The Mulele “Rebellion” in Post-Colonial D
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Democratic Republic of Congo: Road to Political Transition
1 Democratic Republic of Congo: Road to Political Transition Dieudonné Tshiyoyo* Programme Officer Electoral and Political Processes (EPP) EISA Demographics With a total land area of 2 344 885 square kilometres that straddles the equator, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is the third largest country in Africa after Sudan and Algeria. It is situated right at the heart of the African continent. It shares borders by nine countries, namely Angola, Burundi, Central African Republic, Congo-Brazzaville, Rwanda, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia. Its population is estimated at 60 millions inhabitants and is made up of as many as 250 ethno-linguistic groups. The whole country is drained by the Congo River and its many tributaries. The second longest river in Africa and fifth longest in the world, the Congo River is second in the world after the Amazon with regard to hydroelectric potential. Brief Historical Background Established as a Belgian colony in 1908, the DRC was initially known as the ‘Congo Free State’ when it was formally attributed to King Leopold II at the Berlin Conference of 1885. In fact, in 1879 King Leopold II of Belgium commissioned Henry Morton Stanley to establish his authority over the Congo basin in order to control strategic trade routes to the West and Central Africa along the Congo River. Stanley did so by getting over 400 local chiefs to sign “treaties” transferring land ownership to the Association Internationale du Congo (AIC), a trust company belonging to Leopold II. On 30 April 1885 the King signed a decree creating the ‘Congo Free State’, thus establishing firm control over the enormous territory. -
Gender and Decolonization in the Congo: the Legacy of Patrice Lumumba (2010) - Not Even Past
Gender and Decolonization in the Congo: The Legacy of Patrice Lumumba (2010) - Not Even Past BOOKS FILMS & MEDIA THE PUBLIC HISTORIAN BLOG TEXAS OUR/STORIES STUDENTS ABOUT 15 MINUTE HISTORY "The past is never dead. It's not even past." William Faulkner NOT EVEN PAST Tweet 0 Like THE PUBLIC HISTORIAN Gender and Decolonization in the Congo: The Legacy of Patrice Making History: Houston’s “Spirit of the Lumumba (2010) Confederacy” by Tosin Abiodun In the 1960s the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) emerged as a political ‘hot spot’ in Africa. The transition from decades of Belgian colonial brutality and paternalism to independence, as historical records reveal, did not go smoothly. Gender and Decolonization in the Congo departs markedly from most work on this process by focusing on gender. There is a tendency on the part of May 06, 2020 scholars to neglect gender in their histories of decolonization in Africa. Political scientists, for instance, are apt to focus on the rise of the Cold War rivalry More from The Public Historian between the United States and the Soviet Union. Much historical scholarship on the DRC shows enthusiasm for resolving puzzles arising from the perennial question: BOOKS who assassinated Patrice Lumumba? Karen Bouwer delivers on her stated goal, to draw attention to America for Americans: A History of Congolese women’s active role in the politics of Xenophobia in the United States by decolonization. Overall, the study goes a long way toward Erika Lee (2019) presenting the first truly groundbreaking investigation of women’s political participation in the DRC. Bouwer illustrates women’s contribution to politics with a narrative woven around the life and popular representation of Patrice Lumumba. -
Development, Post-Leninism and Revolution in Africa
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Development, Post-Leninism and Revolution in Africa Ernest Wamba-Dia-Wamba Theories and practices of development are increasingly said to be in emu'1 Is this not another proof that, in most cases if not in all, theories and prac- tices of development have been but theories (ideologies) and practices for further integration of the "less developed countries" into the world capitalist economic hierarchical system now in a prolonged crisis? In fact, can 'national developmentalism', a localised version of progressrvism2 or moder- nism (both variants: perfectibilism and millenarianism), be anything other than bourgeois and capitalist? Communities that have refused to participate in the process of capitalist integration have been either exterminated (eg. in the Americas: Indian com- munities3 ) or are in a process of being wiped out (northern Brazil) or when they have survived, despite state organised systematic pressure to force them to participate (remaining communities of hunters and gatherers,, Hzabe of Tanzania,4 Pygmies of the Equatorial forest, Khoi-San of Southern Africa, etc.). On the other hand, the unsuccessful attempt by Kampuchea,5 under the leadership of the Khazmer Rouges to break away from the world capitalist market, triggered off an intense sentimental and ideological cam- paign of denigration almost universally authorizing the military invasion of Kampuchea. -
Dismissed! Victims of 2015-2018 Brutal Crackdowns in the Democratic Republic of Congo Denied Justice
DISMISSED! VICTIMS OF 2015-2018 BRUTAL CRACKDOWNS IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO DENIED JUSTICE Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2020 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Cover photo: “Dismissed!”. A drawing by Congolese artist © Justin Kasereka (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2020 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: AFR 62/2185/2020 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 7 2. METHODOLOGY 9 3. BACKGROUND: POLITICAL CRISIS 10 3.1 ATTEMPTS TO AMEND THE CONSTITUTION 10 3.2 THE « GLISSEMENT »: THE LONG-DRAWN-OUT ELECTORAL PROCESS 11 3.3 ELECTIONS AT LAST 14 3.3.1 TIMELINE 15 4. VOICES OF DISSENT MUZZLED 19 4.1 ARBITRARY ARRESTS, DETENTIONS AND SYSTEMATIC BANS ON ASSEMBLIES 19 4.1.1 HARASSMENT AND ARBITRARY ARRESTS OF PRO-DEMOCRACY ACTIVISTS AND OPPONENTS 20 4.1.2 SYSTEMATIC AND UNLAWFUL BANS ON ASSEMBLY 21 4.2 RESTRICTIONS OF THE RIGHT TO SEEK AND RECEIVE INFORMATION 23 5. -
The Political Role of the Ethnic Factor Democratic Republic of the Congo
The Political Role of the Ethnic Factor around Elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Hubert Kabungulu Ngoy-Kangoy Abstract This paper analyses the role of the ethnic factor in political choices in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and its impact on democratisa- tion and the implementation of the practice of good governance. This is done by focusing especially on the presidential and legislative elections of 1960 and 2006. The Congolese electorate is known for its ambiguous and paradoxical behaviour. At all times, ethnicity seems to play a determining role in the * Hubert Kabungulu Ngoy-Kangoy is a research fellow at the Centre for Management of Peace, Defence and Security at the University of Kinshasa, where he is a Ph.D. candidate in Conflict Resolution. The key areas of his research are good governance, human security and conflict prevention and resolution in the SADC and Great Lakes regions. He has written a number of articles and publications, including La transition démocratique au Zaïre (1995), L’insécurité à Kinshasa (2004), a joint work, The Many Faces of Human Security (2005), Parties and Political Transition in the Democratic Republic of Congo (2006), originally in French. He has been a researcher-consultant at the United Nations Information Centre in Kinshasa, the Centre for Defence Studies at the University of Zimbabwe, the Institute of Security Studies, Pretoria, the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, the Southern African Institute of International Affairs and the Human Sciences Research Council, Pretoria. The article was translated from French by Dr Marcellin Vidjennagni Zounmenou. 219 Hubert Kabungulu Ngoy-Kangoy choice of leaders and so the politicians, entrusted with leadership, keep on exploiting the same ethnicity for money. -
Jeremy Mcmaster Rich
Jeremy McMaster Rich Associate Professor, Department of Social Sciences Marywood University 2300 Adams Avenue, Scranton, PA 18509 570-348-6211 extension 2617 [email protected] EDUCATION Indiana University, Bloomington, IN. Ph.D., History, June 2002 Thesis: “Eating Disorders: A Social History of Food Supply and Consumption in Colonial Libreville, 1840-1960.” Dissertation Advisor: Dr. Phyllis Martin Major Field: African history. Minor Fields: Modern West European history, African Studies Indiana University, Bloomington, IN. M.A., History, December 1994 University of Chicago, Chicago, IL. B.A. with Honors, History, June 1993 Dean’s List 1990-1991, 1992-1993 TEACHING Marywood University, Scranton, PA. Associate Professor, Dept. of Social Sciences, 2011- Middle Tennessee State University, Murfreesboro, TN. Associate Professor, Dept. of History, 2007-2011 Middle Tennessee State University, Murfreesboro, TN. Assistant Professor, Dept. of History, 2006-2007 University of Maine at Machias, Machias, ME. Assistant Professor, Dept. of History, 2005-2006 Cabrini College, Radnor, PA. Assistant Professor (term contract), Dept. of History, 2002-2004 Colby College, Waterville, ME. Visiting Instructor, Dept. of History, 2001-2002 CLASSES TAUGHT African History survey, African-American History survey (2 semesters), Atlantic Slave Trade, Christianity in Modern Africa (online and on-site), College Success, Contemporary Africa, France and the Middle East, Gender in Modern Africa, Global Environmental History in the Twentieth Century, Historical Methods (graduate course only), Historiography, Modern Middle East History, US History survey to 1877 and 1877-present (2 semesters), Women in Modern Africa (online and on-site courses), Twentieth Century Global History, World History survey to 1500 and 1500 to present (2 semesters, distance and on-site courses) BOOKS With Douglas Yates. -
African Diaspora Postcolonial Stakes of Congolese (DRC)
African Diaspora African Diaspora 6 (2013) 72-96 brill.com/afdi Postcolonial Stakes of Congolese (DRC) Political Space: 50 Years after Independence1 Sarah Demarta and Leïla Bodeuxb a) F.R.S.-FNRS research fellow, Center for Ethnic and Migration Studies (CEDEM) University of Liège, Belgium [email protected] b) MSc in African Studies, University of Oxford, 2010-2011, UK [email protected] Abstract This joint contribution interrogates the postcolonial relations that are at play in the Congolese political sphere in Belgium, the former colonial metropolis. Two lines of argument are developed. First, the politicisation of the postcolonial relations, which pre-dates the Congolese immigration to Belgium, is viewed from a historical perspective. Second, the highly competitive political plu- ralism, as observed since the early 2000s, is examined. After having restored historically the con- stitution and the reconstruction of this political sphere, wherein new technologies deepen the transnational movements, the authors will examine the tensions that arise from the unifying dynamics of the politically engaged Diaspora, on the one hand, and its intrinsic logics of division and fragmentation, on the other. The postcolonial issues that are at stake are to be seen on differ- ent levels: transnational, local, within the Diaspora, and between the Congolese minority and the Belgian majority. Their interconnectedness further reveals the postcolonial character of this political sphere. Keywords Congolese Diaspora, political involvement, Belgium, postcolonial relations Résumé Dans le cadre de cette contribution à deux voix, nous interrogeons les enjeux postcoloniaux du champ politique congolais en Belgique, l’ancienne métropole. Deux grands axes sont développés. Premièrement, la mise en perspective historique de cette politisation, avant même l’existence d’une immigration congolaise en Belgique. -
Kabila Returns, in a Cloud of Uncertainty
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 1, Issue 3 | 1997 Kabila Returns, In a Cloud of Uncertainty THOMAS TURNER INTRODUCTION Since the 1960's, Laurent Kabila had led a group of insurgents against the dictatorial Mobutu Sese Seko government in Kinshasa, operating along Zaire's eastern border 1. Kabila's group was one of the many rebel movements in the East that had arisen with the aim of furthering the political program of Congo's first prime minister, Patrice Lumumba, the popular and charismatic leader who was assassinated in 1961. The major Lumumbist insurgencies had been subdued by Mobutu using foreign mercenaries between 1965 and 1967. The small surviving groups such as that of Kabila posed no threat to the Mobutu regime. The 1994 Rwandan genocide changed all that. Approximately one million Rwanda Hutu refugees fled to eastern Zaire, which was already near the boiling point due to conflicts over land use and political representation. In an effort to break out of its diplomatic isolation, the Mobutu government provided backing to the Hutu, including army and militia elements, thereby earning the enmity of the Tutsi-dominated government in Rwanda. Tutsi of South Kivu, the so-called Banyamulenge, staged an uprising in the summer of 1996, with the support of the Rwanda government. By the second half of that year, the alliance of Banyamulenge, Tutsi of North Kivu, and Lumumbists and others, headed by Kabila, had taken over substantial parts of eastern Zaire, with the corrupt and demoralized Mobutu army disappearing in the face of their advance. After a short seven month campaign, Kabila and the new armed coalition entered Kinshasa as Mobutu fled into exile. -
Culture Clash: the Influence of Behavioural Norms on Military Performance in Asymmetric Conflicts
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Innovations: A Journal of Politics Volume 8, 2008-2009 2008 Culture Clash: The Influence of Behavioural Norms on Military Performance in Asymmetric Conflicts Fitzsimmons, Scott http://hdl.handle.net/1880/112888 journal article © Innovations: A Journal of Politics 1998-2052 Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca Volume 8 – 2008-2009 CULTURE CLASH: THE INFLUENCE OF BEHAVIOURAL NORMS ON MILITARY PERFORMANCE IN ASYMMETRIC CONFLICTS Scott Fitzsimmons Department of Political Science University of Calgary Abstract – This paper establishes the ways in which the military cultures of mercenary groups and their opponents influence their military performance in asymmetric conflicts. It develops and tests a constructivist military culture theory of military performance against the empirical record of two modern mercenary groups, one of which achieved victory over its opponent and one of which was defeated. The core logic of the theory is that a grossly outnumbered force must be highly flexible and adaptable if it is to perform the range of military tasks required to defeat materially superior opponents. Norms encouraging the pursuit of a wider range of tactical behaviour should increase military effectiveness, which, in turn, should increase a group’s prospects for military success. If the theory is correct, a military force’s performance should be conditioned by the degree to which the members of the force have been indoctrinated into norms that encourage them to be militarily effective. Specifically, the theory reasons that military forces that strongly emphasize norms encouraging creative thinking, decentralized authority, personal initiative, technical proficiency, and group loyalty, should exhibit greater militarily effectiveness than forces that deemphasize these norms. -
Country Fact Sheet, Democratic Republic of the Congo
Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Country Fact Sheet DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO April 2007 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents 1. GENERAL INFORMATION 2. POLITICAL BACKGROUND 3. POLITICAL PARTIES 4. ARMED GROUPS AND OTHER NON-STATE ACTORS 5. FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS ENDNOTES REFERENCES 1. GENERAL INFORMATION Official name Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Geography The Democratic Republic of the Congo is located in Central Africa. It borders the Central African Republic and Sudan to the north; Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and Tanzania to the east; Zambia and Angola to the south; and the Republic of the Congo to the northwest. The country has access to the 1 of 26 9/16/2013 4:16 PM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Atlantic Ocean through the mouth of the Congo River in the west. The total area of the DRC is 2,345,410 km². -
Country Fact Sheet
DRAFT – COUNTRY FACT SHEET DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO April 2007 Research Directorate Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. GENERAL INFORMATION 2. POLITICAL BACKGROUND 3. POLITICAL PARTIES 4. ARMED GROUPS AND OTHER NON-STATE ACTORS 5. FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS ENDNOTES REFERENCES 2 1. GENERAL INFORMATION Official name Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Geography The Democratic Republic of the Congo is located in Central Africa. It borders the Central African Republic and Sudan to the north; Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and Tanzania to the east; Zambia and Angola to the south; and the Republic of the Congo to the northwest. The country has access to the Atlantic Ocean through the mouth of the Congo River in the west. The total area of the DRC is 2,345,410 km². The climate of the DRC is tropical. The equatorial river basin is hot and humid, the southern highlands are cold and dry, and the eastern highlands are rainy. The wet season north of Equateur province is from April to October, and the dry season is from December to February. The wet season south of Equateur is from November to March, followed by a dry season from April to October. -
VOL. L No. 2 US INCREASES SUPPORT for SOUTH AFRICA Own Economic, Military and Pol- Itical Interests
NEWSLETTER OF THE MATERIAL AID CAMPAIGN FOR ZANU VOL. L no. 2 US INCREASES SUPPORT FOR SOUTH AFRICA own economic, military and pol- itical interests. Th •. I.M.F. is On November 3, 1982, clearly used to maintain and dee- the Special Com- pen imperialist control over the mitee of the Inter- Third World. national Monetary The current I.M.F. loan to o Fund met in Wash- South Africa reflects increasing ington, D. C. and ap- support by u.s. led imperialism proved a 1.0? billion for the white settler colony of v dollar loan to South South Africa and is needed by Africa. The loan was pushed thr- South Africa to meet its military ough by the u.s. even after the and economic needs at this time. world community at the U.N. voted South Africa is involved in overwhelmingly to oppose the loan. a heightened state of war in a The u.s., England and West Germany period of ecenomic decline.The were the only, member states of war in Namibia, attacks on neigh- the U.N. to vote in favor of the bouring independent African states, loan. The I.M.F. has proportional covert operations such as the voting based on the amount of attempted coup in the Seychelles money contributed. Therefore, and increasing repression at home even though all the African coun- against the African majority are tries voted against the loan, the all reactions to the strengthen- u.s. and the other imperialist ing of the front line states es- countries control the I.M.F.