Tanzania in 2005

National elections in December conﬁrmed the overwhelming domi- nance of the former state party CCM (‘Chama cha Mapinduzi’/Party of the Revolution), and also the country’s reputation as a pillar of political stability in Africa. CCM candidate Jakaya Kikwete became the new president. Separate, and controversial, October elections in semi-autonomous Zanzibar resulted in the continuation of the political confrontation on the islands, but not the feared major explosion of violence. Macroeconomic performance continued to be quite satisfactory, while the country remained a preferred beneﬁciary of substantial international aid.

Domestic Politics

Throughout the year, political life was preoccupied with prepara- tions and the campaigning for the general elections, scheduled for 30 October. Presidential, parliamentary and local council elections for the institutions of the union were to be conducted by the National Electoral Commission (NEC), while elections for Zanzibar institutions fell under a separate body, the Zanzibar Electoral Commission (ZEC). After two terms in ofﬁce, President Benjamin Mkapa was con- stitutionally barred from seeking a new mandate. The selection of his successor thus became the single most important issue. Pre-election activities began with amendments to the electoral laws, passed in January in parliament with ease by the large CCM majority. The formation of a coalition government was ruled out in respect of the union. The attorney-general argued that any party un- able to win a majority of votes should not have the chance to come to power through the back door. Also, the inclusion of an opposition member on the NEC was not foreseen, although this was already the case for ZEC. The frequently raised request that independent

candidates be allowed to participate was once again rejected. Hotly discussed was the confirmation of the legality of ‘takrima’ (Swahili for hospitality), which had been declared a traditional value before the 2000 elections. However, NGOs, academics and opposition parties criticised the practice of handing out small presents to voters during election campaigns as just a veiled form of corruption. The establishment of a permanent voters’ register was the most important innovation. Government spent about $ 30 m and donor countries $ 9 m on this exercise. The registration process was ac- companied by numerous irregularities and violent squabbles. About 2,000 people were, upon verification, identified as having registered twice, while many thousands were assumed not to have registered at all, mainly because of transport problems or the restricted open- ing hours of the registration centres. Following the Kenyan example of 2002, some feeble attempts were made by the opposition parties to form an alliance to challenge the ruling party with a single strong presidential candidate. However, these efforts failed owing to the personal ambitions of the leading politicians in the opposition camp. Ironically, the result was an even greater split within the opposition. Whereas in both previous elections Mkapa had to face three competitors, the votes were now split among nine opposition contestants. Running for a third time were Ibrahim Lipumba, chairman of the primarily Zanzibar-based Civic United Front (CUF), who had been the strongest opposition candidate in 2000, and Augustine Mrema from the Tanzania Labour Party (TLP), who had finished second in 1995. John Cheyo from the United Democratic Party (UDP), who had also run twice but never gained much support, withdrew his candidacy. ‘Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo’ (CHADEMA/Party of Democracy and Development) for the first time fielded a candidate, its chairman Freeman Mbowe. Sengondo Mvungi of the National Convention for Construction and Reform – Change (NCCR-Mageuzi) was supported by four smaller parties (FORD, NRA, UMD, UPDP). Another five very small parties, not represented in parliament, put forward their own candidates,