Kosovo – Albania Interaction, Knowledge, Values, Beliefs, Cooperation and Unification 3

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Kosovo – Albania Interaction, Knowledge, Values, Beliefs, Cooperation and Unification 3 INTERACTION, KNOWLEDGE, VALUES, BELIEFS, COOPERATION AND UNIFICATION 1 KOSOVOIn Brief: –Takes ALBANIA on Interaction,Kosovo’s knowledge, policy values, beliefs, cooperation andchallenges unification 2019 2019 2 KOSOVO – ALBANIA INTERACTION, KNOWLEDGE, VALUES, BELIEFS, COOPERATION AND UNIFICATION 3 KOSOVO – ALBANIA Interaction, knowledge, values, beliefs, cooperation and unification 2019 4 KOSOVO – ALBANIA 2019 Prishtina, Tirana PUBLISHER Kosovo Foundation for Open Society – KFOS www.kfos.org Open Society Foundation for Albania – OSFA www.osfa.al AUTHOR Agron Demi – Policy analyst Blendi Çeka – Lecturer, Political Science PROJECT COORDINATED Sihana Mehmeti – Program Coordinator, KFOS Klodjan Seferaj – Program Manager, OSFA DESIGN AND PRINT Envinion INTERACTION, KNOWLEDGE, VALUES, BELIEFS, COOPERATION AND UNIFICATION 5 Content: INTRODUCTION 09 2. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 11 3. INTERACTION 13 4. SOCIAL DISTANCE 19 4.1 Social distance between Albanians themselves 19 4.2 Social distance with other peoples in the Balkans and in Western Europe 22 4.3 Social distance with people of different religions 22 4.4 Social distance between Kosovo Serbs and Albanians 22 5. KNOWLEDGE 24 6. PERCEPTION OF POLICIES, SERVICES, FREEDOMS AND RIGHTS 27 7. COMMON ‘FRIENDS’ AND ‘ENEMIES’ 29 8. VALUES 32 9. TRUST 33 10. PERCEPTION OF ALBANIA’S ROLE IN KOSOVO 34 11. PERCEPTION OF OFFICIAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE TWO COUNTRIES35 12 ATTITUDES RELATED TO NATIONAL UNIFICATION 38 13. ALBANIA AND KOSOVO TOWARDS THE EUROPEAN UNION 47 14. ATTITUDE TOWARDS KOSOVO-SERBIA DIALOGUE 51 15. CONCLUSIONS 54 5 6 KOSOVO – ALBANIA ALBANIA INTERACTION, KNOWLEDGE, VALUES, BELIEFS, COOPERATION AND UNIFICATION 7 KOSOVO 8 KOSOVO – ALBANIA INTERACTION, KNOWLEDGE, VALUES, BELIEFS, COOPERATION AND UNIFICATION 9 1. Introduction It has long been speculated about Albanians’ atti- visits to Albania, perceptions of the role of Albania tude to Kosovo-Albania relations, attitudes towards and Kosovo, attitudes towards other peoples of the the issue of unification, relations with neighboring Balkans and other powerful countries, social distance countries and European integration. On the basis of with Albanians and other peoples in the region, atti- these speculations, governments of both countries, as tudes towards eventual agreement between Kosovo well as governments of the countries in the region and and Serbia. other states have often manipulated with the alleged attitudes of Albanians of Kosovo and Albania. Conducting this research is not the ultimate goal of this joint initiative between the two Foundations, but Partial studies, limited to only a few areas, have been the first step in a series of activities aimed at ana- carried out in Albania and Kosovo. But there has ne- lyzing and proposing the expansion of cooperation ver been an extensive study in both countries simul- between Kosovo and Albania, as an important project taneously to measure the perception of the citizens of in the area of regional cooperation. Albania and Kosovo on these matters. The results of the survey and the database will be To contribute in this regard, the Kosovo Foundation shared with researchers and experts from Albania for Open Society (KFOS) and the Open Society Foun- and Kosovo during various activities and through dation for Albania (OSFA) completed an extensive public communication channels. They will be used to research in Kosovo and Albania at the end of 2018 to conduct in-depth research in the areas of education, measure the interaction and attitudes of citizens of trade and customs cooperation, the labor market, in both countries on a range of issues, such as: interac- proposals for joint energy projects, joint cultural and tion, social distance, perception of neighbors, Euro- sports projects, for recommendations regarding the pean integration, regional cooperation, perceptions development of common policies in tourism, foreign and stereotypes of one another, attitudes towards of- policy and other areas. ficial cooperation of the two countries and attitudes towards national unification. The survey is structured into five main blocks of ques- tions: 1. Knowledge and contact with each-other; 2. 2,504 citizens were surveyed in both countries in Oc- Attitudes and stereotypes; 3. Values and beliefs; 4. tober and November 2018: 1,200 in Albania and 1,304 Common policies; and 5. Attitudes on unification and in Kosovo (1,004 Albanians and 300 Serbs). Data col- Kosovo-Serbia dialogue. lection was carried out according to the same metho- dology but by two different companies, namely IDRA In knowledge and contacts with each-other, the in Albania, and Kantar TNS Index Kosova in Kosovo. citizens of both countries were asked whether they The survey format and number of questions were the had visited and if so, how often they had visited Alba- same in both countries, but a shorter version of the nia/Kosovo; their reasons for (not) visiting; whether survey was used for Serbian citizens in Kosovo. The they planned to make future visits; their attitudes survey with Serbian citizens included questions about towards marriages with someone from Kosovo/Al- 10 KOSOVO – ALBANIA Partial studies, limited to only a few areas, have been carried out in Albania and Kosovo. But there has never been an extensive study in both countries simultaneously to measure the perception of the citizens of Albania and Kosovo on these matters. bania; marriages between Albanians of different reli- to cooperation, and further scope of cooperation gious beliefs; cohabitation in a neighborhood/village/ between the two countries. city; knowledge of key historical dates and heads of institutions; relationships with other countries, ethni- Finally, respondents were asked questions about their cities in the region and beyond. attitudes towards national unification, about fac- tors which could aid/hinder unification; whether they Regarding attitudes and stereotypes, surveyed ci- would choose national unification over EU integra- tizens were asked about individual and family values, tion; whether they consider national unification and whether they are valued/found more among Koso- European integration as issues which contradict each vo Albanians or Albania Albanians, such as: who are other, or are complementary; their attitude on conti- more hardworking, more trustworthy, more traditio- nuation of the dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia, nal, more family-oriented, etc. eventual agreements between the two countries, etc. Regarding trust in political and social institutions, Statistical data are provided in percentages for each survey participants were asked about their attitudes of the major blocks of questions, with graphical repre- towards representative institutions, judicial institu- sentations of key indicators. tions, and security institutions. They were also asked in which country, Albania or Kosovo, people are more In order to distinguish between surveyees from the law-abiding; in which country there is greater secu- Albanian and Serbian communities of Kosovo, the re- rity; which country is more/less corrupt, etc. port provides separate data for «Kosovo - Albanian sample» and «Kosovo - Serbian sample». Regarding cooperation to date and potential en- hancement of cooperation between the two coun- tries, participants were asked about their opinion regarding the level of cooperation, potential barriers INTERACTION, KNOWLEDGE, VALUES, BELIEFS, COOPERATION AND UNIFICATION 11 2. Executive Summary The Kosovo Foundation for Open Society (KFOS) and did not feel safe to travel to Albania (32.6%), as com- Open Society Foundation for Albania (OSFA), in order pared to Albania Albanians to travel to Kosovo (10.9%). to measure the attitudes, perceptions and knowledge of the citizens of Albania and Kosovo on topics related to In general, Kosovo Albanians have more general interaction between countries and citizens, cooperation knowledge and are more familiar with political de- with countries in the region, attitudes towards natio- velopments in Albania than vice versa. Kosovo Alba- nal unification, European integration and other issues, nians follow the Albanian media more than the other have conducted an extensive research, and the first of way around. Respondents in both countries think that its kind, in Kosovo and Albania. The main results of the the percentage of minorities in Kosovo and Albania is research which was conducted in the period between much higher than official figures. When citizens of each October-November 2018, are presented in this report. country are asked about the number of inhabitants in the other country, respondents’ knowledge is mainly A total of 2,504 citizens participated in the survey, of inaccurate. whom 1,200 in Albania and 1,304 in Kosovo (1,004 Alba- nians and 300 Serbs). The survey was structured into five Social distance, or the willingness to accept others as main blocks of questions, in order to measure knowledge equal in every aspect of social interaction, is narrow and relationships with one another, attitudes and ste- between Albanians in both countries. Albanian respon- reotypes, values and beliefs, common policies and ins- dents in Albania and Kosovo would have no problem titutions, and attitudes towards unification of the two maintaining social relations with each-other, living in countries. shared spaces, marrying each other, or working to- gether. But to a greater degree, Albanians of Albania The survey results show that Kosovo Albanians visit Al- express a greater affinity to Kosovo Albanians than vice bania more
Recommended publications
  • UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order Online
    UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order online Table of Contents Acknowledgments Introduction Glossary 1. Executive Summary The 1999 Offensive The Chain of Command The War Crimes Tribunal Abuses by the KLA Role of the International Community 2. Background Introduction Brief History of the Kosovo Conflict Kosovo in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo in the 1990s The 1998 Armed Conflict Conclusion 3. Forces of the Conflict Forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Yugoslav Army Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Paramilitaries Chain of Command and Superior Responsibility Stucture and Strategy of the KLA Appendix: Post-War Promotions of Serbian Police and Yugoslav Army Members 4. march–june 1999: An Overview The Geography of Abuses The Killings Death Toll,the Missing and Body Removal Targeted Killings Rape and Sexual Assault Forced Expulsions Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions Destruction of Civilian Property and Mosques Contamination of Water Wells Robbery and Extortion Detentions and Compulsory Labor 1 Human Shields Landmines 5. Drenica Region Izbica Rezala Poklek Staro Cikatovo The April 30 Offensive Vrbovac Stutica Baks The Cirez Mosque The Shavarina Mine Detention and Interrogation in Glogovac Detention and Compusory Labor Glogovac Town Killing of Civilians Detention and Abuse Forced Expulsion 6. Djakovica Municipality Djakovica City Phase One—March 24 to April 2 Phase Two—March 7 to March 13 The Withdrawal Meja Motives: Five Policeman Killed Perpetrators Korenica 7. Istok Municipality Dubrava Prison The Prison The NATO Bombing The Massacre The Exhumations Perpetrators 8. Lipljan Municipality Slovinje Perpetrators 9. Orahovac Municipality Pusto Selo 10. Pec Municipality Pec City The “Cleansing” Looting and Burning A Final Killing Rape Cuska Background The Killings The Attacks in Pavljan and Zahac The Perpetrators Ljubenic 11.
    [Show full text]
  • The Kosovo Report
    THE KOSOVO REPORT CONFLICT v INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE v LESSONS LEARNED v THE INDEPENDENT INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION ON KOSOVO 1 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford ox2 6dp Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford Executive Summary • 1 It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, Address by former President Nelson Mandela • 14 and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Map of Kosovo • 18 Athens Auckland Bangkok Bogotá Buenos Aires Calcutta Introduction • 19 Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Florence Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi Paris São Paulo Singapore Taipei Tokyo Toronto Warsaw PART I: WHAT HAPPENED? with associated companies in Berlin Ibadan Preface • 29 Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the uk and in certain other countries 1. The Origins of the Kosovo Crisis • 33 Published in the United States 2. Internal Armed Conflict: February 1998–March 1999 •67 by Oxford University Press Inc., New York 3. International War Supervenes: March 1999–June 1999 • 85 © Oxford University Press 2000 4. Kosovo under United Nations Rule • 99 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) PART II: ANALYSIS First published 2000 5. The Diplomatic Dimension • 131 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, 6. International Law and Humanitarian Intervention • 163 without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, 7. Humanitarian Organizations and the Role of Media • 201 or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Serbia and Montenegro
    Serbia and Montenegro Main objectives Serbia and Montenegro • Provide legal assistance and encourage Serbia and Montenegro (SCG) to adopt a law on refugees, and create a national asylum system, including fair and effi cient Refugee Status Determination (RSD) procedures; • Phase out assistance to post-Dayton refugees by ensuring their inclusion in bilateral and government- sponsored development programmes, with continued assistance only for the most vulnerable; and • Facilitate the return of internally displaced persons (IDPs) to Kosovo where possible and continue to as- sist the most vulnerable in their situation of displace- ment. Kosovo • Contribute towards the creation of conditions which will prevent further displacement of minorities in Kosovo; facilitate the voluntary return of minority IDPs and refu- gees to their places of origin and help to promote their subsequent long-term reintegration; • Identify and facilitate the attainment of durable solu- to refugees and IDPs. Furthermore, refugees and IDPs tions for refugees from Croatia and Bosnia and Her- are now included in the World Bank’s Poverty Reduction zegovina (BiH). Strategy Paper processes. A large number of collective centres have been closed and the residents assisted in fi nding alternative housing. Working environment Recent developments Planning figures: Serbia and Montenegro Serbia and Montenegro Population Jan. 2004 Dec. 2004 The new State Union of Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (refugees) 89,950 40,000 Montenegro (SCG) was established Croatia (refugees) 180,000 70,000 in February 2003. Upon accession IDPs 220,000 200,000 to the Council of Europe in April Mandate refugees and asylum-seekers 280 6,000 2003, SCG committed itself to the Other refugees 50 20 enactment of national legislation Returnee IDPs 2,000 2,000 compliant with international law Total 492,280 318,020 and standards, including refugee legislation, but, at the time of writing, Planning figures: Kosovo basic issues of institutional compe- Population Jan.
    [Show full text]
  • Written Comments of the Republic of Slovenia on Other Written Statements
    REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE ACCORDANCE WITH INTERNATIONAL LAW OF THE UNILATERAL DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE BY THE PROVISIONAL INSTITUTIONS OF SELF-GOVERNMENT OF KOSOVO (REQUEST FOR AN ADVISORY OPINION) WRITTEN COMMENTS OF THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA ON OTHER WRITTEN STATEMENTS 17 JULY 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ..........................................................................................................3 I. DISSOLUTION OF THE FORMER SFRY AND THE CREATION OF NEW STATES ON ITS TERRITORY.....................................................................................3 1. Dissolution of the former SFRY.........................................................................3 2. General principles of international law on the creation of new states ................5 II. LEGAL REGULATION OF THE STATUS OF AUTONOMOUS PROVINCES IN THE FORMER SFRY ...............................................................................................7 1. Constitutional status of autonomous provinces under the 1974 SFRY Constitution.................................................................................................................7 2. Amendments to the Constitution of the SR Serbia of March 1989 ..................12 3. Adoption of the 1990 Constitution of the Republic of Serbia ..........................14 4. Law on the Actions of Republic Authorities under a State of Emergency of 26 June 1990 - Proclamation of the State of Emergency in Kosovo .............................19
    [Show full text]
  • Margarita Kondopoulou the Greek Media and the Kosovo Crisis
    conflict & communication online, Vol. 1, No. 2, 2002 www.cco.regener-online.de ISSN 1618-0747 Margarita Kondopoulou The Greek media and the Kosovo crisis Kurzfassung: Die NATO-Luftangriffe (24/3/99-10/6/99), welche ein Ende der Misshandlung der albanischen Bevölkerung durch die Serben erzwingen sollten, wurden von einem Großteil der internationalen Staatengemeinschaft unterstützt. In Griechenland jedoch wurden sie ganz anders wahrgenommen. Eine Schlüsselposition für die stark ablehnende Haltung Griechenlands nahmen die griechischen Medien ein. Ihrer Auffassung nach bestand der wahre Grund für die NATO-Offensive in einer Änderung der geopolitischen Landkarte zum Vorteil des Westens, insbesondere der USA. Der vorliegende Aufsatz geht davon aus, dass sowohl die griechischen als auch die internationalen Medien ihre eigenen (nationalen) Kontexte auf die Kosovo-Krise projizierten. Das besondere Interesse an der Untersuchung der griechischen Medien hat drei gute Gründe: 1. Eine eigenständige Perspektive unterschied die Medienberichterstattung in Griechenland – einem NATO-Mitglied – deutlich vom vorherrschenden Medienkonsens in der westlichen Welt. 2. Die Medienberichterstattung stand in deutlichem Gegensatz zur offiziellen Regierungspolitik, die zwar eine diplomatische Lösung der Krise gefordert hatte, letztlich aber doch die Entscheidung ihrer NATO-Partner unterstützen musste, Serbien zu bombardieren. 3. Das Abweichen der griechischen Medien vom Mainstream der NATO-freundlichen Berichterstattung hat in vielen anderen Ländern ein negatives Bild Griechenlands und seiner Medien entstehen lassen. Eine Untersuchung der Medieninhalte zeigt, dass die griechischen Medien trotz aller Unterschiede in der politischen Ausrichtung und ungeachtet der Unterschiede in der Paraphrasierung der Anti-NATO-Argumente eine einheitliche Oppositionshaltung einnahmen. Zwar richteten sie ihre Aufmerksamkeit mehr oder weniger auf dieselben Themengebiete wie die Medien in der übrigen Welt, verkehrten jedoch die Argumentationsrichtung in ihr Gegenteil (so wurde z.B.
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo, Serbia, Montenegro
    Judy Batt Towards Kosovo ‘Final Status’ – The Regional Dimension 19 December 2005, EU Institute for Security Studies, Paris This seminar was attended by over forty participants, officials and experts, from across the EU member-states and from the Western Balkans. The purpose of the seminar was to exchange information on the state of affairs in the countries of the Western Balkans on the eve of Kosovo status negotiations, and to assess the likely impact of the latter on the region. 1) At the Epicentre – Kosovo, Serbia, Montenegro In parallel with the Kosovo status negotiations, Montenegro is preparing to hold a referendum on independence in spring 2006. This means that Serbia will find itself confronting two potential secessions in close succession. There is little that can be done to avert this unfortunate coincidence. The EU recognises Montenegro’s right, under the terms of the Belgrade Agreement, to hold a referendum after the elapse of the three-year moratorium in February. The EU now has a key role in ensuring the referendum is properly conducted, on the basis of rules agreed between government and opposition, and so leads to an uncontested result. Key questions debated at the seminar were as follows: • Will Belgrade try to prevent Montenegrin independence in order to strengthen its position in the Kosovo negotiations? Belgrade has never contested Montenegro’s right to self-determination by referendum, but vehemently denies the same right to Kosovo on the grounds that it never enjoyed the status of a Yugoslav republic but is an integral part of Serbia (albeit an ‘autonomous province’).
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo: Background and U.S
    Kosovo: Background and U.S. Relations Updated August 13, 2018 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44979 Kosovo: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Following the conflicts in the late 1990s in the countries of the former Yugoslavia (Serbia, Kosovo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, Croatia, and Slovenia), the prospect of membership in the Euro-Atlantic community, and the active presence of the United States in the region referred to as the Western Balkans, provided a level of stability that allowed most of the countries of the region to pursue reform and adopt Western values. During this time, Slovenia (2004) and Croatia (2013) joined the European Union (EU). These countries, along with Albania (2009), also joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Montenegro became NATO’s 29th member on June 3, 2017. Other nations of the Western Balkans are at various stages on the path toward EU or NATO membership. Along with Serbia, Kosovo stands at the center of the Western Balkans and occupies a key strategic juncture at the social, political, and geographic crossroads between Eastern and Western Europe. On February 17, 2018, Kosovo marked its 10th anniversary of independence. With the assistance of a number of international organizations, and despite its tense relationship with neighboring Serbia, which does not recognize Kosovo’s independence, Kosovo has become a viable, democratic, and stable state. Although Kosovo faces major economic, rule-of-law, and corruption challenges, many observers believe Kosovo has made significant progress in strengthening its democratic institutions, its free-market economy and its Euro-Atlantic aspirations. The United States has had a long history of involvement in Kosovo, dating to the conflicts in the Balkans during the 1990s and since Kosovo declared its independence, which the United States has recognized.
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo & Montenegro
    School of Social Sciences Kosovo & Montenegro Why Different Outcomes? Bachelor’s Thesis in Political Science Fall Term 2008 Author: Mimoza Ardolic Supervisor: Lennart Bergfeldt Abstract University of Växjö, School of Social Sciences Course: PO 5363, Political Science Title: Kosovo & Montenegro – Why Different Outcomes? Author: Mimoza Ardolic Supervisor: Lennart Bergfeldt Date: 2008-01-15 The purpose of this study has been to assess why the pursuit for independence turned out to be a matter of such difficulty in the case of Kosovo and not in Montenegro, seeing as they are two apparent similar cases. The research questions are: How can it be that two analogous situations where two regions (Kosovo and Montenegro), quite similar in several aspects, want independence from the same country (Serbia) result in so different outcomes? Why has Kosovo’s attempt to achieve self-government been such a difficulty? Why did Montenegro manage to achieve autonomy without (great) difficulties? The findings are that despite the similarity between these two cases, they have ample differing characteristics as well. The factors detected are that whilst the Kosovo conflict is characterized by: a troublesome history, no common ground, an existing deep hatred, Russian opposition and the nationalist Milošević; the Montenegrin case is set apart by: an intertwining, rather peaceful history, friendly relations, Russian cordiality and the nationalist Djukanović. The interpretation of these elements according to the nationalist theory is as follows: Milošević and Djukanović (and their ideology: nationalism) are the real causes. The other elements are mere means to their ambition for nation building. The difference between these two men and the elements (their means) explains the different outcomes in the two cases.
    [Show full text]
  • After the War Was Over After the War Was Over
    VOLUME 3 • NUMBER 140 • 2005 After The War Was Over DP/24134•2005 DP/22922•2005 DP/23794•2005 SERBIA: Sarajevo woman and a new life in Belgrade. SERBIA: Croatian family applies for Serbian citizenship. BOSNIA: A family of Kosovo refugees in Bosnia. DP/21160•2005 BOSNIA: An ethnic Croat risked staying in Republika Srpska during the war. Balkan BOSNIA: Widows Images of the Srebrenica massacre still wait- BOSNIA: An ethnic Serb farmer ing to go home. went back to the Sarajevo region. DP/21656•2005 2005 DP/22484•2005 THE COMPLICATED MOSAIC OF BOSNIA: A Muslim family returned home to DP/22689•2005 a Serb-dominated region BOSNIA: Croat returnees to the Mostar after the war. DP/21074•2005 DP/20851•2005 CROATIA: Croatian family who fled Serb militias in 1991 now back home. DP/20998•2005 CROATIA: An ethnic Serb returnee still waiting to reclaim her occupied home. BOSNIA: Croatian refugee continues to live and work in another refugee’s property. DP/21296•2005 CROATIA: An ethnic Croat family from Bosnia resettled in Croatia. DP/20991•2005 POSTWAR LIFE BOSNIA: An ethnic Serb family living in a Muslim-dominated DP/22784•2005 region of Bosnia. region in the Bosniak-Croat Federation. DP/22392•2005 Mostar’s restored bridge. DP/23184•2005 The ‘miracle’ of Dayton 4 REFUGEES –10 yearsyears laterlater “THE BRIDGE, IN ALL ITS BEAUTY AND GRACE, WAS BUILT TO OUTLIVE US. IT WAS AN ATTEMPT TO GRASP ETERNITY” PHOTOGRAPHS BY VINCENT WINTER REFUGEES 5 The ‘miracle’ of Dayton–10 years later The war years: A temporary footbridge replaces Mostar’s historical bridge.
    [Show full text]
  • Roots of the Insurgency in Kosovo
    No.82 June 1999 Roots of the Insurgency in Kosovo Introduction For Serbians and Albanians alike, Kosovo has deep historical significance. For the Serbs, Kosovo holds the most important treasures of Serbia's medieval religious and political heritage. The defeat of the Serbians by the Ottomans at the Battle ofKosovo Polje in 1389 marked the end of an independent Serbian kingdom and the beginning of four centuries of Ottoman rule, with subsequent privation of Serbians under Islamic rule and the exodus of Serbians fromKosovo. All of these events, within the overarching clash between Christianity and Islam, became powerful themes in Serbian history and sustained a potent ideology to justify Serbian control over Kosovo as a central aspect of Serbian national identity. As Serbs were displaced under Ottoman rule, Kosovo's population became predominantly Albanian. Fighting against foreign intrusion in Albanian life, the Albanians ofKosovo sought to preserve their traditional clan and family organizations and customs. Since the late 19111 century, Albanians inKosovo have sought self-administration, full autonomy and independence, first from Ottoman rule and later from resurgent Serbian dominance. Many of the salient political and military events related to Albania's struggle for national independence occurred inKosovo, whose history therefore has a particular importance for all Albanians. Kosovo's military-politico history and its most recent crisis underscore the tenacious hold of the past on Serbia and Kosovo's Albanians. This brief history ofKosovo highlights recurring themes in the conflict between Serbs and Albanians since the nineteenth century that contribute to the dynamics of the present insurgency in Kosovo.
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo, Nato, and Strategic Bombing
    The Lessons and Non-Lessons of the Air and Missile Campaign in Kosovo Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy Revised August, 2000 Copyright Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. The Air and Missile Campaign in Kosovo 9/17/03 Page ii Table of Contents I. THE LESSONS AND NON-LESSONS OF THE NATO AIR AND MISSILE CAMPAIGN IN KOSOVO .1 II. THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND: THE COURSE AND CHARACTER OF THE NATO CAMPAIGN .....................................................................................................................................................................................3 BOSNIA AND THE DAYTON ACCORDS BECOME THE PRELUDE TO WAR IN KOSOVO................................................. 4 THE DIPLOMATIC PRELUDE ..................................................................................................................................... 6 PEACE TALKS END IN WAR ................................................................................................................................... 13 Serbia’s Grand Strategic and Tactical Mistakes .............................................................................................13 NATO’s Blundering into Large-Scale War ......................................................................................................14 OPERATION ALLIED FORCE: THE AIR AND MISSILE CAMPAIGN ............................................................................. 16 The Phases and Non-Phases of the Air and Missile Campaign .......................................................................17
    [Show full text]
  • Serbia-Kosovo Relations: Confrontation Or Normalisation?
    BRIEFING Serbia-Kosovo relations Confrontation or normalisation? SUMMARY After fighting broke out between government forces and separatists, the formerly Serbian province of Kosovo was transferred to United Nations administration in 1999. In 2008, Kosovo declared independence. However, Belgrade continues to view its former province as Serbian territory. Over 100 countries, including 23 EU Member States, have recognised Kosovar independence, but full recognition and membership of most international organisations are still a long way off. Both Serbia and Kosovo aspire to EU membership – Serbia as a candidate country and Kosovo as a potential candidate. The EU insists that Serbia must normalise its relations with Kosovo before joining. Since 2011, with the help of EU mediation, the two neighbours have resolved some of the technical issues, but disagreements prevent normal day-to-day interaction between them in areas such as trade, energy supplies and cross-border travel. One of the main stumbling blocks is the situation of Kosovo's Serb minority. Around one in 12 Kosovars is an ethnic Serb, and nearly half of these are concentrated in the north. Despite efforts to integrate Serb-majority northern Kosovo into the rest of the country, Pristina still struggles to control the region. In 2013 and 2015, it agreed to establish an Association of Serb-majority Municipalities, but progress on this is now deadlocked. In 2018, the Kosovar and Serbian presidents floated the idea of a 'border correction', possibly involving the exchange of northern Kosovo for Albanian-majority Serbian districts. However, the proposal has been criticised by Germany, which fears that any territorial exchange risks sparking instability by calling into question other Western Balkan borders.
    [Show full text]