Tesis LOS NEOLOGISMOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA
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Redalyc.LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA
Boletín de Lingüística ISSN: 0798-9709 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela Lovón Cueva, Marco Antonio; Pita Garcia, Paula Sharon LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Boletín de Lingüística, vol. XXVIII, núm. 45-46, enero-diciembre, 2016, pp. 79-110 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=34754747004 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto BOLETÍN DE LINGÜÍSTICA, XXVIII/45-46 / Ene - Dic, 2016: 79-110 79 LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Marco Antonio Lovón Cueva Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC) [email protected] Paula Sharon Pita Garcia Universidad Ricardo Palma (URP) [email protected] RESUMEN En los últimos años, en Venezuela, el contexto político-económico, entre la continuidad del régimen y el descontento social, ha ocasionado que los venezolanos inventen y recreen una serie de palabras para expresarse sobre dicho acontecimiento. Este trabajo lexicográfico y lexicológico recoge y analiza dichas voces, tales como majunche, pupitrazo, boliburgués. Cada entrada lexicográfica presenta una definición, alguna precisión etimológica, una marca gramatical, una marca sociolingüística, un ejemplo de uso, y alguna nota lexicográfica. Los datos han sido recopilados de distintas fuentes, particularmente de sitios web, y validados por hablantes del país. La investigación concluye con la importancia de recoger las distintas expresiones lingüísticas de esta coyuntura como una forma de consignar una realidad que reclama ser comprendida y atendida. -
Redalyc.Hugo Chávez and the Building of His Self-Image Through
Ibérica ISSN: 1139-7241 [email protected] Asociación Europea de Lenguas para Fines Específicos España Negro Alousque, Isabel Hugo Chávez and the building of his self-image through metaphor Ibérica, núm. 29, 2015, pp. 83-103 Asociación Europea de Lenguas para Fines Específicos Cádiz, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=287038716005 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative 06 IBERICA 29.qxp:Iberica 13 29/03/15 21:46 Página 83 Hugo Chávez and the building of his self-image through metaphor Isabel Negro Alousque Universidad Complutense de Madrid (España) [email protected] Abstract In the last decades metaphor has been much researched from both theoretical and empirical perspectives. One of the metaphor research lines has been the study of metaphor in specialized genres, including politics (Musolff, 2004). Political metaphor has been considerably researched within the cognitive framework and a few investigations have been concerned with the use of metaphor by political leaders (e.g. Semino & Masci, 1996; Charteris-Black, 2004, 2009). The present paper focuses on the use of metaphor in the public discourse of Hugo Chávez, the former Venezuelan president. Chávez was a captivating, if polarizing, leader whose hallmark was his oratory. We analyse a sample of Chávez’s speeches for evidence of its metaphorical content. We identify and explain the linguistic and conceptual metaphors that occur in his speeches with a view to demonstrating that they play a central role in the construction of Chávez’s self-image as both a political and religious leader for persuasive purposes. -
CRACKDOWN on DISSENT Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela
CRACKDOWN ON DISSENT Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Crackdown on Dissent Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela Copyright © 2017 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-35492 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit: http://www.hrw.org The Foro Penal (FP) or Penal Forum is a Venezuelan NGO that has worked defending human rights since 2002, offering free assistance to victims of state repression, including those arbitrarily detained, tortured, or murdered. The Penal Forum currently has a network of 200 volunteer lawyers and more than 4,000 volunteer activists, with regional representatives throughout Venezuela and also in other countries such as Argentina, Chile, Norway, Spain, Sweden, Uruguay, and the USA. Volunteers provide assistance and free legal counsel to victims, and organize campaigns for the release of political prisoners, to stop state repression, and increase the political and social cost for the Venezuelan government to use repression as a mechanism to stay in power. -
Bolivarian Revolution”
Special ’ Issue International Leninist Trotskyist Fraction March 2019 Collective for the Refoundation of the Fourth International Price US$2 e-mail: [email protected]● www.flti.ci.org Latin America THE SCAM OF THE “BOLIVARIAN REVOLUTION” SIDOR Strike 2013: “Diosdado we don’t believe neither in Socialists with Hummer nor in Communists with Rolex. We believe in the workers’ revolution” Socialist revolution or caricature of a revolution TABLE OF CONTENTS After having expropriated the Latin American revolution and having sold out Cuba to imperialism, the Boli-bourgeoisie departs from history in a sea of blood, hunger and sellout……….......…………3 THE RISE AND DECLINE OF CHAVEZISM* Presentation…......................................................................................................................................……5 Part I: The decline of Chavezism............................................................................................................….7 Part II: Chavez and the imposture of the Bolivarian Revolution – The expropriation of the anti- imperialist struggle of the masses…..........................................................................................................13 Part III: Permanent revolution vs staged revolution Discussions with the pro-Bolivarian left……......................................................................................…28 The fight against Capriles-Maduro-Obama pact…............................................................................…38 The utopia of the democratization -
Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016
Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 23, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43239 Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Summary Although historically the United States had close relations with Venezuela, a major oil supplier, friction in bilateral relations increased under the leftist, populist government of President Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), who died in 2013 after battling cancer. After Chávez’s death, Venezuela held presidential elections in which acting President Nicolás Maduro narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD), with the opposition alleging significant irregularities. In 2014, the Maduro government violently suppressed protests and imprisoned a major opposition figure, Leopoldo López, along with others. In December 2015, the MUD initially won a two-thirds supermajority in National Assembly elections, a major defeat for the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). The Maduro government subsequently thwarted the legislature’s power by preventing three MUD representatives from taking office (denying the opposition a supermajority) and using the Supreme Court to block bills approved by the legislature. For much of 2016, opposition efforts were focused on recalling President Maduro through a national referendum, but the government slowed down the referendum process and suspended it indefinitely in October. After an appeal by Pope Francis, the government and most of the opposition (with the exception of Leopoldo López’s Popular Will party) agreed to talks mediated by the Vatican along with the former presidents of the Dominican Republic, Spain, and Panama and the head of the Union of South American Nations. -
El Libertario (Venezuela) Parle En Français – 1
El Libertario (Venezuela) parle en français – 1 Collection (en 2 parties) de textes tirés de notre édition imprimée ou liés à cette publication, un journal anarchiste vénézuélien publié en espagnol, depuis 1995, par le collectif de rédaction d’El Libertario. Jusqu'au début de 2012, nous avons publié 65 numéros, avec un tirage de 2000 à 2500 exemplaires par numéro. Il est distribué au Venezuela et 15 autres pays, étant le porte-parole de la presse anarchiste le plus connu et répandu en Amérique latine dans la période récente. Page Carrefour pour nulle part ……………………………..…….………………………………. 2 El Libertario du Venezuela ………………………………………………….……….……..... 4 Venezuela : la Révolution ne sera pas... pour tout de suite ! ………………………...………. 6 Déclaration Libertaire - Caracas // 29 janvier 2006 …………………………………...……. 7 Venezuela 2006 : Anarchisme en dépit de tout ………………………………………..……. 9 Hausse de la répression contre les manifestations …………………………………………. 13 Interview "La Libertaria", novembre 2007 ………………………………………………… 18 Venezuela 2008 : vision et proposition libertaire pour le moment actuel …………….…….. 23 L'anarchisme au Venezuela, passé et présent …………………………….………………… 27 A ceux qui ne veulent pas entendre : Chavisme et anarchisme au Venezuela aujourd’hui ...… 29 Manifeste solidaire avec les anarchistes et les mouvements sociaux de Venezuela …….…… 33 « Nous avons une vérité en face de nous et nous devons la dire. » ……………………....…. 34 Venezuela - La gauche non chaviste dialogue et réaffirme ses engagements …………….…. 37 Sur un air de... Chacha …………………………………………………………………….. 39 Nous n’avons pas besoin d’une autre guerre de plus ………………………………………. 43 Colombie / Venezuela - La révolution n’est pas possible sans la paix ...…………….…...…. 45 Chavez et l'anarchisme ……………………………………………………………….……. 47 Chomsky, le bouffon de Chavez …………………………………………………………... 50 Vetelca: Histoire de la première « maquiladora » bolivarienne …………………………..….. 53 Criminalisation et mort contre le peuple Yukpa ……………………………...……………. -
Venezuela's Media War: Coexistence and Confrontation in the Struggles of the Bolivarian Revolution
Venezuela’s media war: Coexistence and confrontation in the struggles of the Bolivarian Revolution by Douglas Amundaray B.A., Universidad Santa María, 2008 Extended Essay Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the School of Communication (Dual Degree Program in Global Communication) Faculty of Communication, Art and Technology © Douglas Amundaray SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Summer 2017 Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation. Approval Name: Douglas Amundaray Degree: Master of Arts (Communication) Title: Venezuela's media war: Coexistence and confrontation in the struggles of the Bolivarian Revolution Program Co-Directors: Dr. Zhao Yuezhi, Dr. Adel Iskandar Katherine Reilly Senior Supervisor Associate Professor Date Approved: _______August 18, 2017____________________ ii Abstract In the midst of economic crisis and violent anti-government protests, the president of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, convoked a Constituent Assembly in May 2017. The initiative aims to transform the State and craft a new Constitution without consulting the Venezuelan people. The response of the population has intensified the division between government and opposition, generating unexpected turns that make it difficult for media to provide a proper and accurate coverage of events. This paper uses critical discourse analysis of newspaper‟s articles and Twitter trending topics to suggest that these media platforms have constructed a dichotomy. This dichotomy addresses the Constituent Assembly as a victory for the Bolivarian Revolution, but a misfortune for the opposition. It also denotes the use linguistic means to validate the political ideology of the media platforms analyzed. -
Curbing the Threat to Venezuela from Violent Groups
A Glut of Arms: Curbing the Threat to Venezuela from Violent Groups Latin America Report N°78 | 20 February 2020 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 235 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Armed Groups, Crime and the State ................................................................................ 4 A. Guerrillas ................................................................................................................... 4 B. Colectivos ................................................................................................................... 7 C. Paramilitaries ............................................................................................................. 11 D. Criminal Groups ........................................................................................................ 12 III. Armed Groups in a Political Agreement .......................................................................... 16 IV. Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 18 APPENDICES A. Map of Venezuela ............................................................................................................ -
Venezuela After Chavez
Edited by Veronica Zubillaga George Ciccariello-Maher Rebecca Hanson Boris Muñoz Robert Samet Naomi Schiller David Smilde Alejandro Velasco Veronica Zubillaga April 30th, 2014 1 Introduction Venezuela after Chávez: Challenges of Democracy, Security and Governance April 30, 2014 Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies Watson Institute for International Studies Brown University The death of President Hugo Chávez on March 2013 has raised pressing questions about the future of Venezuela and the continuity of Chávez’s Bolivarian project. Nicolás Maduro, Chávez’s hand-picked successor, won elections in April 2013 with a very narrow electoral victory that aroused serious suspicion of fraud amidst the opposition and intense tensions among Venezuelans. Nine months later, in February 2014, Venezuelans experienced a burst of massive students protests in different states, which immediately spread to middle-classes neighborhoods of the emboldened opposition. While we were organizing the Venezuela conference at Brown, in Caracas some middle-class neighborhoods were taken and blocked by “vecinos” (neighbors); students kept taking to the streets protesting while excessively repressive and militarized police responses reheated the students’ rage. The protest’s focused on a vast range of claims: from freedom of speech, citizen security, food shortages; inflation; freedom for those imprisoned for political motives since the beginning of the protests; government repression, up to Maduro’s immediate resignation. The landscape resembled a war zone in one part of the city yet was amazingly calm in other parts. Social polarization was evident and finding out the reasons why people in barrios were not protesting is one of the questions posed here. -
Sanciones Económicas Como Castigo Colectivo: El Caso De Venezuela
CEPR CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND POLICY RESEARCH Sanciones económicas como castigo colectivo: El caso de Venezuela Por Mark Weisbrot y Jeffrey Sachs* Mayo 2019 Center for Economic and Policy Research 1611 Connecticut Ave. NW tel: 202–293–5380 Suite 400 fax: 202–588–1356 Washington, DC 20009 www.cepr.net * Mark Weisbrot es codirector del Centro de Investigación en Economía y Política (CEPR). Jeffrey Sachs es profesor de Economía y director del Centro para el Desarrollo Sostenible de la Universidad de Columbia. Índice Resumen ejecutivo ............................................................................................................................................. 1 Introducción ....................................................................................................................................................... 6 Las sanciones de agosto de 2017 ..................................................................................................................... 7 Sanciones en 2019 ............................................................................................................................................ 10 El impacto de las sanciones en la vida humana y la salud.......................................................................... 15 La ilegalidad y la intención de las sanciones económicas unilaterales ...................................................... 17 Depresión, hiperinflación y sanciones: Bloqueando la recuperación económica ................................... 20 Referencias ....................................................................................................................................................... -
Venezuela: ¿Un Estado Mafioso? Venezuela Se Ha Convertido En Un Eje Del Crimen Organizado En La Región
Venezuela: ¿Un Estado mafioso? Venezuela se ha convertido en un eje del crimen organizado en la región Foto por Fernando Llano/AP Images Tabla de Contenidos 1. 7 razones para considerar a Venezuela como un Estado mafioso ...............3 2. Narcotráfico en el régimen venezolano: El “Cartel de los Soles” .................14 3. La delegación del poder estatal: Los “colectivos” ...........................................25 4. La delegación del poder estatal: Los “pranes” ................................................37 5. Colombia y Venezuela: Siameses criminales ...................................................52 6. Honduras y Venezuela: Golpe de Estado y tráfico aéreo de cocaína ...........63 7. República Dominicana y Venezuela: Tráfico de cocaína por el Caribe .......73 8. Venezuela y El Salvador: La exportación de ayuda y corrupción ................83 7 razones para considerar a Venezuela como un Estado mafioso Foto por Seth Wenig /AP Images No hay ninguna definición universalmente aceptada de lo que constituye un “Estado mafioso”.1 A continuación se presentan siete argumentos por los que pensamos que Venezuela puede ser considerada como tal y cuáles son las implicaciones de ello para esta turbulenta nación andina como centro regional del crimen. 1. Penetración del crimen organizado en altos nivel de las instituciones del Estado Durante los últimos tres años, InSight Crime les ha seguido la pista a individuos que, creemos, tienen vínculos con el crimen organizado y han ocupado u ocupan actualmente altos cargos en las instituciones del Estado venezolano. Hemos encontrado a 123 funcionarios quienes, creemos que con seguridad, están involucrados en actividades criminales. Por razones legales no publicamos la lista completa, pero algunos de los casos más evidentes se nombran en la sección denominada “El narcotráfico al interior del régimen venezolano: El Cartel de los Soles”. -
How Did Chavismo Win 92% of the National Assembly?
How did Chavismo win 92% of the National Assembly? On December 6 took place the election of the members of the National Assembly (AN), the unicameral Venezuelan parliament. The campaign was almost non-existent in much of the country and few voters went to the polls. In many places the lines to buy petrol were much longer than the lines to vote. According to official figures, the abstention was 69.5%. Pollsters estimated that the actual abstention would be between 80 and 90 percent. Venezuelan, Russian and Iranian state media, as well as Chavista media in the US and Europe, presented the result as an epic victory for Maduro. Without a doubt, it is a new turn of the screw of the Venezuelan bourgeois dictatorial regime, upon taking control of the last institution that it did not totally control. But the electoral result was guaranteed before the vote. Let’s see the mechanisms by which a popular support that barely reaches 14% was translated into a 92% majority of the National Assembly. The election of a parliament without functions The high abstention indicates that the working majority understood the irrelevance of the election. Voting could not have any impact on the disastrous national situation because the parliament had been de facto deprived of all its functions for several years. The last election in which there was any kind of contest was held in 2015. The punitive vote of millions of Venezuelans from the popular barrios, who repudiated the impoverishing economic austerity plan applied by Maduro, who cut food imports and salaries to pay off foreign debt, as well as rejection for the growing repression, gave two thirds of the National Assembly to the center-right opposition coalition, the Democratic Unity Table (MUD).