Media Accountability in Tanzania's Multiparty Democracy

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Media Accountability in Tanzania's Multiparty Democracy AYUB RIOBA Media Accountability in Tanzania’s Multiparty Democracy Does self-regulation work? ACADEMIC DISSERTATION To be presented, with the permission of the board of School of Communication, Media and Theatre of the University of Tampere, for public discussion in the Lecture Room Linna K 103, Kalevantie 5, Tampere, on October 29th, 2012, at 12 o’clock. UNIVERSITY OF TAMPERE ACADEMIC DISSERTATION University of Tampere School of Communication, Media and Theatre Finland Copyright ©2012 Tampere University Press and the author Distribution Tel. +358 40 190 9800 Bookshop TAJU Fax +358 3 3551 7685 P.O. Box 617 [email protected] 33014 University of Tampere www.uta.fi/taju Finland http://granum.uta.fi Cover design by Mikko Reinikka Layout Aila Helin Acta Universitatis Tamperensis 1771 Acta Electronica Universitatis Tamperensis 1245 ISBN 978-951-44-8935-8 (print) ISBN 978-951-44-8936-5 (pdf) ISSN-L 1455-1616 ISSN 1456-954X ISSN 1455-1616 http://acta.uta.fi Tampereen Yliopistopaino Oy – Juvenes Print Tampere 2012 Acknowledgements This dissertation is the result of research work I embarked upon since July 2006 when I secured registration at the University of Tampere in Finland to pursue PhD studies. I wish to put on record the names of individuals and institutions whose support both academic and otherwise contributed immensely to the completion of this challenging task. First and foremost I wish to thank my supervisor and mentor Professor Kaarle Nordenstreng of the University of Tampere who initially, upon noticing my journalistic activities in Tanzania, suggested to me that I enrol for a PhD programme in Finland. His critical, detached and persistent guidance has taught me a great deal in the academic world and for this I am highly indebted to him. Secondly I wish to thank Dr Bernadin Mfumbusa of Saint Augustine University of Tanzania (SAUT) my supervisor in Tanzania, who guided me with his critical input from the beginning of my research process. I also wish to recognise the invaluable contribution of Professor Christians G. Clifford of the University of Illinois, United States of America, who took his time to go through, and make comments on, my raw chapters while we both worked in Finland in September, 2011. I felt greatly honoured to have had the opportunity to discuss my work with the two distinguished professors Nordenstreng and Clifford as well as to have Dr. Mfumbusa as my supervisor in Tanzania. I am equally indebted to Professor Audrey Gadzekpo of the University of Ghana, who, together with Professor Christians G. Clifford, assessed the final draft of this dissertation and recommended it for final defense. I thank the two scholars for their critical input which added significant value to this dissertation as well as to my own academic knowledge. I would wish to thank all the individuals who contributed in different ways to the successful completion of this task. Given the limitation of space I hope I will be forgiven for mentioning a few among many: I wish to thank Professor Ullamaija Kivikuru of the University of Helsinki who provided occasional, though invaluable, input during my research work and writing process in Finland. I should also mention Dr. Svetlana Pasti of the University of Tampere with whom I shared both an office and ideas about dissertation writing as well as Aila Helin of the University of Tampere who designed my manuscripts into a book form. I also wish to thank Prof. Bernadetta Killian, former Dean of the School of Journalism and Mass Communication (SJMC), who was always ready to provide me with the support I needed during my research. I register my profound appreciation to the Center for International Mobility of Finland (CIMO) whose financial support enabled me to stay in Finland while writing my dissertation in 2011. Lastly, but not least, in a very profound way, I wish to register my sincere appreciation for the support I received from the administrations of both the University of Tampere, Finland and the University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania throughout my research and dissertation writing process. Dar es Salaam, 15 September 2012 Ayub Rioba Contents PART ONE INTRODUCTION Chapter 1 Background .............................................................................. 10 1.1 Mass media after independence .........................................................................11 1.2 Media role and regulation in democratic reforms ...........................................14 1.3 A critical glance at democratic reforms in Africa ............................................17 1.4 Framework for self-regulation in democratization .........................................19 1.5 Self-regulation in Tanzania’s redemocratization ..............................................23 1.6 Establishment of MCT to spearhead self-regulation .....................................25 1.7 Research context ..................................................................................................27 Chapter 2 Research problem .....................................................................28 2.1 From Ujamaa media to neoliberal conglomerates ..........................................28 2.2 Neoliberal media in multiparty era ....................................................................29 2.3 Taming neoliberal media with self-regulation ..................................................31 2.4 Rationale for the study ........................................................................................33 2.5 Situating research problem .................................................................................34 2.6 Summary of research problem ..........................................................................34 2.7 Research questions ...............................................................................................35 Chapter 3 Methodology .............................................................................36 3.1 Review of literature .............................................................................................37 3.2 Survey .....................................................................................................................39 3.3 Focus group discussions .....................................................................................42 3.4 In-depth interviews ..............................................................................................45 3.5 Document review of MCT arbitration .............................................................47 PART TWO CONCEPTUAL AND POLICY ISSUES Chapter 4 Background to African media and democracy .........................52 4.1 Pre-colonial Africa: Communication as a way of life .....................................53 4.2 Colonial period: Communication for civilizing the natives ...........................55 4.3 Post-colonial period: Communication for development ................................57 4.4 The paradox of post-colonial Africa’s woes ....................................................61 4.5 Democratic reforms: Media policies and regulation .......................................63 4.6 Summary ................................................................................................................68 Chapter 5 Media and democracy .............................................................. 71 5.1 Democracy and its origins ..................................................................................71 5.2 Is democracy universal or a Western invention? .............................................76 5.3 Media and democracy: Theoretical origins ......................................................80 5.4 Media accountability in 21st century democracy ..............................................86 5.5 Summary ................................................................................................................90 Chapter 6 Media and democratization ...................................................... 91 6.1 Democratization: Theoretical perspectives ......................................................92 6.2 Media and democratization: Questioning key assumptions ..........................96 6.3 Pitfalls of neoliberal media in democratization ...............................................98 6.4 Media in Africa’s re-democratization ................................................................99 6.5 Summary ..............................................................................................................105 Chapter 7 Media self-regulation .............................................................. 107 7.1 Self-regulation: Origins......................................................................................107 7.2 What is self-regulation? .....................................................................................109 7.3 Media accountability: Concepts and framework ...........................................112 7.4 Codes of ethics as pillars of self-regulation ..................................................114 7.5 Assumptions for effective self-regulation ......................................................116 7.6 Critical discourse on self-regulation ................................................................118 7.7 African ethics, journalism practice and self-regulation ................................119 7.8 Summary ..............................................................................................................122 PART THREE FINDINGS Chapter 8 Views of journalists in survey ...............................................
Recommended publications
  • Election Violence in Zanzibar – Ongoing Risk of Violence in Zanzibar 15 March 2011
    Country Advice Tanzania Tanzania – TZA38321 – Revolutionary State Party (CCM) – Civic United Front (CUF) – Election violence in Zanzibar – Ongoing risk of violence in Zanzibar 15 March 2011 1. Please provide a background of the major political parties in Tanzania focusing on the party in power and the CUF. The United Republic of Tanzania was formed in 1964 as a union between mainland Tanganyika and the islands of Unguja and Pemba, which together comprise Zanzibar. Since 1977, it has been ruled by the Revolutionary State Party (Chama Cha Mapinduzi or CCM). In 1992 the government legislated for multiparty democracy, and the country is now a presidential democratic republic with a multiparty system. The first multiparty national elections were held in 1995, and concurrent presidential and parliamentary elections have since been held every 5 years. The CCM has won all elections to date. The CUF, founded in 1991, constituted the main opposition party following the 1995 multiparty elections.1 At the most recent elections in October 2010, the CCM‟s Jakaua Kikwete was re-elected President with 61.7% of the vote (as compared to 80% of the vote in 2005) and the CCM secured almost 80% of the seats. Most of the opposition votes went to the Chadema party, which displaced the Civic United Front (CUF) for the first time as the official opposition. The opposition leader is Chadema‟s Chairman, Freeman Mbowe. Chadema‟s presidential candidate, Willibrod Slaa, took 27% of the vote, while CUF‟s Ibrahim Lipumba received 8%.2 Notwithstanding the CCM‟s election success, the BBC reports that Kikwete‟s “political legitimacy has been seen by some to have been somewhat dented in the 2010 elections”, given the decline in his percent of the vote, and a total election turnout of only 42%, down from 72% in 2005.
    [Show full text]
  • Afrika Gündemi (Kasim 2010)
    ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ AFRİKA ÇALIŞMALARI ARAŞTIRMA VE UYGULAMA MERKEZİ AFRİKA GÜNDEMİ (KASIM 2010) SİYASET Libya’da AB-Afrika Zirvesi Düzenlendi Tanzanya Seçimlerinin Sonuçları Açıklandı Gine’de Başkanlık Seçimlerinin İkinci Turu Tamamlandı Nijer’de Anayasa Referandumunda Evet Oyu Çıktı Fildişi Sahilleri’nde Başkanlık Seçiminin 2. Turu Yapıldı Burkina Faso’da Seçimler Yapıldı Mısır’da Parlamento Seçimlerinin İlk Turu Tamamlandı Somali’de Yeni Kurulan Hükümet Güvenoyu Aldı Arap Birliği Sudan’ı Ziyaret Etti Ruanda Devlet Başkanı Kagame Kongo Cumhuriyeti’ni Ziyaret Etti Lula’nın Son Afrika Turu Madagaskar’da Darbe Girişimi Bastırıldı Gambiya İran İle Diplomatik İlişkilerini Kesti NATO Moritanya’ya Destek Kararı Aldı Cezayir, İran İle Batı Arasında Arabuluculuk Yapamaya Başladı İran’dan Nijerya’ya Yapılan Yasadışı Silah Sevkiyatı İle İlgili Tartışmalar Sürüyor Fransa’da 3 Afrikalı Lider Sebepsiz Zenginleşmeden Dolayı Soruşturuluyor Fransa, Kamerun Devlet Başkanı Biya’ya Yolsuzluk Suçlamasında Bulundu Orta Afrika Cumhuriyeti’nde Seçim Hazırlıkları Sürüyor Moyo Kentine Saldıran Güney Sudan Ordusu On Dört Kişiyi Kaçırdı Al-Shabab’a Katılmak İçin Yola Çıkan Altı Kenyalı Tutuklandı Mısır’da Kıptilerle Polis Arasında Çatışma Çıktı Zambiya’daki Çinli Maden Yöneticileri Kefaletle Serbest Bırakıldı 1 Ankara Üniversitesi AFRİKA ÇALIŞMALARI ARAŞTIRMA VE UYGULAMA MERKEZİ Kuleli Sokak No:42 Gaziosmanpaşa / ANKARA Telefon:448 05 21 Fax:448 05 89 ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ AFRİKA ÇALIŞMALARI ARAŞTIRMA VE UYGULAMA MERKEZİ KASIM 2010 EKONOMİ
    [Show full text]
  • 4. Ewald New.Pmd 63 31/10/2012, 11:43 64 Africa Development, Vol
    Africa Development, Vol. XXXVII, No. 2, 2012, pp. 63 – 95 © Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, 2012 (ISSN 0850-3907) Challenges for the Opposition and Democratisa- tion in Tanzania: A View from the Opposition Jonas Ewald* & Lennart Wohlgemuth** Abstract In the period after 1990, a massive return to liberalised forms of politics has taken place and has been largely centred around the dismantling of one party- regimes, the termination of a large number of military-led or dominated governments, the embrace of a multiparty political framework, the introduction of an independent media, the restoration of some basic freedoms to the people of the countries concerned and the convening of multi-party elections. This development was so widespread and overwhelming that it was seen by many observers as the beginning of Africa’s second liberation (Olukoshi 1998; Gyimah-Boadi 2004; Mkandawire 2006). Potential gains to the peoples from the liberalisation of their national political spaces were undermined since the 1980s by the conditions set by outside suppliers of necessary resources, combined with internal challenges in terms of weak institutions, civil society and media as well as lack of a tradition of multi- party democracy and general poverty. Matters appear to have been worsened by the fact that in many African countries the promise which the opposition once represented as the bearer of the hopes and aspirations of the people has substantially faded away. Several factors have contributed to weaken and, in some cases, discredit the opposition in much of Africa’s ongoing experience with multiparty politics. This is a serious development that begs for further investigation; as the development of a healthy and vigorous opposition is a major part of a democratic framework.
    [Show full text]
  • TANZANIA COUNTRY of ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service
    TANZANIA COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service 3 SEPTEMBER 2010 T ANZANIA 3 SEPTEMBER 2010 Contents Preface Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ................................................................................................................1.01 Zanzibar....................................................................................................................1.03 Map...........................................................................................................................1.05 2. ECONOMY ....................................................................................................................2.01 3. HISTORY (FROM INDEPENDENCE TO THE 2005 ELECTIONS)......................................................3.01 2005 ELECTIONS ...........................................................................................................3.03 4. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS .................................................................................................4.01 5. CONSTITUTION ..............................................................................................................5.01 6. POLITICAL SYSTEM .........................................................................................................6.01 Human Rights 7. INTRODUCTION ..............................................................................................................7.01 8. SECURITY FORCES .........................................................................................................8.01
    [Show full text]
  • Single-Party Rule in a Multiparty Age: Tanzania in Comparative Perspective
    SINGLE-PARTY RULE IN A MULTIPARTY AGE: TANZANIA IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement of the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Richard L. Whitehead August, 2009 © by Richard L. Whitehead 2009 All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT Title: Single-Party Rule in a Multiparty Age: Tanzania in Comparative Perspective Candidate's Name: Richard L. Whitehead Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Temple University, 2009 Doctoral Advisory Committee Chair: Richard Deeg As international pressure for multiparty reforms swept Africa during the early 1990s, long- time incumbent, such as UNIP in Zambia, KANU in Kenya, and the MCP in Malawi, were simultaneously challenged by widespread domestic demands for multiparty reforms. Only ten years later, after succumbing to reform demands, many long-time incumbents were out of office after holding competitive multiparty elections. My research seeks an explanation for why this pattern did not emerge in Tanzanian, where the domestic push for multiparty change was weak, and, despite the occurrence of three multiparty elections, the CCM continues to win with sizable election margins. As identified in research on semi-authoritarian rule, the post-reform pattern for incumbency maintenance in countries like Togo, Gabon, and Cameroon included strong doses of repression, manipulation and patronage as tactics for surviving in office under to multiparty elections. Comparatively speaking however, governance by the CCM did not fit the typical post-Cold-War semi-authoritarian pattern of governance either. In Tanzania, coercion and manipulation appears less rampant, while patronage, as a constant across nearly every African regime, cannot explain the overwhelming mass support the CCM continues to enjoy today.
    [Show full text]
  • THE RISE and FALL of the GOVERNMENT of NATIONAL UNITY in ZANZIBAR a Critical Analysis of the 2015 Elections
    162 DOI: 10.20940/JAE/2018/v17i1aDOI: 10.20940/JAE/2018/v17i1a8 JOURNAL8 OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS THE RISE AND FALL OF THE GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL UNITY IN ZANZIBAR A Critical Analysis of the 2015 elections Nicodemus Minde, Sterling Roop and Kjetil Tronvoll Nicodemus Minde is a PhD candidate in the United States International University – Africa, Nairobi, Kenya Sterling Roop is a political analyst in Telluride, Co., USA Kjetil Tronvoll is Director, Oslo Analytica and Professor and Research Director, Peace and Conflict studies at Bjorknes University College, Oslo, Norway ABSTRACT This article analyses the pitfalls that characterised the emergence and eventual demise of the Government of National Unity (GNU) in Tanzania’s semi-autonomous region of Zanzibar. Drawn from continuous political and electoral observations in Zanzibar, the article analyses how the 2015 general elections contributed to the eventual dissolution of the GNU. The GNU in Zanzibar was a negotiated political settlement between two parties – the incumbent Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and the Civic United Front (CUF). In particular, this article looks at how the start of the constitutional review process in Tanzania contributed to the withering of the GNU. Despite its undeniably noble agenda, the constitutional review process resuscitated old enmities between CCM and the CUF. The two parties’ divergent stances on the structure of the Union revived the rifts that characterised their relationship before the GNU. We analyse the election cycle rhetoric following the run-up to the elections and how this widened the GNU fissures leading to its eventual demise after the re-election in March 2016. After the 2015 elections were nullified, the CUF, which had claimed victory, boycotted the re-election.
    [Show full text]
  • Issued by the Britain-Tanzania Society No 118 Sept 2017
    Tanzanian Affairs Issued by the Britain-Tanzania Society No 118 Sept 2017 Mining Sector - The Mineral Sands Export Saga Challenge to Schooling Ban for Pregnant Girls Key “Escrow” Suspects Arrested Roger Nellist: THE MINERAL SANDS EXPORT SAGA Tanzania’s mining sector in difficulty - the background As reported in TA117, in March the government took the controversial step of banning the export of mineral concentrates and ores for metallic minerals such as gold, copper, nickel and silver. Later the same month, President Magufuli had intervened personally, ordering the seizure at Dar port of 277 containers of mineral sands destined for export mainly from two gold mines operated by Acacia Mining (Tanzania’s largest gold-producer), and asserted: “There is no country being robbed of its mineral wealth like Tanzania”. Samples were taken from the sands for analysis. Several foreign mining companies were immediately affected by the export ban but local miners and other entities also expressed concerns. In April, Magufuli established two expert teams to report to him quickly on different aspects of the mineral sand exports. Since then the saga has intensified, triggering an avalanche of robust follow-up actions by government – including more sackings and contentious new legislation. Tanzania is variably listed as Africa’s third or fourth largest gold- producing country so, unsurprisingly, the saga has generated much news coverage and comment, both in Tanzania and abroad. There have been headlines like: “Industrial-scale plunder of Tanzania’s mineral wealth by multinational companies”, “Probe team unearths massive thievery in mineral sand exports”, “Tanzania has been losing trillions of shillings in revenue” and “Tanzania’s Acacia spat shows deepening battle with business”.
    [Show full text]
  • 2001 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 4, 2002
    Tanzania Page 1 of 22 Tanzania Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2001 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 4, 2002 The United Republic of Tanzania is a multiparty state led by the President of the mainland, Benjamin Mkapa, who was reelected in the country's second multiparty national elections for president and parliament in 2000. The ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party made significant gains in its majority in Parliament. On the mainland, international observers concluded that the elections were free and fair and conducted peacefully. The islands of Zanzibar are integrated into the United Republic's governmental and party structure; however, the Zanzibar Government, which has its own president and parliament, exercises considerable autonomy. In October 2000, presidential and parliamentary elections took place in Zanzibar; however, the vote was marred by irregularities, voter intimidation, and politically motivated violence. Votes were cancelled in 16 constituencies, and new votes were held in November 2000. The opposition Civic United Front (CUF) boycotted the revotes in protest. The ruling CCM and the CUF parties engaged in a dialog throughout the year in an attempt to resolve outstanding issues concerning the 2000 elections and the subsequent violence. In October the parties reached an agreement, which is designed to lay the foundation for a multiparty democracy in Zanzibar. The national judiciary is formally independent but is corrupt, inefficient, and subject to executive interference. The police force has primary responsibility for maintaining law and order. It formerly was supported by citizens' anticrime groups and patrols known as "Sungusungu." The Sungusungu remain active in rural areas, but virtually have disappeared from urban areas.
    [Show full text]
  • He New Vice-President the Economy - Praise All Round Sugar and Shipping Controversy Tanzania and the W.T.O
    No. 70 SEPTEMBER -DECEMBER 2001 ~HE NEW VICE-PRESIDENT THE ECONOMY - PRAISE ALL ROUND SUGAR AND SHIPPING CONTROVERSY TANZANIA AND THE W.T.O. TONY BLAIR'S GREAT DILEMMA BOMBING TRIAL VERDICTS THE NEW VICE-PRESIDENT Following the sudden death on of Vice-president Dr Omar Ali Juma (see Obituaries) President Mkapa appointed on July 12 Dr Ali Mohamed Shein (53) to take his place. Photo from the Guardian. to the Guardian, President Mkapa's UV'U.uLU-""VH came as a surprise to most Tanzanians LHV''''U'HF, journalists who had predicted that former OAU Secretary General, Dr Salim Ahmed Salim, and Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs and former High Commissioner irl London Dr Abdulkadir Shareef would be the front runners. The Guardian article went on: 'However, all those who had made predictions were correct on two things. First, that no woman politician stood a chance of taking the vice- presidency and second, whoever was to be appointed would come from Pemba. Though Dr Shein is relatively unknown in Tanzanian politics, he has a long curriculum vitae with a strong academic background. He was born in Chokocho village, Pemba, in 1948 and attended Lumumba College in Zanzibar before proceeding to Voronezh State University in the Soviet Union where he obtained his A Level Certificate in 1970. He got his first degree at the Odessa State University in the Soviet Union in 1975 and later his Msc Degree in Medical Biochemistry and his Ph.D in Clinical Biochemistry and Metabolic Medicine from Newcastle University in Britain. His political career goes back to 1968 when he was the Publicity Secretary of the Afro-Shirazi Youth wing at Lumumba College and General Secretary of the youth wing for all secondary schools in Zanzibar.
    [Show full text]
  • Tanzania in 2005
    Tanzania in 2005 National elections in December confirmed the overwhelming domi- nance of the former state party CCM (‘Chama cha Mapinduzi’/Party of the Revolution), and also the country’s reputation as a pillar of political stability in Africa. CCM candidate Jakaya Kikwete became the new president. Separate, and controversial, October elections in semi-autonomous Zanzibar resulted in the continuation of the political confrontation on the islands, but not the feared major explosion of violence. Macroeconomic performance continued to be quite satisfactory, while the country remained a preferred beneficiary of substantial international aid. Domestic Politics Throughout the year, political life was preoccupied with prepara- tions and the campaigning for the general elections, scheduled for 30 October. Presidential, parliamentary and local council elections for the institutions of the union were to be conducted by the National Electoral Commission (NEC), while elections for Zanzibar institu- tions fell under a separate body, the Zanzibar Electoral Commission (ZEC). After two terms in office, President Benjamin Mkapa was con- stitutionally barred from seeking a new mandate. The selection of his successor thus became the single most important issue. Pre-election activities began with amendments to the electoral laws, passed in January in parliament with ease by the large CCM majority. The formation of a coalition government was ruled out in respect of the union. The attorney-general argued that any party un- able to win a majority of votes should not have the chance to come to power through the back door. Also, the inclusion of an opposition member on the NEC was not foreseen, although this was already the case for ZEC.
    [Show full text]
  • Prospects of Democracy and Economic Development In
    ifty years after independence, Tanzania has yet to realize the rallying cries of its liberation movement “Uhuru Na Kazi” (freedom and jobs), or to defeat “F the three scourges of poverty, ignorance, and disease. Though well intentioned, the efforts of Tanzania’s first president Julius Nyerere to reduce poverty and enhance social welfare failed to sustain economic growth, plunging the country into prolonged crisis. In the 1980s, Tanzania started liberalizing its economy, and with the collapse of communism in the 1990s, the country instituted a multi-party system. Over the past two decades, Tanzania has seen increased economic growth and political openings, but high levels of poverty, corruption, and limited state capacity still pose critical challenges to inclusive development and democratic consolidation. The writing of a new constitution now presents Tanzania with a fresh opportunity to build a foundation for achieving its independence goals of poverty eradication and political freedom. Tanzanians can make progress by: (1) forging alliances with domestic democratic forces; (2) exploiting the intense power struggle within the ruling party; and (3) taking advantage of the incumbent president’s interest in a democratic legacy. Through political will and popular participation, the country can effectively address its challenges and emerge as a true African success story. ” —Ibrahim Lipumba, December 9, 2011 FROM UJAMAA TO DEMOKRASIA: REFLECTING on 50 YEARS of INDEPENDENCE in TANZANIA and the WAY FORWARD Dr. Ibrahim Lipumba Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow National Endowment for Democracy Friday, December 9, 2011 The views expressed in this presentation represent the opinions and analysis of the speaker and do not necessarily reflect those of the National Endowment for Democracy or its staff.
    [Show full text]
  • At the Edge of Democracy: Tanzania Towards 2020
    ~ TANZANIA ======:::--. ELECTIONS WATCH AT THE EDGE OF DEMOCRACY: TANZANIA TOWARDS 2020 APRE-ElECTION REPORT TANZANIA ELECTIONS WATCH (TEW) A SUMMARY OF THE TEW PRE- ELECTION REPORT AT THE EDGE OF DEMOCRACY: TANZANIA TOWARDS 2020 Acronyms ACT Alliance for Change and Transparency AfCHPR African Court of Human and Peoples Rights ALAT Association of Local Government Authorities of Tanzania ASP Afro-Shirazi Party ATCL Air Tanzania Company Ltd BAKWATA Baraza Kuu la Waislamu Tanzania CBT Cashew Board of Tanzania CCM Chama cha Mapinduzi CHADEMA Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo CMG Clouds Media Group COSTECH Commission for Science and Technology CPI Corruption Perception Index CPT Christian Professionals of Tanzania CRDP Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities CSL Centre for Strategic Litigation CSO Civil Society Organisation CSSC Christian Social Services Commission CTN Coastal Television Network CUF Civic United Front DC District Commissioner DCI Director of Criminal Investigations DED District Executive Directors EAC East African Community EACJ East African Court of Justice EITI Extractives Industries Transparency Initiative EU European Union GNU Government of National Unity HIPC Highly Indebted Poor Countries ICNL International Center for Non-Profit Law ICTR International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda IFI international Financial Institutions IMF International Monetary Fund LGA Local Government Authorities LGBT Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender LGRP Local Government Reform Program LHRC Legal and Human Rights Centre MCC Millennium
    [Show full text]