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The Dynamics of Rapport in a Colonial Situation 171 THE DYNAMICS OF RAPPORT IN A COLONIAL SITUATION 171 der to Hluminate his turn to kinship study (cf. Schneider 1965a, 1965b, 1969b, 1972, 1989). That material appears differently now than when it was written. In 1947, another Harvard reader feit that Schneider was oversensitive to the "situa­ tion created by [his] own presence" (HPM: Oliver/Scott 12/1/47). Today, we THE DYNAMICS OF RAPPORT may discern in this same sensitivity a potent reflexivist cancern not then yet IN A COLONIAL SITUATION respectable in the discipline. For unlike Malinowski's Diary in the Strict Sense of the Term, where intimacy is manifest primarily in Malinowski's reflections on his romantic relationships, the intimacy of Schneider's field notes Is mani­ David Schneider's Fieldwork on the Islands 0/ Yap fest when Schneider reflects on the dynamics of his rapport wirh Yapese in­ formants-the ways in wh ich his own identity was construed by them, in rela­ IRA BASHKOW tion to their experience of colonial domination, and in the context of his own identification with victims of oppression. 1 After reading the first seven hundred pages of ~he field notes of his student Immigrant Radicalism, I vy League Anthropology, David Schneider, Clyde Kluckhohn confessed to "a feeling of embarrassment­ as ifI had stolen a peek into a friend's private diary"j the notes were "frankly, and the Study of Subjectivity almost as (perhaps more thanl) revealing of you as of Yap people and culture" Born in Brooklyn on the last day of World War I, Schneider was the first (HYE: CKIDS 3/3/48). Two weeks later, Schneider wrote back from the field child of Eastern European Jewish Bolsheviks. His childhood, as he later re- that "the value of all that material" on his own "concerns and emotions" was that it might allow his evidence on Yapese culture and personality to be "'cor­ rected'" [ater for "'observer's bias.''' Concerned, like Kluckhohn, with the eth­ 1. An extremely heterogeneous document of some 1,650 pages, the field notes contain a wealth of ethnographie and contextualizing material far in excess of the portion digested in Schneider's nographie equivalent of psychoanalytic transference, Schneider said that al­ published writings. Typed up in triplicate (with carbons) while Schneider was in the field, they though he would hesitate to "publish the sort of notes I have been writing," served at onee as a personal diary and as arecord of interviews and observations; thus they at least "I will know later, when the materials are written up, to what extent tend to collate a varied ethnographie reportage with politically and psychologically vivid accounts I pulled paranoid material and to what extent my behavior impelled it" (HKP: of relationships with informants, as well as analyses of these again in relation to Schneider's DS/CK 3/16/48; cf. Kluckhohn 1944b:505, 1945:139). reactions, intelleetual interests, and psychological fluctuations. Coupling often profound and sometimes brutal introspection wirh arecord ofhis movements, queries, and recording activities, Inasmuch as Schneider never wrote about Yapese culture and personality, Schneider's field notes are a document of rare immediacy for the history of anthropology, his concern proved superfluous. Already by late lune, when returned to ing evolving interpersonal and intellectual dimensions of a field encounter in almost daily detail the United States, he had dedded "to throw that overboard" and "report" and with reflexive attention to its own perspeetive. I am greatly indebted to David Schneider instead on "kinship" (SPR: DS/Gorer 717148). Later, however, in the 1960s, for the field notes themselves and for his willingness to let me use them-without requesting any measure of editorial contra!. I am also grateful for his graciousness in consenting to be inter­ Schneider came to regard the kinship studies project to wh ich he had turned viewed; our conversations took place on August 17, 18, 22, and 23, 1989, at Schneider's horne in his post-Yap scholarship as itself an insidious mode of perpetuating a more in Santa Cruz. general "observer's bias"-the "ethnocentric bias" that was integral to the very The ribbon copy of the notes is held by Regenstein Library at the University of Chicago aims of kinship study (Schneider 1984:177, 197). In this context, it may be (SFN); one carbon is kept in the archives of the Harvard Peabody Museum (HYE). Each copy appropriate to draw upon "all that material" in Schneider's field notes in or- is interleaved wirh a small measure of unique material-correspondence er handwritten notes­ and borh include some thirty pages of notes by Schneider's colleagues. Although the copies fol­ low the same page order, they use different methods of pagination until page 550; the page num­ bers on the Regenstein copy being sequential from start to finish, I have used them in citations Ira Bashkow is a graduate student in the Department of Anthropology at the Univer­ thraughout. In editing the notes, I have sought to preserve the flavor of material that was com­ posed impromptu under field circumstances; I have thus corrected Schneider's spelling and in sity of Chicago. He is currently studying the relationship between cargo movements a few cases c1arified punctuation, but refrained from imposing an arbitrary consistency on Schneider's afid development programs in colonial and contemporary Papua New Guinea. attractively idiosyncratic and irregular style of punctuation and capitalization. 170 173 172 lRA BASHKOW TaB DYNAMICS OF RAPPORT IN A COLONIAL SITUATION membered it, was WI!ition~k>~tw.eoo-tw0-~spheres. One was the immigrant optimistically, might help to arrest these dark impulses; at the very least it world of his parents, a world of militant Stalinist politics and fervent hopes celebrated the sodal value of the diversity that Nazi fascism attacked (Yans­ for a new and more egaHtarian America. In this world, Schneider's fathet McLaughlin 1984, 1986). And in America culture and personality anthro­ ran a leather business that went bankrupt in the Depression, when he took pologists sought to expand the boundaries of sodal "tolerance," by demon­ a job as a travelling salesman of ladies' dresses. The other and more attractive strating, ethnographically, "the relativity of normality," and showing how the world was that of Cherry Lawn, an "extremely progressive" rural boarding "apparent weakness" of many "less usual types" was "illusory" from the perspec­ school in Connecticut to which Schneider was se nt at age nine following the tive of"potentialities" honored in other cultures (Benedict 1934:277-78; Mead birth of his only brother. He had been doing so poorly in public school that 1928; cf. Caffrey 1989). Although culture and personality anthropology cham­ his patents, worried that he had a congenital deficiency, had sent him to a pioned the "deviant" and emotionally "tortured" more than thc economically counselot, who recommended the change. At Cherry Lawn, Schneider's re­ oppressed (Benedict 1934:278-79), a leftism circumscribed by nonconform­ sistance vanished'and his performance improved; but his family's privations ism was not uncongenial to Schneider. He thought he hadfound his calHng, in the Depression tugged at his consdence along the tether of tuition, and and he stayed in lthaca for another year after graduation, earning the first when the time came he chose a college subsidized by the state (OSI). advanced degree conferred by Sharp's department (Smith 1974:1l;J2$1), __ Following a common poor mans route to premedical training, Schneider His master's thesis.:~":~s allt;!:pl~!~~,?n ~~',t~:,::l~!i(?!!~hitLhetw,e~lt,~b:eaIll~l, studied industrial bacteriology at the New York State College of Agriculture and~~d on 148 dreams of',('ffr:Yor~~p abori~ines collected by Sharp at Cornell, on the same campus as the sister private school. There he was SOme':years before in northeastern Austfälla (SchneIder & Sharp 1969:13). dassed with a grcJUp of opportt!IlisticUdts:LQn~,,-Who were resented by fellow Although Schneider found a methodologicalguidep'qs,t in Freud's discussion students more~il~inejy-~o~mitted to the soil as a vocation. Hiseffortstp of "typicai" dream motifs (FreudT900:274-31O), his paper pointed toward a 'p~ayhi~\\'flyreil1f()rceAJli§perception as an out~ider. In the familiar' rituals relativi:;;ationofthe."dream work," utilizing Sharp's Yir:{oront materials to of college life, h~rxidpatedqlmostexchisF\Tely inthe close-but:distanuole illt~~rogate the cultural patte~ning of motiv.arion and the ~ru:rarrera~ of a service employee, observing the football f~nfare behi~d ;I.l Indian head­ of the internal symbology of the psyche. Glven that Schne1Ctef:waslJi:iCl< at dress andtray of novelties and the fraternity mysteries from behind an apron work reti:rungflitn::'Ss~OntheeVeOfhis departure for the Yap lslands, it in the kitchen. Although his extracurricular attentions were focussed on dass is notable, too, that the paper considered in detail Yir:{oront dream "sym­ injustice, he did not see himself as following in the footsteps of his parents, bols" assodated with white Australians "and their culture"-prefiguring the with whom he in fact broke ties after Stalin's pact with Hitler. But he "tried reflexive impulses manifest in his fieldwork (Schneider & Sharp 1969:44). on' thtf:l~~o~acti~ of the American Student Union, and in his sopho­ In the fall of 1941, with Sharp's encouragement, Schneider transferred to more year th:rs:Cünsiderable distraction from his studies eHcited threats of ex­ the DjPßl'tmefif üf Anthropology at Yale, where.the ultr~-positivist behavior­ plllsion fromth~- b-;~t;ri~l~gyprogram, .~h~re he was earI.lil1grrt~~t:IY=D~ alist ~rge Murdoclhad succeeded to the charrmanshlp upon the death of Schneider thought of following two friends to Spaih to fightagflinst fascism, Edward S~ars before.
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