Signatories Jacob Perry Former GSS Director (1995-1998). Chairman Of
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Strateg Ic a Ssessmen T
Strategic Assessment Assessment Strategic Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Volume 19 Volume The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | No. 4 No. Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | January 2017 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities Emily B. Landau and Ephraim Asculai Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Abstracts | 3 The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century | 9 Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | 29 Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | 43 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? | 57 Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army | 67 Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation | 79 Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects | 93 Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations | 103 Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities | 117 Emily B. -
A Tale of Four Cities
A Tale of Four Cities Dr. Shlomo Swirski Academic Director, Adva Center There are many ways of introducing one to a country, especially a country as complex as Israel. The following presentation is an attempt to do so by focusing on 4 Israeli cities (double Charles Dickens's classic book): Tel Aviv Jerusalem Nazareth Beer Sheba This will allow us to introduce some of the major national and ethnic groups in the country, as well as provide a glimpse into some of the major political and economic issues. Tel-Aviv WikiMedia Avidan, Gilad Photo: Tel-Aviv Zionism hails from Europe, mostly from its Eastern countries. Jews had arrived there in the middle ages from Germanic lands – called Ashkenaz in Hebrew. It was the intellectual child of the secular European enlightenment. Tel Aviv was the first city built by Zionists – in 1909 – growing out of the neighboring ancient, Arab port of Jaffa. It soon became the main point of entry into Palestine for Zionist immigrants. Together with neighboring cities, it lies at the center of the largest urban conglomeration in Israel (Gush Dan), with close to 4 million out of 9 million Israelis. The war of 1948 ended with Jaffa bereft of the large majority of its Palestinian population, and in time it was incorporated into Tel Aviv. The day-to-day Israeli- Palestinian confrontations are now distant (in Israeli terms) from Tel Aviv. Tel Aviv represents the glitzi face of Israel. Yet Tel Aviv has two faces: the largely well to do Ashkenazi middle and upper-middle class North, and the largely working class Mizrahi South (with a large concentration of migrant workers). -
The Israeli-Palestinian People-To-People Program
Lena C. Endresen Contact and Cooperation: The Israeli-Palestinian People-to-People Program Lena C. Endresen Contact and Cooperation: The Israeli-Palestinian People-to-People Program Fafo-paper 2001:3 1 © Fafo Institute for Applied Social Science 2001 ISSN 0804-5135 2 Contents Abstract .............................................................................................................. 5 Introduction ....................................................................................................... 6 The People-to-People Program: Rationale and Assumptions .............................................................................. 8 People-to-People Program Activities ............................................................. 11 NGO Cooperative Projects ............................................................................................11 Building structures for peace .......................................................................................13 Main Challenges .............................................................................................. 16 Impact and Evaluation..................................................................................................17 The Impact of the Peace Process on People-to-People Activities...............................19 Equality as an Ambition: The Two NGO Sectors .........................................................20 Norway and the Fafo Institute for Applied Social Science as a Third Party ..............23 Conclusion ....................................................................................................... -
Details of Aquaculture Fish Farms in the Desert and Arid Lands of Israel
85 An overview on desert aquaculture in Israel Gideon Hulata Department of Poultry and Aquaculture Institute of Animal Science Agricultural Research Organization Bet Dagan, Israel E-mail: [email protected] Yitzhak Simon Ministry of Agriculture Extension Service Aquaculture Division Bet Dagan, Israel E-mail: [email protected] Hulata, G. & Simon, Y. 2011. An overview on desert aquaculture in Israel. In V. Crespi & A. Lovatelli, eds. Aquaculture in desert and arid lands: development constraints and opportunities. FAO Technical Workshop. 6–9 July 2010, Hermosillo, Mexico. FAO Fisheries and Aquaculture Proceedings No. 20. Rome, FAO. 2011. pp. 85–112. SUMMARY The State of Israel has a very diverse climate. Most of the country is in a semi-arid zone, with distinct short winter (wet) and long summer (dry) seasons, and a low annual rainfall of around 500 mm (an overall multi-annual average). The country can be divided into two climatic regions: (1) the southern arid/semi-arid areas have very low annual precipitation (<100 mm) and consist of the Negev Desert and the Arava Valley; this arid zone extends also to the Jordan Valley where annual rainfall is below 300 mm; (2) the central-north of the country that has a temperate, Mediterranean climate and a relatively high annual rainfall (>600 mm). Israel has suffered from a chronic water shortage for years. In recent years, however, the situation has developed into a severe crisis; since 1998, the country has suffered from drought, and the annual rainfall was short of the multi-annual average in most of the years. -
A Pre-Feasibility Study on Water Conveyance Routes to the Dead
A PRE-FEASIBILITY STUDY ON WATER CONVEYANCE ROUTES TO THE DEAD SEA Published by Arava Institute for Environmental Studies, Kibbutz Ketura, D.N Hevel Eilot 88840, ISRAEL. Copyright by Willner Bros. Ltd. 2013. All rights reserved. Funded by: Willner Bros Ltd. Publisher: Arava Institute for Environmental Studies Research Team: Samuel E. Willner, Dr. Clive Lipchin, Shira Kronich, Tal Amiel, Nathan Hartshorne and Shae Selix www.arava.org TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 INTRODUCTION 1 2 HISTORICAL REVIEW 5 2.1 THE EVOLUTION OF THE MED-DEAD SEA CONVEYANCE PROJECT ................................................................... 7 2.2 THE HISTORY OF THE CONVEYANCE SINCE ISRAELI INDEPENDENCE .................................................................. 9 2.3 UNITED NATIONS INTERVENTION ......................................................................................................... 12 2.4 MULTILATERAL COOPERATION ............................................................................................................ 12 3 MED-DEAD PROJECT BENEFITS 14 3.1 WATER MANAGEMENT IN ISRAEL, JORDAN AND THE PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY ............................................... 14 3.2 POWER GENERATION IN ISRAEL ........................................................................................................... 18 3.3 ENERGY SECTOR IN THE PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY .................................................................................... 20 3.4 POWER GENERATION IN JORDAN ........................................................................................................ -
The Jordan Valley Is Waiting for Zionist Action
The Jordan Valley Is Waiting for Zionist Action by Maj. Gen. (res.) Gershon Hacohen BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 1,291, September 16, 2019 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: Beyond its unquestionable vitality for Israel’s security, the Jordan Valley in its full geographical scope can accommodate millions of Israelis and national infrastructure that cannot be compressed into the coastal plain. If PM Netanyahu’s declaration of sovereignty is not immediately borne out by a surge of building and focused governmental support, it will sputter and die. PM Netanyahu’s promise to apply sovereignty to the Jordan Valley is worthy of praise. The reasons for doing so were already evident to PM Levi Eshkol in the immediate wake of the 1967 the Six-Day War, and were fully fleshed out in the Allon Plan. As the plan stated: “The eastern border of the state of Israel must be the Jordan River and a line that crosses the Dead Sea in the middle…. We must add to the country—as an inseparable part of its sovereignty—a strip approximately 10-15 kilometers wide, along the Jordan Valley.” The plan was presented to the government headed by Eshkol, who, with his Mapai mindset, chose to introduce it without putting it to a vote. Typically for those days, the plan moved immediately to the implementation stage, and a settlement infrastructure was built that has existed ever since. In line with the plan, the Allon Road was paved and the Jordan Valley communities were built along Road 90 and the Allon Road. In the Knesset debate on the Oslo Interim Agreement in October 1995, PM Rabin, about a month before his assassination, outlined his position and stated: “The security border of the State of Israel will be located in the Jordan Valley, in the broadest meaning of that term.” The notion of applying sovereignty to the Jordan Valley has always enjoyed a broad national consensus. -
Military Activism and Conservatism During the Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction
Soldiers and The Use of Force: Military Activism and Conservatism During The Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction Are soldiers more prone and likely to use force Are soldiers more prone to use force and initiate conflicts than civilians? To bring a and initiate conflicts than civilians? new insight to this question, this article compares The traditional view in the civil- the main arguments of military activism and military relations literature stresses that military conservatism theories on Israeli policies during the First and Second Intifadas. Military professional soldiers are conservative activism argues that soldiers are prone to end in the use of force because soldiers political problems with the use of force mainly are the ones who mainly suffer in war. because of personal and organizational interests Instead, this view says, it is the civilians as well as the effects of a military-mindset. The proponents of military conservatism, on the who initiate wars and conflicts because, other hand, claim that soldiers are conservative without military knowledge, they on the use of force and it is the civilians most underestimate the costs of war while likely offering military measures. Through an overvaluing the benefits of military analysis of qualitative nature, the article finds 1 action. In recent decades, military that soldiers were more conservative in the use of force during the First Intifadas and Oslo conservatism has been challenged by Peace Process while they were more hawkish in a group of scholars who argue that the the Second Intifada. This difference is explained traditional view is based on a limited by enemy conceptions and by the politicization number of cases, mainly civil-military of Israeli officers. -
Israel Debates No. 16
Israel Debates No. 16 11 November 2014 Following the war between Israel and Hamas: New political horizons for the peace process? Dear readers, For this issue of Israel Debates we have once again asked two authors to discuss the political consequences of this summer’s war between Israel and Hamas. These hostilities triggered heated debates in Israeli society and politics, focusing on Israel’s future prospects in a region characterized for decades by stable instability. The political debate is split down the middle. On the one side are those who cannot envisage a future for Israel unless it is based on military deterrence and strength, particularly in the light of the regional changes in the years since the Arab Spring. For Efraim Inbar, Director of the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, Israel has no choice other than to continue to live by the sword for many more years. There is a majority in Israeli society that supports this position, which is also reflected clearly in surveys, showing that a majority have more faith in Prime Minister Netanyahu than any other candidate. On the other side, Shaul Arieli, one of the prominent representatives of the Geneva peace initiative who has been involved in a number of negotiations between Israel and Palestine, argues that new diplomatic horizons have emerged for solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. True, this presupposes that the Israeli government, and in particular Prime Minister Netanyahu, will have to send out unequivocal messages giving the go ahead for the two-state solution. Although there is a relative majority in the Knesset for a two- state solution, in current surveys their representatives received fewer seats than previously. -
Spoiler Behavior in the Israeli Palestinian Conflict: the Emergent National Religious Demographic Within Israel
Spoiler Behavior in The Israeli Palestinian Conflict: The Emergent National Religious Demographic Within Israel Introduction The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict is one of the most studied and intractable conflicts in the modern era. The actors involved and the stake holders are myriad, resulting in a wide range of peace spoilers and spoiling behavior. This study focuses on the spoiling effects of Israeli settlements in the West Bank with a particular focus on actions by a national religious contingent within Israel who work to maintain and extend Israeli settlements in the West Bank. National Religious ideology and supporters thwart the potential for peace negotiations by negatively influencing Israel’s political ability to agree to a peace agreement and diminishing Palestinian trust in Israel’s ability to agree to and implement a peace agreement. The term national religious refers to an ideology that calls for the expansion of settlements and the idea of ‘Greater Israel’ that embodies both the West Bank and Gaza Strip; thus they tend to be ardently against territorial withdrawal and settlement dismantlement. Once the domain of secular Zionists, settlement of the West Bank is now dominated by national religious Israelis. They comprise upwards of 80 percent of the 70,000 settlers residing outside the separation barrier in the West Bank and are becoming increasingly anti-statist. International Crisis Group reports that former Israeli Intelligence Chief Ami Ayalon estimates that eight percent of the West Bank’s 250,000 settlers are militantly anti- state.1 This case was written by Laura Nash and was created for the Spoilers of Peace Program in Spring 2010 . -
Download This Report
A LICENSE TO KILL Israeli Operations against "Wanted" and Masked Palestinians A Middle East Watch Report Human Rights Watch New York !!! Washington !!! Los Angeles !!! London Copyright 8 July 1993 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Card Catalog Number: 93-79007 ISBN: 1-56432-109-6 Middle East Watch Middle East Watch was founded in 1989 to establish and promote observance of internationally recognized human rights in the Middle East. The chair of Middle East Watch is Gary Sick and the vice chairs are Lisa Anderson and Bruce Rabb. Andrew Whitley is the executive director; Eric Goldstein is the research director; Virginia N. Sherry and Aziz Abu Hamad are associate directors; Suzanne Howard is the associate. HUMAHUMAHUMANHUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Human Rights Watch conducts regular, systematic investigations of human rights abuses in some sixty countries around the world. It addresses the human rights practices of governments of all political stripes, of all geopolitical alignments, and of all ethnic and religious persuasions. In internal wars it documents violations by both governments and rebel groups. Human Rights Watch defends freedom of thought and expression, due process of law and equal protection of the law; it documents and denounces murders, disappearances, torture, arbitrary imprisonment, exile, censorship and other abuses of internationally recognized human rights. Human Rights Watch began in 1978 with the founding of Helsinki Watch by a group of publishers, lawyers and other activists and now maintains offices in New York, Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, London, Moscow, Belgrade, Zagreb and Hong Kong. -
B'tselem Report: Dispossession & Exploitation: Israel's Policy in the Jordan Valley & Northern Dead Sea, May
Dispossession & Exploitation Israel's policy in the Jordan Valley & northern Dead Sea May 2011 Researched and written by Eyal Hareuveni Edited by Yael Stein Data coordination by Atef Abu a-Rub, Wassim Ghantous, Tamar Gonen, Iyad Hadad, Kareem Jubran, Noam Raz Geographic data processing by Shai Efrati B'Tselem thanks Salwa Alinat, Kav LaOved’s former coordinator of Palestinian fieldworkers in the settlements, Daphna Banai, of Machsom Watch, Hagit Ofran, Peace Now’s Settlements Watch coordinator, Dror Etkes, and Alon Cohen-Lifshitz and Nir Shalev, of Bimkom. 2 Table of contents Introduction......................................................................................................................... 5 Chapter One: Statistics........................................................................................................ 8 Land area and borders of the Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea area....................... 8 Palestinian population in the Jordan Valley .................................................................... 9 Settlements and the settler population........................................................................... 10 Land area of the settlements .......................................................................................... 13 Chapter Two: Taking control of land................................................................................ 15 Theft of private Palestinian land and transfer to settlements......................................... 15 Seizure of land for “military needs”............................................................................. -
Israeli-German Relations in the Years 2000-2006: a Special Relationship Revisited
Israeli-German Relations in the Years 2000-2006: A Special Relationship Revisited Helene Bartos St. Antony’s College Trinity Term 2007 Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Modern Middle Eastern Studies Faculty of Oriental Studies University of Oxford To my mother and Joe Acknowledgements I would like to use the opportunity to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor Dr. Emanuele Ottolenghi, who generously agreed to oversee my thesis from afar having taken up his post as the Executive Director of the Transatlantic Institute in Brussels in September 2006. Without his full-hearted support and his enduring commitment my research would not have materialised. I am further deeply indebted to Dr. Michael Willis who dedicated his precious time to discuss with me issues pertaining to my research. Special thanks also goes to Dr. Philip Robins, Senior Tutor at St. Antony’s College, for having supported my field work in Germany in the summer vacation of 2006 with a grant from the Carr and Stahl Funds, and to the Hebrew and Jewish Studies Committee and Near and Middle Eastern Studies Committee for having awarded me two research grants to finance my field work in Israel in the winter of 2006. Without listing everyone personally, I would like to thank all my interview partners as well as colleagues and friends who shared with me their thoughts on the nature of the Israeli-German relationship. Having said all this, it is only due to my mother and my boyfriend Joe who have supported me throughout six not always easy years that I have been able to study at Oxford.