Venezuela: Background and U.S
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Redalyc.LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA
Boletín de Lingüística ISSN: 0798-9709 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela Lovón Cueva, Marco Antonio; Pita Garcia, Paula Sharon LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Boletín de Lingüística, vol. XXVIII, núm. 45-46, enero-diciembre, 2016, pp. 79-110 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=34754747004 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto BOLETÍN DE LINGÜÍSTICA, XXVIII/45-46 / Ene - Dic, 2016: 79-110 79 LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Marco Antonio Lovón Cueva Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC) [email protected] Paula Sharon Pita Garcia Universidad Ricardo Palma (URP) [email protected] RESUMEN En los últimos años, en Venezuela, el contexto político-económico, entre la continuidad del régimen y el descontento social, ha ocasionado que los venezolanos inventen y recreen una serie de palabras para expresarse sobre dicho acontecimiento. Este trabajo lexicográfico y lexicológico recoge y analiza dichas voces, tales como majunche, pupitrazo, boliburgués. Cada entrada lexicográfica presenta una definición, alguna precisión etimológica, una marca gramatical, una marca sociolingüística, un ejemplo de uso, y alguna nota lexicográfica. Los datos han sido recopilados de distintas fuentes, particularmente de sitios web, y validados por hablantes del país. La investigación concluye con la importancia de recoger las distintas expresiones lingüísticas de esta coyuntura como una forma de consignar una realidad que reclama ser comprendida y atendida. -
Redalyc.Hugo Chávez and the Building of His Self-Image Through
Ibérica ISSN: 1139-7241 [email protected] Asociación Europea de Lenguas para Fines Específicos España Negro Alousque, Isabel Hugo Chávez and the building of his self-image through metaphor Ibérica, núm. 29, 2015, pp. 83-103 Asociación Europea de Lenguas para Fines Específicos Cádiz, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=287038716005 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative 06 IBERICA 29.qxp:Iberica 13 29/03/15 21:46 Página 83 Hugo Chávez and the building of his self-image through metaphor Isabel Negro Alousque Universidad Complutense de Madrid (España) [email protected] Abstract In the last decades metaphor has been much researched from both theoretical and empirical perspectives. One of the metaphor research lines has been the study of metaphor in specialized genres, including politics (Musolff, 2004). Political metaphor has been considerably researched within the cognitive framework and a few investigations have been concerned with the use of metaphor by political leaders (e.g. Semino & Masci, 1996; Charteris-Black, 2004, 2009). The present paper focuses on the use of metaphor in the public discourse of Hugo Chávez, the former Venezuelan president. Chávez was a captivating, if polarizing, leader whose hallmark was his oratory. We analyse a sample of Chávez’s speeches for evidence of its metaphorical content. We identify and explain the linguistic and conceptual metaphors that occur in his speeches with a view to demonstrating that they play a central role in the construction of Chávez’s self-image as both a political and religious leader for persuasive purposes. -
Encuesta Nacional Ómnibus Julio-Agosto 2015 Fuente De Íconos: Thenounproject.Com Índice De Contenido
Encuesta Nacional Julio-Agosto Ómnibus 2015 Encuesta Nacional Ómnibus: 999 hogares Error máximo admisible ±3,04% Fecha de campo: del 10 al 23 de julio de 2015 Empresa afiliada a: Fuente de íconos: thenounproject.com Índice de contenido 1. Metodología y contexto 2. Situación país 3. Evaluación de gestión 4. Elecciones parlamentarias 2015 Encuesta Nacional Ómnibus Julio-Agosto 2015 Fuente de íconos: thenounproject.com Índice de contenido 5. Situación económica del país 5.1 Abastecimiento. 5.2. Inflación . 6. Situación política del país 6.1 Política internacional . 6.2 Protestas en el país .6.3 Otros temas . Encuesta Nacional Ómnibus Julio-Agosto 2015 Fuente de íconos: thenounproject.com Índice de contenido 6. Situación política del país 6.4 Sobre unas primarias de Oposición . 6.5 Sobre Maduro y su futuro . 6.6 Autodefinición política e identificación partidista . Encuesta Nacional Ómnibus Julio-Agosto 2015 Fuente de íconos: thenounproject.com 1. Metodología y contexto Fuente de íconos: thenounproject.com Metodología de la investigación ¿Cómo se hizo? Ficha Técnica Personas naturales, de sexo masculino y Universo de estudio femenino, mayores de 18 años y de estratos socioeconómicos A/B, C, D y E Tamaño de la muestra 999 personas Error máximo admisible ±3,04% Nivel de confianza 95% Tipo de muestreo En hogares Polietapico Recolección de la (por género, edad, estrato socioeconómico y información región) Fecha de campo del 10 al 23 de julio de 2015 Encuesta Nacional Ómnibus Julio-Agosto 2015 2. Situación país Fuente de íconos: thenounproject.com -
CRACKDOWN on DISSENT Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela
CRACKDOWN ON DISSENT Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Crackdown on Dissent Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela Copyright © 2017 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-35492 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit: http://www.hrw.org The Foro Penal (FP) or Penal Forum is a Venezuelan NGO that has worked defending human rights since 2002, offering free assistance to victims of state repression, including those arbitrarily detained, tortured, or murdered. The Penal Forum currently has a network of 200 volunteer lawyers and more than 4,000 volunteer activists, with regional representatives throughout Venezuela and also in other countries such as Argentina, Chile, Norway, Spain, Sweden, Uruguay, and the USA. Volunteers provide assistance and free legal counsel to victims, and organize campaigns for the release of political prisoners, to stop state repression, and increase the political and social cost for the Venezuelan government to use repression as a mechanism to stay in power. -
Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016
Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 23, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43239 Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Summary Although historically the United States had close relations with Venezuela, a major oil supplier, friction in bilateral relations increased under the leftist, populist government of President Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), who died in 2013 after battling cancer. After Chávez’s death, Venezuela held presidential elections in which acting President Nicolás Maduro narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD), with the opposition alleging significant irregularities. In 2014, the Maduro government violently suppressed protests and imprisoned a major opposition figure, Leopoldo López, along with others. In December 2015, the MUD initially won a two-thirds supermajority in National Assembly elections, a major defeat for the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). The Maduro government subsequently thwarted the legislature’s power by preventing three MUD representatives from taking office (denying the opposition a supermajority) and using the Supreme Court to block bills approved by the legislature. For much of 2016, opposition efforts were focused on recalling President Maduro through a national referendum, but the government slowed down the referendum process and suspended it indefinitely in October. After an appeal by Pope Francis, the government and most of the opposition (with the exception of Leopoldo López’s Popular Will party) agreed to talks mediated by the Vatican along with the former presidents of the Dominican Republic, Spain, and Panama and the head of the Union of South American Nations. -
Analyzing Obstacles to Venezuela's Future
CSIS BRIEFS CSIS Analyzing Obstacles to Venezuela’s Future By Moises Rendon, Mark Schneider, & Jaime Vazquez NOVEMBER 2019 THE ISSUE Despite stiff sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and internal civil protests, Nicolas Maduro and his inner circle have resisted the pressures to negotiate an exit. Three internationally-sponsored dialogue processes and two efforts at mediated negotiations within the last five years have failed, with Maduro using the time to intensify his hold on power. Different factors are impeding a transition in Venezuela. This brief investigates challenges and opportunities to help support a transition toward democracy. It describes the possible role of a Track II diplomacy initiative to produce a feasible exit ramp for Maduro—essentially the achievement of significant progress outside of the formal negotiation process. The brief also discusses potential roles for chavistas in today’s struggle and for ‘day after’ challenges, the required elements for a transitional justice process, and the basic conditions necessary for holding free and fair elections to elect a new president. BACKGROUND undiminished support from Russia, China, and Cuba, have Amid numerous blackouts, fuel shortages impacting complicated efforts to achieve a political accord leading to a agriculture and food production, and inflation on pace democratic transition. to reach over 10 million percent by the end of 2019, Venezuela’s humanitarian, economic, and political crisis QUICK FACTS has forced more than 4 million citizens to flee their • According to the United Nations, Venezuela will homeland. That number could surge past 5 million by the have over 5.3 million refugees by the end of 2019. end of 2019. -
Curbing the Threat to Venezuela from Violent Groups
A Glut of Arms: Curbing the Threat to Venezuela from Violent Groups Latin America Report N°78 | 20 February 2020 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 235 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Armed Groups, Crime and the State ................................................................................ 4 A. Guerrillas ................................................................................................................... 4 B. Colectivos ................................................................................................................... 7 C. Paramilitaries ............................................................................................................. 11 D. Criminal Groups ........................................................................................................ 12 III. Armed Groups in a Political Agreement .......................................................................... 16 IV. Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 18 APPENDICES A. Map of Venezuela ............................................................................................................ -
Irregularities in the Venezuelan Elections During
Electoral Irregularities A Typology Based on Venezuela under Chavismo Draft February 6, 2018 Javier Corrales1 Department of Political Science Amherst College [email protected] This is a draft document. Please help improve this document by reporting any errors and omissions to [email protected]. 1 I am grateful to Alejandro Sucre, Federico Sucre, and Franz von Bergen for their research assistance. 1 Electoral Irregularities: A Typology based on Venezuela under Chavismo Venezuela’s Chavista period (1999-present) has often been praised for its frequent electoral activity. But it has also been characterized by two, less praiseworthy features: irregularities and biased electoral reforms. These features have worsened over time. To date, the total number of irregularities is 117. From the very beginning, almost every electoral process has featured at least one major irregularity or system biases in favor of the incumbent party. These irregularities consist of practices, rules, and even laws that depart from either the spirit or the letter of the Constitution or from international standards for conducting “free and fair” elections. This paper provides a typology of electoral irregularities in Venezuela in the Chavista era, 1999-present. The full list appears in the Appendix. Irregularities are classified according to three characteristics: timing, type, and effect. Regarding timing, the evidence shows that electoral irregularities occurred since the start of the Chavista era (referendum on whether to conduct a constituent assembly, 1999) and expanded over overtime during the entire Hugo Chávez administration (1999-2013). They have become ubiquitous now under Nicolás Maduro (2013- present). Regarding type, each irregularity is classified according to the following categories: 1. -
Venezuela After Chavez
Edited by Veronica Zubillaga George Ciccariello-Maher Rebecca Hanson Boris Muñoz Robert Samet Naomi Schiller David Smilde Alejandro Velasco Veronica Zubillaga April 30th, 2014 1 Introduction Venezuela after Chávez: Challenges of Democracy, Security and Governance April 30, 2014 Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies Watson Institute for International Studies Brown University The death of President Hugo Chávez on March 2013 has raised pressing questions about the future of Venezuela and the continuity of Chávez’s Bolivarian project. Nicolás Maduro, Chávez’s hand-picked successor, won elections in April 2013 with a very narrow electoral victory that aroused serious suspicion of fraud amidst the opposition and intense tensions among Venezuelans. Nine months later, in February 2014, Venezuelans experienced a burst of massive students protests in different states, which immediately spread to middle-classes neighborhoods of the emboldened opposition. While we were organizing the Venezuela conference at Brown, in Caracas some middle-class neighborhoods were taken and blocked by “vecinos” (neighbors); students kept taking to the streets protesting while excessively repressive and militarized police responses reheated the students’ rage. The protest’s focused on a vast range of claims: from freedom of speech, citizen security, food shortages; inflation; freedom for those imprisoned for political motives since the beginning of the protests; government repression, up to Maduro’s immediate resignation. The landscape resembled a war zone in one part of the city yet was amazingly calm in other parts. Social polarization was evident and finding out the reasons why people in barrios were not protesting is one of the questions posed here. -
Leopoldo López Henrique Capriles Nicolás Maduro
Referéndum Revocatorio ¿Qué se necesita para el Referéndum Revocatorio? Firmas ciudadanas Electores 1. 20% inscritos en el Registro electoral 19.504.106 3.900.822 habitantes inscritos Resolución No. 070207-036 del Consejo Nacional Electoral Artículo 14. La recepción de manifestación de voluntades, se realizará por un máximo de tres (3) días Referéndum Revocatorio ¿Qué se necesita para el Referéndum Revocatorio? Resultados Elecciones Presidenciales abril 2013 2. 50,6% 49,1% 7.587.532 7.363.264 Artículo 72 de la Constitución de la República “Cuando igual o mayor número de lectores y electoras que eligieron al funcionario o funcionaria hubieren votado a favor de la revocatoria, siempre que haya concurrido al referendo un número de electores o electoras igual o superior al veinticinco por ciento de los electores o electoras inscritos, se considerará revocado su mandato y se procederá de inmediato a cubrir la falta absoluta conforme a lo dispuesto en esta Constitución y la ley.” Expectativas a futuro: Referendum Revocatorio ¿Por cuál opción votaría en caso de un Referéndum Revocatorio? Histórico A favor de revocar al Presidente Maduro En contra de revocar al Presidente Maduro No votaría Ns/Nc 52,1% 44,5% 37,7% 30,1% 9,6% 9,9% 8,2% 7,9% ene-16 feb-16 En el caso que el próximo domingo se convocara un Referendo Revocatorio para remover del Gobierno al Presidente Maduro. Entre... ¿por cuál opción votaría usted? Base: 1.000 Encuesta Nacional Ómnibus Febrero 2016 Expectativas a futuro: Referendum Revocatorio ¿Por cuál opción votaría en caso de un Referéndum Revocatorio? Diferencia: 30,1% 22,0pp 52,1% En contra de revocar vs. -
April 2019 Venezuela Presentation 051019 English
Venezuela National Public Opinion Survey April 2019 Methodology Figure 1 ❖ National survey o Conducted April 11 to 28, 2019 o 980 face-to-face interviews o Margin of error is +/- 3.1 at the 95% confidence level o Demographically and geographically representative Conclusions Figure 2 ❖ Extreme polarization ❖ Rejection of Maduro regime, but base of support ❖ Strong support for Guaidó ❖ U.S. and allied countries viewed positively ❖ Support for elections under Guaidó and targeted sanctions ❖ Division on military foreign intervention ❖ Chávez’s legacy mixed Maduro Widely Rejected, but Has a Base of Support Figure 3 Political blocs Figure 4 Political Blocs PSUV Supporters of anti-regime political parties 28 31 No party affiliation 41 Demographic breakdown of political blocs Figure 5 PSUV Anti-regime Unaffiliated 18 - 29 32 43 40 30 - 39 23 24 22 40 - 49 18 14 23 50 - 59 18 14 11 50+ years: 50+ years: 50+ years: 60+ 8 26 4 18 5 16 Some high school 27 17 21 High school graduates 54 48 45 Technical studies/some univ 12 25 26 University grad/post-grad 6 9 8 Rural 32 17 18 Urban 64 78 78 0 20 40 60 80 0 20 40 60 80 0 20 40 60 80 Profound dissatisfaction, but regime maintains considerable base Figure 6 Generally speaking, would you say the situation in the country is going in a very good, good, bad, or very bad direction? Very good Very good/good Very bad Very bad/bad 100 90 98 90 80 70 75 71 60 68 50 54 40 45 30 29 20 24 10 2 7 9 0 3 1 0 0 Total PSUV Anti-regime Unaffiliated Poor rating for Maduro's performance, and extraordinary polarization Figure -
Sanciones Económicas Como Castigo Colectivo: El Caso De Venezuela
CEPR CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND POLICY RESEARCH Sanciones económicas como castigo colectivo: El caso de Venezuela Por Mark Weisbrot y Jeffrey Sachs* Mayo 2019 Center for Economic and Policy Research 1611 Connecticut Ave. NW tel: 202–293–5380 Suite 400 fax: 202–588–1356 Washington, DC 20009 www.cepr.net * Mark Weisbrot es codirector del Centro de Investigación en Economía y Política (CEPR). Jeffrey Sachs es profesor de Economía y director del Centro para el Desarrollo Sostenible de la Universidad de Columbia. Índice Resumen ejecutivo ............................................................................................................................................. 1 Introducción ....................................................................................................................................................... 6 Las sanciones de agosto de 2017 ..................................................................................................................... 7 Sanciones en 2019 ............................................................................................................................................ 10 El impacto de las sanciones en la vida humana y la salud.......................................................................... 15 La ilegalidad y la intención de las sanciones económicas unilaterales ...................................................... 17 Depresión, hiperinflación y sanciones: Bloqueando la recuperación económica ................................... 20 Referencias .......................................................................................................................................................