Intractable Peacebuilding
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Strateg Ic a Ssessmen T
Strategic Assessment Assessment Strategic Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Volume 19 Volume The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | No. 4 No. Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | January 2017 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities Emily B. Landau and Ephraim Asculai Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Abstracts | 3 The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century | 9 Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | 29 Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | 43 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? | 57 Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army | 67 Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation | 79 Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects | 93 Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations | 103 Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities | 117 Emily B. -
Making War and Building Peace: the United Nations Since the 1990'S
Making War and Building Peace: The United Nations since the 1990’s Michael W. Doyle Harold Brown Professor of Law and International Affairs Columbia University [email protected] and Nicholas Sambanis Associate Professor of Political Science Yale University [email protected] Contents List of figures and tables Acknowledgements i ONE. INTRODUCTION 1 War-Making, Peacebuilding and the United Nations 1 The New Interventionism 5 Generations of UN Peace Operations 9 The Challenge of Peacebuilding 16 Plan of the Book 20 TWO. THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES 23 Internal (Civil) War and Peacebuilding 23 Theories of Civil War 25 A Definition of Civil War 25 Political-Economic Theories of Civil War Onset 27 International Dimensions of Civil War 35 Civil War Duration, Termination, and Recurrence 39 Implications of Civil War Theory for UN Intervention 44 Type of Conflict and Optimal Peacekeeping Strategy 45 Enhancing Coordination by Improving Communication, Providing Assurance and Building Capacity 47 Enhancing Cooperation by Making Noncompliance Costly and Compliance Cheap, or Transforming the Game 48 Strategic Peacebuilding 50 Defining Peacekeeping Success in a Dynamic Model of Peacebuilding 53 A Peacebuilding Triangle 56 THREE. TESTING PEACEBUILDING STRATEGIES 62 Triangulating Peace 62 The Peacebuilding Dataset 65 The Dependent Variable 65 Explanatory Variables 72 Analysis of Peacebuilding Success in the Short Run 77 Policy Hypothesis and Hypothesis Testing 82 Hostility Indicators 83 Local Capacities Indicators 92 International Capacities Indicators 95 Measuring the Effects of UN Missions on the Probability of Peacebuilding Success 101 Robustness Tests 103 Selection on Observables 105 Long-term Analysis of Peace Duration 108 Index Models of Peacebuilding Success 109 Policy Analysis 110 Conclusion 117 Appendix A: Definition and Coding Rules 119 A.1 Definition and Coding of Civil War 119 A.2 Coding of the Dependent Variable 122 Appendix B: Summary Statistics for Key Variables 123 FOUR. -
A Future for Israeli-Palestinian Peacebuilding
Britain Israel Communications and Research Centre A future for Israeli-Palestinian peacebuilding Ned Lazarus July 2017 The Israel-Palestine conflict is one of the most heavily researched in the world. Yet a shockingly small fraction of this research focuses on the millions of Israelis and Palestinians who share this land, their relations with one another, and how such relations could be improved so that a breakthrough might be possible. This report is both timely and necessary, and can hopefully provide a blueprint for greater international support of civil society efforts to foster conflict resolution. John Lyndon Executive Director of OneVoice Europe and Research Fellow at Kings College London BICOM, the Britain Israel Communications and Research Centre, is an independent British think tank producing research and analysis to increase understanding of Israel and the Middle East in the UK. Fathom: for a deeper understanding of Israel and the region is BICOM’s online research journal, publishing interviews, articles and reviews from a range of Israeli, Palestinian and international contributors. Front Cover Photo: EcoPeace’s Israeli, Jordanian and Palestinian directors and staff standing together in the Jordan River as part of their campaign to rehabilitate the river which is dwindling due to diversion of its source waters and pollution. Photograph used by permission of EcoPeace. The Author Ned Lazarus is Visiting Professor of International Affairs at the George Washington University’s Elliott School, and an Israel Institute Teaching Fellow. A conflict resolution scholar, practitioner and evaluator, Ned has conducted evaluative studies of Israeli-Palestinian peacebuilding initiatives on behalf of USAID, USIP and the European Union. -
Israel Debates No. 16
Israel Debates No. 16 11 November 2014 Following the war between Israel and Hamas: New political horizons for the peace process? Dear readers, For this issue of Israel Debates we have once again asked two authors to discuss the political consequences of this summer’s war between Israel and Hamas. These hostilities triggered heated debates in Israeli society and politics, focusing on Israel’s future prospects in a region characterized for decades by stable instability. The political debate is split down the middle. On the one side are those who cannot envisage a future for Israel unless it is based on military deterrence and strength, particularly in the light of the regional changes in the years since the Arab Spring. For Efraim Inbar, Director of the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, Israel has no choice other than to continue to live by the sword for many more years. There is a majority in Israeli society that supports this position, which is also reflected clearly in surveys, showing that a majority have more faith in Prime Minister Netanyahu than any other candidate. On the other side, Shaul Arieli, one of the prominent representatives of the Geneva peace initiative who has been involved in a number of negotiations between Israel and Palestine, argues that new diplomatic horizons have emerged for solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. True, this presupposes that the Israeli government, and in particular Prime Minister Netanyahu, will have to send out unequivocal messages giving the go ahead for the two-state solution. Although there is a relative majority in the Knesset for a two- state solution, in current surveys their representatives received fewer seats than previously. -
United Nations Peace Building in Sierra Leone — Toward Vertical Integration? Michael Lawrence
CIGI PAPERS NO. 49 — NOVEMBER 2014 UNITED NATIONS PEACE BUILDING IN SIERRA LEONE — TOWARD VERTICAL INTEGRATION? MICHAEL LAWRENCE UNITED NATIONS PEACE BUILDING IN SIERRA LEONE — TOWARD VERTICAL INTEGRATION? Michael Lawrence Copyright © 2014 by the Centre for International Governance Innovation The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Centre for International Governance Innovation or its Board of Directors. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution — Non-commercial — No Derivatives License. To view this license, visit (www.creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/). For re-use or distribution, please include this copyright notice. 67 Erb Street West Waterloo, Ontario N2L 6C2 Canada tel +1 519 885 2444 fax +1 519 885 5450 www.cigionline.org TABLE OF CONTENTS iv About the Author iv Acronyms 1 Executive Summary 1 Introduction 1 Vertically-integrated Peace Building 3 The Persistent Causes of Conflict in Sierra Leone 5 The United Nations and The Civil Society Landscape of Sierra Leone 7 Vertical Integration as Coordination: The NSA Project and the Triangular Mode 9 Vertical Integration as Coordination: The National Youth Commission and the Linear Mode 11 Vertical Integration as Coherence: Different Meanings of Peace Building? 12 Analysis: Vertically-integrated Peace Building and Sierra Leone’s Ongoing Youth Crisis 15 Appendix 1: Interviews in Sierra Leone 17 Appendix 2: Scales of Governance and Youth in Sierra Leone 18 Works Cited 20 About CIGI 20 CIGI Masthead CIGI PAPERS NO. 49 — NOVEMBER 2014 ACRONYMS ABOUT THE AUTHOR APC All People’s Congress APPYA All Political Parties Youth Association CSP Civil Society Platform CSO Civil Society Organization DAC Development Assistance Council DISEC District Security Committee GoSL Government of Sierra Leone NPRC National Provisional Ruling Council Michael Lawrence is a Ph.D. -
Territorial Issues in the Israel- Palestinian Conflict
Israeli and Jordanian soldiers at the armistice line (Green Line) 1949 TERRITORIAL ISSUES IN THE ISRAEL- PALESTINIAN CONFLICT EXECUTIVE COUNCIL OF AUSTRALIAN JEWRY Territorial Issues in the Israel-Palestinian conflict PETER WERTHEIM AM EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, EXECUTIVE COUNCIL OF AUSTRALIAN JEWRY Current Israeli and Palestinian contentions about territory and borders reflect their conflicting perspectives on peoplehood, historic rights to the land, legal claims, security, Jerusalem and other emotionally charged issues. The usual starting point for considering these issues is the Arab-Israel war in June 1967, during which Israel captured the Sinai Peninsula and Gaza Strip from Egypt, the West Bank, including the old city of Jerusalem, from Jordan, and the Golan Heights from Syria. However, what is now referred to as the Israel-Palestinian conflict pre-dates the 1967 war, and even pre-dates the establishment of Israel in 1948, and the founding of the modern political movement of Zionism in 1897. Arab rejection of any kind of substantial Jewish presence, political or otherwise, in what is today Israel (let alone the territories captured by Israel in 1967) can be traced back to 1891, if not earlier.1 Arab opposition to the reconstitution of the Jewish Commonwealth in any part of the Jewish people’s historic homeland has been a constant of the conflict for more than one hundred years. Although Arab leaders have at different times proffered different religious, ethnic or nationalistic reasons for that opposition, it has been their preparedness to resort to unlawful violence in an attempt to enforce that opposition, and the Jewish people’s resolve to defend themselves from it, that has made the conflict a bloody one, albeit far less costly in human lives than most other international conflicts. -
Peacebuilding 1200 17Th Street,NW, Washington, DC 20036 T 202.457.1700 F 202.429.6063
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE PR GRESS IN PEACEBUILDING 1200 17th Street,NW, Washington, DC 20036 t 202.457.1700 f 202.429.6063 www.usip.org JANUARY 2011 SUDAN The Current Situation Sudan faces challenges on many fronts: among them are the ongoing crisis in Darfur, a fragile Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the North and South that ended decades of civil war, and significant local violence in the southern and central parts of the country. Heightening the already tense situation is the referendum in southern Sudan scheduled for January 2011 to determine whether southern Sudan will remain part of a united Sudan or secede. Looking ahead to post-CPA Sudan, there will be many questions about the future of northern and southern Sudan, how the central government will interact with periphery regions including Darfur and eastern Sudan, and the threat of renewed civil war. Decisions made over the next year have the potential to lay the foundation for sustainable peace across the whole of Sudan, or to reignite violence and propel the country, and potentially the region, back to war. The U.S. Institute of Peace is engaging on many key in an effort to help build a more peaceful, stable and secure Sudan. Going Forward: USIP’s Work in Sudan Since 2005, USIP experts have focused on helping to build peace and stability in Sudan, working through partner- ships with the U.S. Department of State, nongovernmental organizations in Sudan, and key stakeholders. USIP’s current programs focus on • supporting efforts to resolve border issues • engaging the Darfur diaspora • preventing electoral and referendum violence • analyzing rule of law and customary justice Supporting Efforts to Resolve Border Issues Popular Consultation: USIP is working with state officials, political leaders, and civil society members from the Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan states to design and conduct Popular Consultation—a CPA-mandated process whereby the two states may seek to renegotiate political, administrative, and constitutional arrangements with the central government. -
A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Copyright © 2021 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org APRIL 2021 ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Map .................................................................................................................................. i Summary ......................................................................................................................... 2 Definitions of Apartheid and Persecution ................................................................................. -
Israel's National Security and West Bank Settlements
Israel’s National Security and West Bank Settlements Israel’s National Security and West Bank Settlements Academic supervision: Dr. Avner Inbar and Dr. Assaf Sharon Research and writing: Avishay Ben-Sasson Gordis Additional writing and editing: Yonatan Levi Additional research: Shai Agmon © All rights reserved to Molad - Center for the Translation: Michelle Bubis Renewal of Democracy Ltd. Contents Introduction and key findings 4 Chapter 1: From strategy to excuse: The history of the security argument 7 Chapter 2: The settlements as security burden 14 Chapter 3: National security without settlements 26 Summary: The battle over security 36 4 Introduction and key findings The single greatest challenge to Israel’s national security is the conflict with the Palestinians. While it would be mistaken to reduce the entire Israeli-Palestinian conflict to a single factor, the territorial question is arguably the determinative cause underlying the intractability of the conflict. The territorial question, in turn, is inextricably tied to Israel’s establishment of settlements – i.e., civilian communities - beyond the Green Line. Yet despite the conflict’s influence on Israel’s security, and even though the settlements will play a crucial role in determining the future of the conflict, public debate has sorely lacked serious discussion of the settlements’ impact on Israel’s national security. This paper attempts to fill the void by providing a comprehensive, fact-based analysis of the implications of the settlement enterprise on Israeli security. The analysis is backed by data and by input from Israel’s leading security professionals. The goal of this paper is not to end the debate but rather to spark it – in the hope that, even in the current muddy political climate, it will be possible to responsibly discuss a matter vital to the future of all Israelis. -
Working Paper on Peacebuilding in South Sudan
WORKING PAPER ON PEACEBUILDING IN SOUTH SUDAN Acknowledgements © CARE International in South Sudan, February 2020 This working paper was commissioned by CARE International in South Sudan and CARE Nederland to Rita Lopidia, independent Peacebuilding consultant and builds on information shared during an exchange and learning event for local Peacebuilding practitioners in South Sudan that took place in October 2019. The working paper reflects experiences and insights on grassroots level Peacebuilding based on first hand experiences by field-based Peacebuilding practitioners of diverse national and international NGOs, complemented by a literature study and desk research. The working paper was developed as part of the Addressing Root Causes of Conflict (ARC) Project funded by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Royal Kingdom of the Netherlands. For further information and feedback on this paper, please contact CARE International South Sudan Head Office in Juba. This publication is copyright of CARE South Sudan, but the information may be used by all stakeholders free of charge for the purpose of capacity building, advocacy, civic education, policy discourses and research, provided that the source is acknowledged in full. The copyright holder requests that all such use be communicated to them for access, utilization and impact measurement purposes. The picture on the front page shows women participating in a peace rally in Jonglei, 2019. 2 |Working Paper on Peacebuilding in South Sudan Table of contents 1. Country Context 1.1 Background 1.2 Underlying factors and trends of conflict in South Sudan 2. Introduction to CARE’s Addressing Root Causes (ARC) Project in South Sudan 3. -
De Facto and De Jure Annexation: a Relevant Distinction in International Law? Israel and Area C: a Case Study
FREE UNIVERSITY OF BRUSSELS European Master’s Degree in Human Rights and Democratisation A.Y. 2018/2019 De facto and de jure annexation: a relevant distinction in International Law? Israel and Area C: a case study Author: Eugenia de Lacalle Supervisor: François Dubuisson ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, our warmest thanks go to our thesis supervisor, François Dubuisson. A big part of this piece of work is the fruit of his advice and vast knowledge on both the conflict and International Law, and we certainly would not have been able to carry it out without his help. It has been an amazing experience to work with him, and we have learned more through having conversations with him than by spending hours doing research. We would like to deeply thank as well all those experts and professors that received an e-mail from a stranger and accepted to share their time, knowledge and opinions on such a controversial topic. They have provided a big part of the foundation of this research, all the while contributing to shape our perspectives and deepen our insight of the conflict. A list of these outstanding professionals can be found in Annex 1. Finally, we would also like to thank the Spanish NGO “Youth, Wake-Up!” for opening our eyes to the Israeli-Palestinian reality and sparkling our passion on the subject. At a more technical level, the necessary field research for this dissertation would have not been possible without its provision of accommodation during the whole month of June 2019. 1 ABSTRACT Since the occupation of the Arab territories in 1967, Israel has been carrying out policies of de facto annexation, notably through the establishment of settlements and the construction of the Separation Wall. -
Palestine-Israel Journal
Palestine-Israel Journal PIJ Policy Paper No. 3 Palestinian Refugees and the Two-State Solution Findings and recommendations of an expert roundtable discussion Jerusalem, December 2009 Moderated and Edited by Ziad Abu Zayyad & Hillel Schenker Organized and drafted by Jumana AZ Jaouni & Ofer Zalzberg This document has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union. The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of the PALESTINE-ISRAEL Journal and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union. PIJ POLICY PAPER - PALESTINIAN REFUGEES AND THE TWO-STATE SOLUTION EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The issue of the Palestinian refugees is at the core of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and an agreement on this core issue is central to the survival of any political settle- ment to the conflict based upon the two-state solution. No settlement to this conflict can be achieved without reaching a fair and just solution to the refugee problem. Total rejection of the Palestinian refugees’ right of return or of responsibility for the refugee problem seems counterproductive, as does the insistence on the full actual practice of this right. One side must relinquish its position, or both sides should take the necessary steps and meet somewhere along the spectrum between the two diametrically opposed positions. It is precisely because of its centrality that it was decided to assess the impact of the refugee problem on the prospects for achieving the two-state solution. The main objective is to advise on what could or should be the policy for a two-state solution to remain viable and sustainable and to be implemented as soon as possible.