Regulation and the Marginalist Revolution
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Austrian School in Bulgaria: a History✩ Nikolay Nenovsky A,*, Pencho Penchev B
Russian Journal of Economics 4 (2018) 44–64 DOI 10.3897/j.ruje.4.26005 Publication date: 23 April 2018 www.rujec.org The Austrian school in Bulgaria: A history✩ Nikolay Nenovsky a,*, Pencho Penchev b a University of Picardie Jules Verne, Amiens, France b University of National and World Economy, Sofia, Bulgaria Abstract The main goal of this study is to highlight the acceptance, dissemination, interpretation, criticism and make some attempts at contributing to Austrian economics made in Bulgaria during the last 120 years. We consider some of the main characteristics of the Austrian school, such as subjectivism and marginalism, as basic components of the economic thought in Bulgaria and as incentives for the development of some original theoreti- cal contributions. Even during the first few years of Communist regime (1944–1989), with its Marxist monopoly over intellectual life, the Austrian school had some impact on the economic thought in the country. Subsequent to the collapse of Communism, there was a sort of a Renaissance and rediscovery of this school. Another contribution of our study is that it illustrates the adaptability and spontaneous evolution of ideas in a different and sometimes hostile environment. Keywords: history of economic thought, dissemination of economic ideas, Austrian school, Bulgaria. JEL classification: B00, B13, B30, B41. 1. Introduction The emergence and development of specialized economic thought amongst the Bulgarian intellectuals was a process that occurred significantly slowly in comparison to Western and Central Europe. It also had its specific fea- tures. The first of these was that almost until the outset of the 20th century, the economic theories and different concepts related to them were not well known. -
Alfred Marshall on Big Business
ALFRED MARSHALL ON BIG BUSINESS Jaques Kerstenetzky1 This paper is about the way Alfred Marshall, the champion of the family-owned and -managed firm, approached the phenomenon which Alfred Chandler considered as the emergence of a new kind of capitalism and enterprise, characterized by the presence of corporations.2 The examination of the theme involves history and theory. And, following Marshall’s judgment that history is not a purely inductive practice, nor is theory a purely deductive one, it is an opportunity for reflecting on the historical and institutional content of Marshall’s perusal of firm's nature, size, organization and coordination. The task includes the identification of some connections among the work of the two Alfreds. The theme inevitably refers to the classical issue of the dilemma of increasing returns and competition. The dilemma will be presented as the theoretical context and will work as a unifying thread through the paper. The paper is organized in two parts. The first part is an introduction to the Marshallian approach on business organization issues. It shall place Marshall’s work into historical context, and characterize Marshall’s work in a way which is different from how he is read and was incorporated into economic theory by mainstream economics. The second part specifically approaches Industry and Trade, the book in which Marshall discussed business organization in depth.3 1. Introduction to Marshall’s work on business organization 1.1 The historical and theoretical context of Marshall’s work on business organization The historical economic context of Marshall’s writings is the second industrial revolution, hatched in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. -
American Political Thought: Readings and Materials Keith E. Whittington
American Political Thought: Readings and Materials Keith E. Whittington Index of Materials for Companion Website 2. The Colonial Era, Before 1776 II. Democracy and Liberty John Adams, Letter to James Sullivan (1776) John Cotton, The Bloudy Tenent Washed and Made White (1647) John Cotton, Letter to Lord Say and Seal (1636) Jacob Duche, The Duty of Standing Fast in Our Spiritual and Temporal Liberties (1775) Massachusetts Body of Liberties (1641) James Otis, Rights of the British Colony Asserted and Proved (1764) Elisha Williams, The Essential Rights and Liberties of Protestants (1744) Roger Williams, The Bloudy Tenent Yet More Bloudy (1652) John Winthrop, Arbitrary Government Described (1644) John Winthrop, A Defense of an Order of Court (1637) John Winthrop, Defense of the Negative Vote (1643) III. Citizenship and Community Agreement among the Settlers of Exeter, New Hampshire (1639) Combination of the Inhabitants of the Piscataqua River for Government (1641) Robert Cushman, The Sin and Danger of Self-Love (1621) Fundamental Agreement, or Original Constitution of the Colony of New Haven (1639) Fundamental Orders of Connecticut (1639) Patrick Henry, Give Me Liberty Speech (1775) William Livingston, “The Vanity of Birth and Titles” (1753) Oath of a Freeman in Massachusetts Bay (1632) Thomas Tryon, The Planter’s Speech to His Neighbors and Countrymen (1684) IV. Equality and Status Address of the Mechanics of New York City (1776) Jonathan Boucher, Sermon on the Peace (1763) Charles Inglis, The True Interest of America (1776) William Knox, Three Tracts Respecting the Conversion (1768) William Byrd, Letter to Lord Egmont (1736) Samuel Sewall, The Selling of Joseph (1700) John Saffin, A Brief and Candid Answer (1701) John Woolman Some Considerations on Keeping Negroes (1762) V. -
Neoliberal Reason and Its Forms: Depoliticisation Through
Neoliberal Reason and Its Forms: De-Politicisation Through Economisation Yahya M. Madra and Fikret Adaman Department of Economics, Boğaziçi University, Istanbul, Turkey; [email protected] Abstract: This paper offers a historically contextualised intellectual history of the entangled development of three competing post-war economic approaches, viz the Austrian, Chicago and post-Walrasian schools, as three forms of neoliberalism. Taking our cue from Foucault’s reading of neoliberalism as a mode of governmentality under which the social is organised through “economic incentives”, we engage with the recent discussions of neoliberal theory on three accounts: neoliberalism is read as an epistemic horizon including not only “pro-” but also “post-market” positions articulated by post- Walrasian economists who claim that market failures necessitate the design of “incentive-compatible” remedial mechanisms; the Austrian tradition is distinguished from the Chicago-style pro-marketism; and the implications of the differences among the three approaches on economic as well as socio-political life are discussed. The paper maintains that all three approaches promote the de-politicisation of the social through its economisation albeit by way of different theories and policies. Keywords: Michel Foucault, economisation, Austrian School, Chicago School, post- Walrasian School Introduction More than half a decade after the 2008 Crash and with no end in sight to depressive economic conditions, neoliberal reason displays a certain resiliency. In time, the initial calls for intervention and regulation transformed into austerity programs run by technocratic governments. In the absence of a major redistribution of wealth and income, returning to a New Deal arrangement with well paying secure jobs for all, comprehensive social security, free and quality education, accessible healthcare and active government involvement in social welfare, appears to many a nostalgic indulgence. -
Markets in Higher Education: Can We Still Learn from Economics' Founding Fathers?* Abstract
Research & Occasional Paper Series: CSHE.4.06 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY http://cshe.berkeley.edu/ MARKETS IN HIGHER EDUCATION: CAN WE STILL LEARN * FROM ECONOMICS’ FOUNDING FATHERS? March 2006 Pedro Nuno Teixeira Assistant Professor of Economics; Research Associate, CEMPRE and CIPES University of Porto and Visiting Scholar, Center for Studies in Higher Education, UC Berkeley Copyright 2006 Pedro Nuno Teixeira, all rights reserved. ABSTRACT Markets or market-like mechanisms are playing an increasing role in higher education, with visible consequences both for the regulation of higher education systems as a whole, as well as for the governance mechanisms of individual institutions. This article traces the history of economists’ views on the role of education, from Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, Alfred Marshall, and Milton Friedman, to present-day debates about the relevance of market economies to higher education policy. Recent developments in higher education policy reflect both the rising strength of market mechanisms in higher education worldwide, and a certain ambivalence about these developments. The author argues that despite the peculiarities of the higher education sector, economic theory can be a very useful tool for the analysis of the current state of higher education systems and recent trends in higher education policy. Introduction Markets or market-like mechanisms are playing an increasing role in higher education, with visible consequences both for the regulation of higher education (HE) * The author is Assistant Professor in the Economics Department at the University of Porto and Research Associate of CEMPRE (Centre for Macroeconomics and Forecasting) and CIPES (Portuguese National Research Centre on Higher Education Policy). -
Marginal Revolution
MARGINAL REVOLUTION It took place in the later half of the 19th century Stanley Jevons in England, Carl Menger in Austria and Leon walras at Lausanne, are generally regarded as the founders of marginalist school Hermann Heinrich Gossen of Germany is considered to be the anticipator of the marginalist school The term ‘Marginal Revolution’ is applied to the writings of the above economists because they made fundamental changes in the apparatus of economic analysis They started looking at some of the important economic problems from an altogether new angle different from that of classical economists Marginal economists has been used to analyse the single firm and its behavior, the market for a single product and the formation of individual prices Marginalism dominated Western economic thought for nearly a century until it was challenged by Keynesian attack in 1936 (keynesian economics shifted the sphere of enquiry from micro economics to macro economics where the problems of the economy as a whole are analysed) The provocation for the emergence of marginalist school was provided by the interpretation of classical doctrines especially the labour theory of value and ricardian theory of rent by the socialists Socialists made use of classical theories to say things which were not the intention of the creators of those theories So the leading early marginalists felt the need for thoroughly revising the classical doctrines especially the theory of value They thought by rejecting the labour theory of value and by advocating the marginal utility theory of value, they could strike at the theoretical basis of socialism Economic Ideas of Marginalist School This school concentrated on the ‘margin’ to explain economic phenomena. -
Nine Lives of Neoliberalism
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) Book — Published Version Nine Lives of Neoliberalism Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) (2020) : Nine Lives of Neoliberalism, ISBN 978-1-78873-255-0, Verso, London, New York, NY, https://www.versobooks.com/books/3075-nine-lives-of-neoliberalism This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative -
THE NEOLIBERAL THEORY of SOCIETY Simon Clarke
THE NEOLIBERAL THEORY OF SOCIETY Simon Clarke The ideological foundations of neo-liberalism Neoliberalism presents itself as a doctrine based on the inexorable truths of modern economics. However, despite its scientific trappings, modern economics is not a scientific discipline but the rigorous elaboration of a very specific social theory, which has become so deeply embedded in western thought as to have established itself as no more than common sense, despite the fact that its fundamental assumptions are patently absurd. The foundations of modern economics, and of the ideology of neoliberalism, go back to Adam Smith and his great work, The Wealth of Nations. Over the past two centuries Smith’s arguments have been formalised and developed with greater analytical rigour, but the fundamental assumptions underpinning neoliberalism remain those proposed by Adam Smith. Adam Smith wrote The Wealth of Nations as a critique of the corrupt and self-aggrandising mercantilist state, which drew its revenues from taxing trade and licensing monopolies, which it sought to protect by maintaining an expensive military apparatus and waging costly wars. The theories which supported the state conceived of exchange as a ‘zero-sum game’, in which one party’s gain was the other party’s loss, so the maximum benefit from exchange was to be extracted by force and fraud. The fundamental idea of Smith’s critique was that the ‘wealth of the nation’ derived not from the accumulation of wealth by the state, at the expense of its citizens and foreign powers, but from the development of the division of labour. The division of labour developed as a result of the initiative and enterprise of private individuals and would develop the more rapidly the more such individuals were free to apply their enterprise and initiative and to reap the corresponding rewards. -
Monetary Theory
MONETARY THEORY Henry H. Villard I. I ntroduction In t h e social sciences our accumulated knowledge is so small and the unexplored areas so vast that of necessity we measure progress by the understanding we obtain of particular and pressing problems. Thus Adam Smith did not write primarily as a scholar but rather as a social surgeon to remove from the body politic the surviving malignant remnant of Mercantilism, while the emphasis of Ricardo and Mill on diminishing returns and the rent of land directly reflected their interest in the ulti mately successful campaign of the rising business classes to end the im pediment to further industrialization represented by the Com Laws. In the same way recent monetary theory direcdy reflects the unprece dented depression which rocked the industrialized world during the nine teen-thirties; in the United States, perhaps worse hit than any other country, the increase in productive capital, which had averaged 6 per cent a year for the first three decades of the century, over the ’thirties as a whole was negligible in amount. As a result the center of interest has in general shifted from the factors determining the quantity of money and its effect on the general level of prices to those determining the level of output and employment. In addition, the purely monetary devices for control, on which great store had been laid, were found to be broadly ineffective, taken by themselves, in bringing about recovery from the Great Depression. And finally, as a result of the way in which the war was financed, it seems quite likely that it will prove impossible to use such devices for the effective control of a future boom. -
Utilitarianism Without Utility: a Missed Opportunity in Alfred Marshall's Theory of Market Choice
Utilitarianism without Utility: A Missed Opportunity in Alfred Marshall’s Theory of Market Choice Marco Dardi In his early economic writings1 Alfred Marshall analyzed the basic mar- ket choice—whether to accept or turn down a proposed transaction—in terms of an internal confl ict between opposing desires: that of acquiring property or other rights, on the one hand, and that of keeping hold of what is required in exchange, on the other. Transactions in which the forces of the confl icting desires happen to balance constitute the so-called margin of indecision. Indeed, in modern societies practically all transactions are settled by means of money transfers. Thus, the desire for money can be taken to be a common ingredient of all these internal confl icts. In marginal transactions, the desire to keep or acquire the amount of money transferred offsets the net resultant force of all the other desires involved. Conse- quently, if it were possible to measure its force, the desire for money would provide a common measure of the net force of all the various desires, the satisfaction of which is attained through marginal transactions. Lacking such a measurement, we can at least take the amount of money transferred, which is measurable, as a rough, indirect indicator of force. Economics Correspondence may be addressed to Marco Dardi, Via delle Pandette 9, 50127 Firenze, Italy; e-mail: marco.dardi@unifi .it. I wish to thank three anonymous referees for comments and useful suggestions. 1. The relevant texts for the present discussion are the manuscript essays “Value” and “Money” (early 1870s), published in Marshall 1975, vol. -
United States Competition Policy in Crisis: 1890-1955 Herbert Hovenkamp
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 2009 United States Competition Policy in Crisis: 1890-1955 Herbert Hovenkamp Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Hovenkamp, Herbert, "United States Competition Policy in Crisis: 1890-1955" (2009). Minnesota Law Review. 483. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/483 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Article United States Competition Policy in Crisis: 1890-1955 Herbert Hovenkampt INTRODUCTION: HISTORICAL EXPLANATION AND THE MARGINALIST REVOLUTION The history of legal policy toward the economy in the United States has emphasized interest group clashes that led to regula- tory legislation.' This is also true of the history of competition policy. 2 Many historians see regulatory history as little more than a political process in which well-organized, dominant interest groups obtain political advantage and protect their particular in- dustry from competition, typically at the expense of consumers.3 t Ben V. & Dorothy Willie Professor, University of Iowa College of Law. Thanks to Christina Bohannan for commenting on a draft. Copyright 0 2009 by Herbert Hovenkamp. 1. See, e.g., WILLIAM J. NOVAK, THE PEOPLE'S WELFARE: LAW AND REGULA- TION IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY AMERICA 83-84 (1996); THE REGULATED ECONO- MY: A HISTORICAL APPROACH TO POLITICAL ECONOMY 12-22 (Claudia Goldin & Gary D. -
Publics and Markets. What's Wrong with Neoliberalism?
12 Publics and Markets. What’s Wrong with Neoliberalism? Clive Barnett THEORIZING NEOLIBERALISM AS A egoists, despite much evidence that they POLITICAL PROJECT don’t. Critics of neoliberalism tend to assume that increasingly people do act like this, but Neoliberalism has become a key object of they think that they ought not to. For critics, analysis in human geography in the last this is what’s wrong with neoliberalism. And decade. Although the words ‘neoliberal’ and it is precisely this evaluation that suggests ‘neoliberalism’ have been around for a long that there is something wrong with how while, it is only since the end of the 1990s neoliberalism is theorized in critical human that they have taken on the aura of grand geography. theoretical terms. Neoliberalism emerges as In critical human geography, neoliberal- an object of conceptual and empirical reflec- ism refers in the first instance to a family tion in the process of restoring to view a of ideas associated with the revival of sense of political agency to processes previ- economic liberalism in the mid-twentieth ously dubbed globalization (Hay, 2002). century. This is taken to include the school of This chapter examines the way in which Austrian economics associated with Ludwig neoliberalism is conceptualized in human von Mises, Friedrich von Hayek and Joseph geography. It argues that, in theorizing Schumpeter, characterized by a strong com- neoliberalism as ‘a political project’, critical mitment to methodological individualism, an human geographers have ended up repro- antipathy towards centralized state planning, ducing the same problem that they ascribe commitment to principles of private property, to the ideas they take to be driving forces and a distinctive anti-rationalist epistemo- behind contemporary transformations: they logy; and the so-called Chicago School of reduce the social to a residual effect of more economists, also associated with Hayek but fundamental political-economic rationalities.