to processes previ- economic liberalism in the mid-twentieth ously dubbed globalization (Hay, 2002). century. This is taken to include the school of This chapter examines the way in which Austrian economics associated with Ludwig neoliberalism is conceptualized in human von Mises, Friedrich von Hayek and Joseph geography. It argues that, in theorizing Schumpeter, characterized by a strong com- neoliberalism as ‘a political project’, critical mitment to methodological individualism, an human geographers have ended up repro- antipathy towards centralized state planning, ducing the same problem that they ascribe commitment to principles of private property, to the ideas they take to be driving forces and a distinctive anti-rationalist epistemo- behind contemporary transformations: they logy; and the so-called Chicago School of reduce the social to a residual effect of more economists, also associated with Hayek but fundamental political-economic rationalities.
    [Show full text]
  • The Encyclopedia of Public Choice Volume I the Editors
    The Encyclopedia of Public Choice Volume I The Editors CHARLES K. ROWLEY, Duncan Black Professor of Economics, George Mason University and General Director, The Locke Institute; and Dr. Dr. h.c.mult. FRIEDRICH SCHNEIDER, Department of Economics, The University of Linz Advisory Board JAMES M. BUCHANAN, Buchanan House, George Mason University BERNARD GROFMAN, Department of Political Science, University of California, Irvine ARYE L. HILLMAN, Department of Economics, Bar-Ilan University MARTIN PALDAM, Department of Economics, Aarhus University WILLIAM F. SHUGHART II, Department of Economics, University of Mississippi ROBERT D. TOLLISON, Department of Economics, Clemson University DENNIS C. MUELLER, Department of Economics, University of Vienna MICHAEL C. MUNGER, Department of Political Science, Duke University PETER C. ORDESHOOK, Humanities and Social Sciences, Cal Tech GORDON TULLOCK, School of Law, George Mason University HANNELORE WECK-HANNEMANN, Institut Fur Finanzwissenschaft, Universitat Innsbruck The Encyclopedia of Public Choice Editors CHARLES K. ROWLEY The Locke Institute, and George Mason University and FRIEDRICH SCHNEIDER Johannes Kepler University of Linz, Institute of Economic Policy KLUWER ACADEMIC PUBLISHERS NEW YORK, BOSTON, DORDRECHT, LONDON, MOSCOW eBook ISBN: 0-306-47828-5 Print ISBN: 0-7923-8607-8 ©2004 Kluwer Academic Publishers New York, Boston, Dordrecht, London, Moscow Print ©2004 Kluwer Academic Publishers Dordrecht All rights reserved No part of this eBook may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, recording, or otherwise, without written consent from the Publisher Created in the United States of America Visit Kluwer Online at: http://kluweronline.com and Kluwer's eBookstore at: http://ebooks.kluweronline.com We dedicate ‘The Encyclopedia of Public Choice’ to the memory of Duncan Black 23 May 1908 to 14 January 1991 The Founding Father of Public Choice TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface .
    [Show full text]
  • Volume 8 Issue 8+9 2020
    COSMOS + TAXIS Justice in the City: The history of ideas offers many examples of “ideal” solu- tions to real or perceived problems which generated much Georgist Insights initial enthusiasm but turned out to be disappointing in the end. Henry George (1839-1897) was an original thinker whose and their Limits economic analyses and suggestions for reforming the taxation system should be of interest to classical liberals considering that he was a firm believer in the virtues of free markets. This is a point I elaborate upon further below. But the conviction LAURENT DOBUZINSKIS he and his follower held that they had found the path toward abolishing poverty proved to be untenable. This is not to say Web: https://www.sfu.ca/politics/people/ profiles/dobuzins.html that his ideas ought to be dismissed and, in fact, they are be- ing rediscovered. The trend began quite a few years back in the academic community and by now the literature on Geor- gist idea is quite voluminous and still growing (without mak- ing any claim of this being an exhaustive list, see Backhaus 1997; Blaug 2000; Andelson 2003 and 2004; Bryson 2011; Nell 2019; see also many articles in the American Journal of Eco- nomics and Sociology). More recently, George’s land value tax has become an almost obligatory reference in commentaries (Bess 2018; Neklason 2019) about the extraordinary rise in the price of land in global cities such as New York, San Francisco, London, Toronto or Vancouver, where lots in practically any neighbourhood have reached prices that would have been un- imaginable two or three decades ago, making the purchase of a detached house out of reach for even well-off households.1 But this intellectual curiosity in unlikely to have much of an impact on policy-making beyond a few local initiatives.
    [Show full text]
  • Regulation and the Marginalist Revolution
    University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School Penn Law: Legal Scholarship Repository Faculty Scholarship at Penn Law 5-29-2018 Regulation and the Marginalist Revolution Herbert J. Hovenkamp University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Antitrust and Trade Regulation Commons, Courts Commons, Economic History Commons, Growth and Development Commons, Industrial Organization Commons, Inequality and Stratification Commons, Intellectual Property Law Commons, Law and Economics Commons, Public History Commons, and the Technology and Innovation Commons Repository Citation Hovenkamp, Herbert J., "Regulation and the Marginalist Revolution" (2018). Faculty Scholarship at Penn Law. 1984. https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/faculty_scholarship/1984 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Penn Law: Legal Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship at Penn Law by an authorized administrator of Penn Law: Legal Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hovenkamp Marginalism and Regulation June 2018, Page 1 REGULATION AND THE MARGINALIST REVOLUTION Herbert Hovenkamp* PRELIMINARY DRAFT: PLEASE CONSULT AUTHOR BEFORE CITING Abstract The marginalist revolution in economics became the foundation for the modern regulatory State with its “mixed” economy. Marginalism, whose development defines the boundary between classical political economy and neoclassical economics, completely overturned economists’ theory of value. It developed in the late nineteenth century in England, the Continent and the United States. For the classical political economists, value was a function of past averages. One good example is the wage-fund theory, which saw the optimal rate of wages as a function of the firm’s ability to save from previous profits.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Wigforss Connection': the Stockholm School Vs. Keynes
    This article was downloaded by: [University of Stockholm] On: 09 January 2013, At: 06:04 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK The European Journal of the History of Economic Thought Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rejh20 The ‘Wigforss Connection’: the Stockholm School vs. Keynes debate revisited Martin Kragh Version of record first published: 09 Nov 2012. To cite this article: Martin Kragh (2012): The ‘Wigforss Connection’: the Stockholm School vs. Keynes debate revisited, The European Journal of the History of Economic Thought, DOI:10.1080/09672567.2012.708770 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09672567.2012.708770 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms- and-conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub- licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.
    [Show full text]