Israel Debates No. 16

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Israel Debates No. 16 Israel Debates No. 16 11 November 2014 Following the war between Israel and Hamas: New political horizons for the peace process? Dear readers, For this issue of Israel Debates we have once again asked two authors to discuss the political consequences of this summer’s war between Israel and Hamas. These hostilities triggered heated debates in Israeli society and politics, focusing on Israel’s future prospects in a region characterized for decades by stable instability. The political debate is split down the middle. On the one side are those who cannot envisage a future for Israel unless it is based on military deterrence and strength, particularly in the light of the regional changes in the years since the Arab Spring. For Efraim Inbar, Director of the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, Israel has no choice other than to continue to live by the sword for many more years. There is a majority in Israeli society that supports this position, which is also reflected clearly in surveys, showing that a majority have more faith in Prime Minister Netanyahu than any other candidate. On the other side, Shaul Arieli, one of the prominent representatives of the Geneva peace initiative who has been involved in a number of negotiations between Israel and Palestine, argues that new diplomatic horizons have emerged for solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. True, this presupposes that the Israeli government, and in particular Prime Minister Netanyahu, will have to send out unequivocal messages giving the go ahead for the two-state solution. Although there is a relative majority in the Knesset for a two- state solution, in current surveys their representatives received fewer seats than previously. Both authors are skeptical about the political conditions for a peace agreement on the Palestinian side. Arieli presupposes that Hamas would accept a two-state reality, but only as an interim solution on the way to achieving its long term goal: the liberation of Palestine from the Mediterranean to the Jordan. This latest war has changed nothing, he argues. True, Hamas’s relative political position within Palestinian politics has been strengthened, while Mahmoud Abbas and the PLO have tried to inject new impetus into the peace process through a United Nations resolution. For Shaul Arieli, a Security Council resolution is the best chance of exerting positive influence on the internal political processes in Israel and with the Palestinians, thereby enhancing the chances of opening up new diplomatic horizons. In Efraim Inbar’s view, given the other threats in the region in the shape of the Islamic State and the disintegration of Arab nation states, the international community is not interested in bringing pressure to bear on Israel and the Palestinians to change the status quo. His presupposition is that most of the world’s countries can live with an unresolved Palestine question. He also views the political Left in Israel and Europe as having been manifestly weakened and lost its legitimacy as a result of the failure of the Oslo process. For Inbar and Arieli alike, at the moment the West’s priority is tackling the military and political situation vis-à-vis the Islamic State, and not solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Dr. Werner Puschra, Director, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Israel Herzliya, 11 November, 2014 After the War in Gaza children to hate Jews no peace is within reach. The PA is also engaged in a delegitimization By Efraim Inbar campaign that seeks ultimately to bring an end to the State of Israel, as exemplified by Mahmoud Introduction Abbas' recent speech in the UN. The most recent military operation in Gaza, “Operation Protective Edge” (July-August 2014), In July 2014, following yet another recurrence of was the longest war in Israel’s history, lasting 50 rocket fire launched by Hamas on Israel's civilian days. Its main goal was to stop the indiscriminate population, Israel decided once again to engage fire directed at Israel by Hamas, a radical Islamist in a massive military operation in Gaza under the terrorist organization. Gaza has been ruled by assumption that it is engaged in a protracted Hamas since its military coup of June 2007. intractable conflict where a patient strategy of Since, rather than focusing on state building, attrition is needed to significantly degrade the Hamas acted on its ideological commitment to capabilities of Hamas to harm Israel. This was destroy the Jewish state and has launched many achieved. About one third of Hamas’ missile thousands of rockets on Israel. Israel responded arsenal and most of its missile production by a blockade and occasional military measures infrastructure was destroyed. It is presumed that trying to put an end to Hamas fire. This article most of the attack tunnels (32) were demolished, presents an analysis of the outcome of this war. and almost one thousand Hamas fighters and a Subsequently it looks at the appropriate policy few of its leaders were eliminated. More targeted option in a region that is descending into an killings and an earlier removal of some of the increasingly brutish Hobbesian reality. self-imposed constraints upon Israel on the use of airpower might have speeded Hamas’ Initial Assessment of the Gaza War acceptance of a ceasefire and might have spared Hamas was defeated by Israel in “Operation Gaza much destruction. Protective Edge,” but not destroyed. Its destruction was not a goal of Israel’s military On August 25, Hamas finally capitulated to the campaign due to its inhibitive cost and length. Egyptian cease fire proposal that it had Moreover, Israel merely wanted a weakened previously rejected since July 15. The unlimited Hamas to continue to rule Gaza, as opposed to ceasefire, as Egypt and Israel demanded, having a single entity ruling over both Gaza and constituted the precondition for future the West Bank. The separation between Gaza negotiations, and it had no input from Qatar and and the West Bank serves Israel’s interest in Turkey, both Hamas supporters, who were weakening the Palestinian national movement, interested in gaining a foothold in the nego- which has been and remains a mortal enemy (not tiations. All crossings into Gaza will continue to a peace partner), at least for the foreseeable be controlled by Israel and Egypt, making sure future. A large majority (over 70%) of the Israelis that the rearmament of Hamas will not be easy. do not believe that the Palestinian Authority (PA) is capable of reaching a historic compromise with For this strategy, see Efraim Inbar and Eitan Shamir, “Mowing the Grass: Israel’s Strategy for Zionism (the Jewish national movement). As long Protracted Intractable Conflict,” Journal of Strategic as the PA and Hamas continue to educate their Studies 37 (February 2014). Egypt even forced Hamas to swallow a bitter pill garnering domestic and international legitimacy, such as the presence of the PA at the Rafah but might have a corrosive effect on Israel’s crossing. The Hamas “victory speeches” cannot deterrence in the long run. Such qualities, erase the fact that Hamas eventually gave in commendable in a democracy, do not enhance unconditionally to Egyptian-Israeli pressure. Israel’s deterrence in the Middle East. Eagerness to fight, determination and ruthlessness are the Despite wholly unjustified international criticism prerequisites for building deterrence in a tough of Israel’s “disproportionate” use of force, Israel neighborhood. was allowed a 50 day period, quite extensive in comparison to previous rounds, to pulverize Unfortunately, the military campaign against Hamas installations and their surroundings. It Hamas underscored tensions in US-Israel was clear that a large number of Arab states relations. The ambiguous attitudes and actions tacitly supported the Israeli endeavor to toward Israel on the part of the US administration administer a heavy blow on Hamas. Important signaled a lesser willingness to back its Middle international actors, such as India, China and East ally. Moreover, the US was largely irrelevant Russia, were rather mute on the Gaza issue for in the Gaza outcome, as it foolishly tried to their own reasons. Moreover, the US, the EU, involve Turkey and Qatar in management of the and parts of the international community also crisis and it failed to perceive the centrality of joined the demand for demilitarization of Gaza. Egypt in the Gaza equation. The Gaza war was This is of course unattainable without collecting yet another example of the confused Obama Hamas weaponry by force, but it delegitimizes administration's foreign policy towards the Middle Hamas' violence, while lending legitimacy to East. The American misfortune is also an Israeli Israel’s defensive measures. loss as Jerusalem needs and prefers a strong and relevant America. The Israeli “Iron Dome” anti-missile system neutralized almost all rockets fired at Israel’s “Protective Edge” left Gaza in Hamas' hands. population centers. Most of the country was little There is a widespread feeling of unease among affected by the Gaza war, although the sound of Israelis with this outcome. The frustration is sirens probably had a negative psychological understandable, but unwarranted. It shows, effect. Disciplined behavior on the part of the however, that Israeli society is ready to fight and civilian public minimized the loss of lives. But the sustain casualties to attain important goals. Yet, death toll was 72 (over sixty soldiers) and it is beyond Israel’s abilities to impose its hundreds of wounded. Limited damage was preferred leaders on its Arab neighbors. The caused primarily to Israeli property in the bitter truth is that Palestinians, in great numbers, proximity of Gaza. As a whole, the direct and like Hamas and its violence against Jews. But it indirect costs of the war, amounting to several is not easy to come to terms with the thought that billions of dollars, are bearable for the strong there is no resolution to the conflict in sight and Israeli economy.
Recommended publications
  • Strateg Ic a Ssessmen T
    Strategic Assessment Assessment Strategic Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Volume 19 Volume The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | No. 4 No. Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | January 2017 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities Emily B. Landau and Ephraim Asculai Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Abstracts | 3 The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century | 9 Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | 29 Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | 43 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? | 57 Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army | 67 Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation | 79 Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects | 93 Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations | 103 Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities | 117 Emily B.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel Debates No. 16
    Israel Debates No. 16 11 November 2014 Following the war between Israel and Hamas: New political horizons for the peace process? Dear readers, For this issue of Israel Debates we have once again asked two authors to discuss the political consequences of this summer’s war between Israel and Hamas. These hostilities triggered heated debates in Israeli society and politics, focusing on Israel’s future prospects in a region characterized for decades by stable instability. The political debate is split down the middle. On the one side are those who cannot envisage a future for Israel unless it is based on military deterrence and strength, particularly in the light of the regional changes in the years since the Arab Spring. For Efraim Inbar, Director of the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, Israel has no choice other than to continue to live by the sword for many more years. There is a majority in Israeli society that supports this position, which is also reflected clearly in surveys, showing that a majority have more faith in Prime Minister Netanyahu than any other candidate. On the other side, Shaul Arieli, one of the prominent representatives of the Geneva peace initiative who has been involved in a number of negotiations between Israel and Palestine, argues that new diplomatic horizons have emerged for solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. True, this presupposes that the Israeli government, and in particular Prime Minister Netanyahu, will have to send out unequivocal messages giving the go ahead for the two-state solution. Although there is a relative majority in the Knesset for a two- state solution, in current surveys their representatives received fewer seats than previously.
    [Show full text]
  • Territorial Issues in the Israel- Palestinian Conflict
    Israeli and Jordanian soldiers at the armistice line (Green Line) 1949 TERRITORIAL ISSUES IN THE ISRAEL- PALESTINIAN CONFLICT EXECUTIVE COUNCIL OF AUSTRALIAN JEWRY Territorial Issues in the Israel-Palestinian conflict PETER WERTHEIM AM EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, EXECUTIVE COUNCIL OF AUSTRALIAN JEWRY Current Israeli and Palestinian contentions about territory and borders reflect their conflicting perspectives on peoplehood, historic rights to the land, legal claims, security, Jerusalem and other emotionally charged issues. The usual starting point for considering these issues is the Arab-Israel war in June 1967, during which Israel captured the Sinai Peninsula and Gaza Strip from Egypt, the West Bank, including the old city of Jerusalem, from Jordan, and the Golan Heights from Syria. However, what is now referred to as the Israel-Palestinian conflict pre-dates the 1967 war, and even pre-dates the establishment of Israel in 1948, and the founding of the modern political movement of Zionism in 1897. Arab rejection of any kind of substantial Jewish presence, political or otherwise, in what is today Israel (let alone the territories captured by Israel in 1967) can be traced back to 1891, if not earlier.1 Arab opposition to the reconstitution of the Jewish Commonwealth in any part of the Jewish people’s historic homeland has been a constant of the conflict for more than one hundred years. Although Arab leaders have at different times proffered different religious, ethnic or nationalistic reasons for that opposition, it has been their preparedness to resort to unlawful violence in an attempt to enforce that opposition, and the Jewish people’s resolve to defend themselves from it, that has made the conflict a bloody one, albeit far less costly in human lives than most other international conflicts.
    [Show full text]
  • A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH
    HUMAN RIGHTS A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Copyright © 2021 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org APRIL 2021 ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Map .................................................................................................................................. i Summary ......................................................................................................................... 2 Definitions of Apartheid and Persecution .................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Israel's National Security and West Bank Settlements
    Israel’s National Security and West Bank Settlements Israel’s National Security and West Bank Settlements Academic supervision: Dr. Avner Inbar and Dr. Assaf Sharon Research and writing: Avishay Ben-Sasson Gordis Additional writing and editing: Yonatan Levi Additional research: Shai Agmon © All rights reserved to Molad - Center for the Translation: Michelle Bubis Renewal of Democracy Ltd. Contents Introduction and key findings 4 Chapter 1: From strategy to excuse: The history of the security argument 7 Chapter 2: The settlements as security burden 14 Chapter 3: National security without settlements 26 Summary: The battle over security 36 4 Introduction and key findings The single greatest challenge to Israel’s national security is the conflict with the Palestinians. While it would be mistaken to reduce the entire Israeli-Palestinian conflict to a single factor, the territorial question is arguably the determinative cause underlying the intractability of the conflict. The territorial question, in turn, is inextricably tied to Israel’s establishment of settlements – i.e., civilian communities - beyond the Green Line. Yet despite the conflict’s influence on Israel’s security, and even though the settlements will play a crucial role in determining the future of the conflict, public debate has sorely lacked serious discussion of the settlements’ impact on Israel’s national security. This paper attempts to fill the void by providing a comprehensive, fact-based analysis of the implications of the settlement enterprise on Israeli security. The analysis is backed by data and by input from Israel’s leading security professionals. The goal of this paper is not to end the debate but rather to spark it – in the hope that, even in the current muddy political climate, it will be possible to responsibly discuss a matter vital to the future of all Israelis.
    [Show full text]
  • De Facto and De Jure Annexation: a Relevant Distinction in International Law? Israel and Area C: a Case Study
    FREE UNIVERSITY OF BRUSSELS European Master’s Degree in Human Rights and Democratisation A.Y. 2018/2019 De facto and de jure annexation: a relevant distinction in International Law? Israel and Area C: a case study Author: Eugenia de Lacalle Supervisor: François Dubuisson ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, our warmest thanks go to our thesis supervisor, François Dubuisson. A big part of this piece of work is the fruit of his advice and vast knowledge on both the conflict and International Law, and we certainly would not have been able to carry it out without his help. It has been an amazing experience to work with him, and we have learned more through having conversations with him than by spending hours doing research. We would like to deeply thank as well all those experts and professors that received an e-mail from a stranger and accepted to share their time, knowledge and opinions on such a controversial topic. They have provided a big part of the foundation of this research, all the while contributing to shape our perspectives and deepen our insight of the conflict. A list of these outstanding professionals can be found in Annex 1. Finally, we would also like to thank the Spanish NGO “Youth, Wake-Up!” for opening our eyes to the Israeli-Palestinian reality and sparkling our passion on the subject. At a more technical level, the necessary field research for this dissertation would have not been possible without its provision of accommodation during the whole month of June 2019. 1 ABSTRACT Since the occupation of the Arab territories in 1967, Israel has been carrying out policies of de facto annexation, notably through the establishment of settlements and the construction of the Separation Wall.
    [Show full text]
  • Counterterrorism Bookshelf: 14 Books on Terrorism & Counter-Terrorism
    PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 13, Issue 1 Counterterrorism Bookshelf: 14 Books on Terrorism & Counter-Terrorism-Related Subjects Reviewed by Joshua Sinai The books reviewed in this column cover various topics, and are listed in alphabetical order, according to the authors’ last name. Shaul Arieli, All Israel’s Borders: One Hundred Years of Struggle Over Independence, Identity, Settlement and Territory [In Hebrew] (Tel Aviv, Israel: Rooftop Books/ Yediot Aharonot/ Hamad Books, 2018), 442 pp., ILS 128.00 [Paperback], ISBN: 978-9-6556-4448-7. Terrorism does not occur in a vacuum, but is the product of numerous underlying causes and factors with- in conflicts that produce aggrieved communities and individuals that feel a need to redress their grievances through violent means against their adversaries. In the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, one of the underlying causes (with other factors involved, as well) that drives Palestinian terrorist groups and their supporters to engage in violence is the stalemate over the resolution of the West Bank’s territorial boundaries, with these territories in control by Israel since the June 1967 War, with terrorism by far-right militant Jewish groups also related to their objective to prevent any compromise over these territories. To understand the role that these territories’ boundaries and the conflicting aspirations of their Palestinian and Jewish inhabitants, we are fortunate to have Shaul Arieli’s All Israel’s Borders: One Hundred Years of Struggle Over Independence, Identity, Settlement and Territory, which provides an authoritative, comprehensive and detailed geographical, histori- cal, and political account of the history of the territories that have shaped the Israeli-Palestinian conflict over the past century.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel and Palestine, a Brief History of the Negotiations
    !"!#$%&'()!"!#$%&*++,-./(./0++'()(*++1234+5, Israel and Palestine, a brief history of the negotiations This article will present a brief history of the negotiations between Israel and Arab counterparts since 1948. The article touches the important and difficult issues of the conflict: Jerusalem, territory, refugees and security. Shaul Arieli er pensjonert israelsk oberst og seniorforskar ved Economic Cooperation Foundation i Tel Aviv. Arieli var ansvarleg for førebuingane av dei offisielle forhandlingane med palestinarane, som leiar av «Administrasjonen for Interimavtalen» i Yitzhak Rabins regjering, og som leiar av «Fredsadministrasjonen» i Ehud Baraks regjering. 108 !"!#$%&'()!"!#$%&*++,-./(./0++'()(*++1234+5( refugees and security. This breadth of und- erstanding is the outcome of a prolonged historical and political process that includ- es the activities of many stakeholders, both formal and informal, who have had valu- able parts in its attainment. In order to recognize and understand the long path taken by both sides individu- ally and in the framework of the Arab-Isra- eli-conflict, and in order to point at what is still required from them, and to a no lesser extent from the international community that supports the solution of two states for two people, we should go back to the beg- inning of the previous century. At that time, a clash took place between two national claims: the right of the Jewish people to self determination in its historic homeland, and the right of the native Arab majority in Palestine to political independ- text: Shaul Arieli ence, after it was politically and physically separated from the rest of the Arab people exiting israeli prime minister Ehud at the end of World War I.
    [Show full text]
  • 22 March 2020 Security Expert Opinion for Petition Regarding Security Barrier Route in the Qaffin Area in the Judea and Samaria Area
    22 March 2020 Security Expert Opinion for Petition regarding Security Barrier Route in the Qaffin Area in the Judea and Samaria Area I, the undersigned, Colonel (Reserves) Shaul Arieli, have been asked by HaMoked: Center for the Defence of the Individual to provide a professional opinion in the field of security with respect to the possibility of relocating the security barrier in the Qaffin section, within the Judea and Samaria Area, and aligning it with the Green Line. I am providing this expert opinion in lieu of a court testimony, and I hereby declare that I am fully aware that for purposes of the provisions respecting perjury under the Criminal Code, this expert opinion bearing my signature is deemed as testimony under oath. The bottom line of my opinion is as follows: I believe relocating the security barrier to a route that is based on the Green Line will attain the security goals in full, whilst removing the injury to residents of Qaffin, Akkabahand Nazlat ‘Isa (see proposed barrier route marked in blue on Map No. 1). Moreover, a security barrier along the Green Line provides better solutions for some of the security needs compared to the existing route. Relevant professional experience 1. Commander of the North Gaza Brigade at the time a security barrier was built in the Gaza Strip. 2. Head of Keshet Zva’im B Administration in the IDF Central Command. 3. Deputy Military Secretary to Defense Ministers Yitzhak Mordechai, Moshe Arens and Ehud Barak. 4. Head of the Negotiations Administration at the Prime Minister’s Office during Ehud Barak’s term 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel and the Palestinians: a Guide to the Debate
    ISRAEL AND THE PALESTINIANS: A GUIDE TO THE DEBATE PROFESSOR ALAN JOHNSON Published by We Believe in Israel www.webelieveinisrael.org.uk Copyright © We Believe in Israel 2020 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. Earlier editions of this pamphlet were published under the title “Zionism, Israel and the Palestinians: Towards a Constructive Debate”. Israel and the Palestinians: A Guide to the Debate Professor Alan Johnson 1 Professor Alan Johnson is the editor of BICOM’s Fathom Journal (www.fathomjournal.org) 2 CONTENTS Introduction Part 1 History Part 2 Peace Part 3 Gaza Part 4 ‘Apartheid’ and ‘Racism’ Part 5 The Anti-Israel Boycott Movement Part 6 The New Antisemitism and Israel Part 7 The Alternative: Pro-Israel, Pro-Palestine, Pro-Peace 3 4 INTRODUCTION ‘Me’ or ‘Him’ – Thus begins the war. But it Ends with an awkward encounter: ‘Me and him.’ Mahmoud Darwish, Palestinian poet, ‘State of Siege’, translated by Fady Joudah, 2002 ‘Who are the good guys? That’s what every well-meaning European, left-wing European, intellectual European, liberal European always wants to know, first and foremost. Who are the good guys in the film and who are the bad guys? In this respect Vietnam was easy: The Vietnamese people were the victims, and the Americans were the bad guys… ‘The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not a Wild West movie.
    [Show full text]
  • Messianism Meets Reality
    Shaul Arieli Messianism Meets Reality The Israeli Settlement Project in Judea and Samaria: Vision or Illusion, 1967-2016 Shaul Arieli Messianism Meets Reality The Israeli Settlement Project in Judea and Samaria: Vision or Illusion, 1967-2016 Research assistant and preparation for printing: Sagi Ganot Maps: Shelley Rivkind, Shaul Rabinovitch, Sagi Ganot English translation: Shaul Vardi November 2017 Dedicated to the late Prof. Elisha Efrat, Laureate of the Israel Prize in Geography Table of Contents Introduction ................................................................................................. 10 Background .................................................................................................. 12 The Allon Plan .............................................................................................. 14 The Sharon Plan ........................................................................................... 19 The Drobles Plan ........................................................................................... 26 The Super Zones Plan .................................................................................... 34 Overview of Israeli Settlement in the West Bank as of 2016 ............................... 46 Population ........................................................................................................ 46 Built-Up Area ..................................................................................................... 59 The Road System ..............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • 2008 Annual Report
    J Street 2008 BLAZING A NEW PATH December 2008 LETTER FROM THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR “What took you so long?” “Where have you been?” Those are the most common reactions I’ve gotten to J Street’s launch this year as the political voice for pro-Israel, pro-peace Americans. The concept behind J Street is simple: For too long, the loudest voices dominating American political debate on Israel and the Middle East have come from the far right. Thanks to them, eight years of failed policy have left Israel less secure, the Middle East less stable and the reputation of the United States in disrepair. We knew that those voices – whether neoconservatives, Christian Zionists or right-wing American Jews – did not speak for us. We recognized that the majority of Americans support a two-state solution to the Israeli-Pal- estinian conflict and realize thatI srael’s survival as a democratic state and home for the Jewish people depends on establishing peace with its neighbors in the region. Little did we know how right we were! The response to J Street has been staggering. As I write, we’re approaching 100,000 supporters online. Thou- sands of people have donated to us and to candidates endorsed by our independent PAC. Our PAC (JStreet- PAC) endorsed 41 Congressional candidates and raised more than $575,000 for them (more than any other pro-Israel PAC in the country!). The majority is silent no more. We have spoken out against fear-mongering and race-baiting in the guise of supporting Israel. We have taken on the unholy alliance struck by some Israel supporters with John Hagee and his ultra-conservative Christian Zionist movement.
    [Show full text]