2019 Abbas Fadhil Mahmood Alkateshi All Rights

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

2019 Abbas Fadhil Mahmood Alkateshi All Rights ©2019 ABBAS FADHIL MAHMOOD ALKATESHI ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ELECTORAL MOBILIZATION AND VOTER TURNOUT IN POST- AUTHORITARIAN COUNTRIES: THE CASE OF PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN IRAQ (2005-2018) By ABBAS FADHIL MAHMOOD ALKATESHI A dissertation submitted to the School of Graduate Studies Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Political Science Written under the direction of Eric M. Davis and approved by ___________________________ ____________________________ ____________________________ ____________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey October, 2019 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION ELECTORAL MOBILIZATION AND VOTER TURNOUT IN POST- AUTHORITARIAN COUNTRIES: THE CASE OF PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN IRAQ (2005-2018) By ABBAS FADHIL MAHMOOD ALKATESHI DISSERTATION DIRECTOR ERIC M. DAVIS This study investigates the relationship between voter mobilization and turnout in post- authoritarian countries by tackling the puzzle that addresses the causes and consequences of the decline in voter turnout in the Iraqi parliamentary elections since the first founding national elections in October 2005. It attempts to address the question of why voter turnout has declined dramatically from 76.6% in the elections of 2005 to 44.5% in the national elections of 2018 in Iraq. After 13 years of regime changes and four national elections cycles, voter turnout fell by 35.1 percentage points. This identifies two possible causal mechanisms behind this declining trend: first, the influential role of the formal institutions such as the role of electoral law, party system and second, the structure and performance of the elections administration. We argue that the decline of public trust in these formal institutions affects to great extent the level of voter turnout. The second causal mechanism is the impact of informal institutions on voter turnout. In this regard, we argue that the role of religious leaders, ethnicity, religion and electoral violence in mobilizing Iraqi votes can be considered responsible for the dramatic decline in voter turnout in the elections of 2018. ii In terms of formal institutions, the purpose of the current study is to investigate the effects of electoral system, elections management body and political parties on voter turnout. It argues that the high turnout in the first three elections (79.6%, 62.39% and 61.76%) respectively was because of high mobilization efforts of religious leaders and the impact of electoral violence. It is also caused by intensified polarization around sectarian and ethnic identity. While these efforts have contributed to increasing the turnout in the early three elections, it is also a major contributory factor in dropping the voter turnout to (44.5%) in the fourth national elections in May 2018. The individual data that we use in this dissertation are drawn from merging four public opinion surveys. These surveys are the second wave of Arab barometer (2010-2011), the third wave of Arab barometer (2012-2104), the World Value Survey on Iraq (2013), and the Arab Transformations Project (2014). The total number of individual observations that have been randomly distributed among Iraqi provinces was about 5281. In terms of the qualitative data, this study systematically reviewed the laws and procedures as well as the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) executive orders regarding the electoral law, party system and electoral administration. To test our hypotheses, we employed binary logistic regression to estimate the effects of explanatory variables on voter turnout. An implication of this is the possibility that Iraq is heading toward a new era of a competitive authoritarian regime in which the main objective of holding elections is not to change the institutions peacefully but to maintain the status quo of post-American invasion and occupation political order. It is recommended that further in-depth experimental research be undertaken in the following areas: vote-buying and clientelism, voting behavior and individual and group iii mobilization, the rise of competitive authoritarianism, socioeconomic factors and voting patterns, institutional forbearance and distributive politics, elections integrity and last but not least voting behavior and the future of democratic transition in Iraq. The findings should make an important contribution to the field of voting behavior and political behavior in post-authoritarian countries in general and in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in particular. iv Acknowledgement I would like to thank my advisor, Professor Eric Dais for guiding and supporting me over the years. He was a tremendous supporter of this project and spent valuable on reading the draft. His thoughtful comments on numerous drafts not only improved the final draft but made me a better scholar. Many people provided invaluable support throughout the process of writing this dissertation. I am indebted to the Higher Committee of Education Development in Iraq (HCED) for funding my fellowship at Rutgers University. I would also like to thank my committee members Professor Richard Lau, Professor R. Daniel Kelemen and Professor Joseph Sassoon for their invaluable discussion, ideas, and feedback. I would especially like to thank my fellow graduate students and my friends who helped me editing this dissertation Dr. Kenneth Macari, Linda Macari, Maron Soueid, and Christian Alvarez. At every stage, my mom, wife and my children offered much-needed love, and encouragement. Finally, I would like to dedicate this thesis to To the souls of My Father (Fadhil 1951-2008), My Cousin (Muhammad 1990-2008), and My brothers in Law (Ayad 1976- 2013) and Mustafa (1976-2018) who are my source of pushing me move forward with more motivation and inspiration in my academic journey (2014-2019) v Table of Contents ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION .................................................................... ii Acknowledgement ........................................................................................................ v Table of Contents ........................................................................................................ vi List of Tables ............................................................................................................... ix List of Figures .............................................................................................................. x Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1 1.1. Background ....................................................................................................... 1 1.2. The significance of the Study ......................................................................... 12 1.3. Case Study: Why Iraq? ................................................................................... 14 1.4. The Puzzle of Voting Behavior in Iraq ........................................................... 19 1.5. Main Research Questions ............................................................................... 21 1.6. Data ................................................................................................................. 25 1.6.1. The Arab Barometer Project (Second and Third Wave) ......................... 25 1.6.2. World Values Survey Iraq, 2013 ............................................................. 27 1.6.3. The Arab Transformation Project (ATP) 2014 ............................................... 28 1.7. Mixed Method Research Design .................................................................... 29 1.8. The Argument ................................................................................................. 35 1.9. Path-Dependent analysis and Voter Turnout in Iraq ...................................... 39 1.10. What is meant by Formal and Informal Institutions? ..................................... 41 1.11. Plan of the Study............................................................................................. 45 Formal Institutions and Voter Turnout....................................................................... 50 2.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 50 2.2 Electoral System and Voter Turnout .................................................................. 54 2.3 The CPA Executive Order (96) in 2004 and the First Electoral System in Iraq 66 2.4 The First Amendment of the Electoral System and the Elections of 2005 ........ 76 2.5 The Second Amendment of the Electoral System of 2005 ................................ 81 2.6 The Electoral System Number 45 of 2013 ........................................................ 84 2.7 The Third Amendment of the Electoral System Number 45 in 2018 ................ 88 2.8 Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 90 The Elections Management Body and Voter Turnout ......................................... 93 3.1 CPA Executive Order 92 of 2004 and the First Election Commission in Iraq .. 99 3.2 The First Electoral Commission Law number (11) of 2007 ............................ 104 vi Political Parties and Voter Turnout ...................................................................... 106 4.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................... 106
Recommended publications
  • Working Group Report and Nine Policy Recommendations by the PES Working Group on Fighting Voter Abstention
    Working Group report and nine policy recommendations by the PES Working Group on fighting voter abstention Chaired by PES Presidency Member Mr. Raymond Johansen Report adopted by the PES Presidency on 17 March 2017 2 Content: 1. Summary…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….4 2. Summary of the nine policy recommendations…………………………………………………………..………6 3. European elections, national rules….…………………………………………………………………………………. 7 4. The Millennial generation and strategies to connect…………..…………………………………………… 13 5. Seven key issues with nine policy recommendations…………..…………………………………………… 20 Early voting……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….20 Access to polling stations…………………………………………………………………………………………………. 22 Age limits for voting and standing for election…………………………………………………………………. 23 Voting registration as a precondition…………………………………………………………………………….... 25 Voting from abroad…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..26 Safe electronic systems of voting……………………………………………………………………………………… 28 Citizens’ awareness…………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 30 Annexes Summary of the PES working group`s mandate and activity………………………………………..……33 References……..…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………41 3 SUMMARY The labour movement fought and won the right to vote for all. Therefore we in particular are concerned about the trend of too many voters not using the fundamental democratic right to vote. Since the European Parliament was first elected in 1979, we have seen turnout steadily decrease. Turnout in 2014 reached a historic low. We must
    [Show full text]
  • The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003
    THE REGIME CHANGE CONSENSUS: IRAQ IN AMERICAN POLITICS, 1990-2003 Joseph Stieb A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2019 Approved by: Wayne Lee Michael Morgan Benjamin Waterhouse Daniel Bolger Hal Brands ©2019 Joseph David Stieb ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joseph David Stieb: The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003 (Under the direction of Wayne Lee) This study examines the containment policy that the United States and its allies imposed on Iraq after the 1991 Gulf War and argues for a new understanding of why the United States invaded Iraq in 2003. At the core of this story is a political puzzle: Why did a largely successful policy that mostly stripped Iraq of its unconventional weapons lose support in American politics to the point that the policy itself became less effective? I argue that, within intellectual and policymaking circles, a claim steadily emerged that the only solution to the Iraqi threat was regime change and democratization. While this “regime change consensus” was not part of the original containment policy, a cohort of intellectuals and policymakers assembled political support for the idea that Saddam’s personality and the totalitarian nature of the Baathist regime made Iraq uniquely immune to “management” strategies like containment. The entrenchment of this consensus before 9/11 helps explain why so many politicians, policymakers, and intellectuals rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change and invasion.
    [Show full text]
  • Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, 1996-2001
    ICPSR 2683 Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, 1996-2001 Virginia Sapiro W. Philips Shively Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 4th ICPSR Version February 2004 Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research P.O. Box 1248 Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 www.icpsr.umich.edu Terms of Use Bibliographic Citation: Publications based on ICPSR data collections should acknowledge those sources by means of bibliographic citations. To ensure that such source attributions are captured for social science bibliographic utilities, citations must appear in footnotes or in the reference section of publications. The bibliographic citation for this data collection is: Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Secretariat. COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ELECTORAL SYSTEMS, 1996-2001 [Computer file]. 4th ICPSR version. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan, Center for Political Studies [producer], 2002. Ann Arbor, MI: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research [distributor], 2004. Request for Information on To provide funding agencies with essential information about use of Use of ICPSR Resources: archival resources and to facilitate the exchange of information about ICPSR participants' research activities, users of ICPSR data are requested to send to ICPSR bibliographic citations for each completed manuscript or thesis abstract. Visit the ICPSR Web site for more information on submitting citations. Data Disclaimer: The original collector of the data, ICPSR, and the relevant funding agency bear no responsibility for uses of this collection or for interpretations or inferences based upon such uses. Responsible Use In preparing data for public release, ICPSR performs a number of Statement: procedures to ensure that the identity of research subjects cannot be disclosed. Any intentional identification or disclosure of a person or establishment violates the assurances of confidentiality given to the providers of the information.
    [Show full text]
  • Bremer's Gordian Knot: Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq Eric Stover Berkeley Law
    Berkeley Law Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository Faculty Scholarship 1-1-2005 Bremer's Gordian Knot: Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq Eric Stover Berkeley Law Hanny Megally Hania Mufti Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/facpubs Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Bremer's Gordian Knot: Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq, 27 Hum. Rts. Q. 830 (2005) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. HUMAN RIGHTS QUARTERLY Bremer's "Gordian Knot": Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq Eric Stover,* Hanny Megally, ** & Hania Mufti*** ABSTRACT Shortly after the US invasion and occupation of Iraq, L. Paul Bremer III, in his capacity as the chief administrator of the Coalition Provisional Author- ity (CPA), introduced several transitional justice mechanisms that set the *Eric Stover is Director of the Human Rights Center at the University of California, Berkeley, and Adjunct Professor in the School of Public Health. In 1991, Stover led a team of forensic scientists to northern Iraq to investigate war crimes committed by Iraqi troops during the Anfal campaign against the Kurds in the late 1980s. In March and April 2003, he returned to northern Iraq where he and Hania Mufti monitored the compliance with the 1949 Geneva Conventions by all sides to the conflict. He returned to Iraq in February 2004 to assist Mufti in investigating the status of documentary and physical evidence to be used in trials against Saddam Hussein and other members of the Ba'athist Party.
    [Show full text]
  • 2003 Iraq War: Intelligence Or Political Failure?
    2003 IRAQ WAR: INTELLIGENCE OR POLITICAL FAILURE? A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Dione Brunson, B.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. April, 2011 DISCLAIMER THE VIEWS EXPRESSED IN THIS ACADEMIC RESEARCH PAPER ARE THOSE OF THE AUTHOR AND DO NOT REFLECT THE OFFICIAL POLICIES OR POSITIONS OF THE U.S. GOVERNMENT, DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE, OR THE U.S. INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY. ALL INFORMATION AND SOURCES FOR THIS PAPER WERE DRAWN FROM OPEN SOURCE MATERIALS. ii 2003 IRAQ WAR: INTELLIGENCE OR POLITICAL FAILURE? Dione Brunson, B.A. MALS Mentor: Ralph Nurnberger, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The bold U.S. decision to invade Iraq in 2003 was anchored in intelligence justifications that would later challenge U.S. credibility. Policymakers exhibited unusual bureaucratic and public dependencies on intelligence analysis, so much so that efforts were made to create supporting information. To better understand the amplification of intelligence, the use of data to justify invading Iraq will be explored alongside events leading up to the U.S.-led invasion in 2003. This paper will examine the use of intelligence to invade Iraq as well as broader implications for politicization. It will not examine the justness or ethics of going to war with Iraq but, conclude with the implications of abusing intelligence. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thank you God for continued wisdom. Thank you Dr. Nurnberger for your patience. iv DEDICATION This work is dedicated to Mom and Dad for their continued support.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Applications II – Various Mathematical Models and Its Applications
    Mathematical Modeling Lecture Some Applications II – Various mathematical models and its applications 2009. 11. 2 Sang-Gu Lee, Duk-Sun Kim Sungkyunkwan University [email protected] Apportionment is the process of allocating political power among a set of principles (or defined constituencies). In most representative governments, political power has most recently been apportioned among constituencies based on population, but there is a long history of different approaches. The United States Constitution, however, apportions political power differently between its upper house, the Senate, and its lower house, the House of Representatives. Within the Senate, each state is represented by two seats, the result of compromise when the constitution was written. Seats in the US House of Representatives (the House) are apportioned among the states based on the relative population of each state in the total population of the union. The states then create districts from which representatives will be elected to serve in the US House of Representatives. The ideal is that each district would have an equal amount of population. States can lose or gain seats at each decennial census. Districts must be redrawn within each state after each census to reflect population changes. Apportionment Poster (한국선거관리위원회) Apportionment is also applied in party-list proportional representation elections to distribute seats between different parties once they've won a particular percentage of the vote. Current philosophy is that each person's vote should carry the same weight in legislative bodies that are derived from population. There are many different mathematical schemes for calculating apportionment, which can produce different results in terms of seats for the relevant party or sector.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Buttressing Peace with the Iraqi Inter-Religious Congress
    Religion and Conflict Case Study Series Iraq: Buttressing Peace with the Iraqi Inter-Religious Congress August 2013 © Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs http://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/resources/classroom 4 Abstract 5 This case study shines a light on the sectarian violence that overtook Iraq after the 2003 US-led invasion that overthrew Saddam Hussein, and how religious 9 leaders gradually gained recognition as resources for the promotion of peace. This overview of the conflict addresses five main questions: What religious 11 factors contributed to insecurity in post-2003 Iraq? How did Coalition forces approach religious actors prior to 2006? How did governments interface with faith-based NGOs in pursuit of peace? What role did socioeconomic factors 14 play in exacerbating conflict? How did religious engagement intersect with the Sunni Awakening and the surge of Coalition troops in 2007? The case study includes a core text, a timeline of key events, a guide to relevant religious orga- nizations, and a list of further readings. 15 About this Case Study 17 This case study was crafted under the editorial direction of Eric Patterson, visiting assistant professor in the Department of Government and associate di- rector of the Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs at George- town University. This case study was made possible through the support of the Henry Luce Foundation and the Luce/SFS Program on Religion and International Affairs. 2 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — IRAQ Contents Introduction 4 Historical Background 5 Domestic Factors 9 International Factors 11 Religion and Socioeconomic Factors 12 Conclusion 14 Resources Key Events 15 Religious Organizations 17 Further Reading 19 Discussion Questions 21 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — IRAQ 3 Introduction While the US invasion of Iraq—and the insurgency that a shaky relationship with the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Poland Parliamentary Elections, September 2005 Inga Kwiatkowska | Program for Representative Government August 1, 2006
    International Snapshot: Poland Parliamentary Elections, September 2005 Inga Kwiatkowska | Program for Representative Government August 1, 2006 ABSTRACT Poland held elections to its parliament in September 2005. Its lower house, the Sejm, is elected proportionally from closed lists. The Senate is elected in two- or three-member winner-take-all districts. While this feature of Senate elections should discourage small parties from running candidates, more and more parties contest elections with each passing cycle. Despite a relatively high threshold of 5% to enter the Sejm, small, ideologically similar parties proliferate, and coalition-building remains a challenge. This paper looks the intersections of Poland’s electoral system and party behavior, coalition-bulding, and turnout. It also considers the potential implications of a change to the formula used to allocate Sejm seats. Inga Kwiatkowska interned with FairVote’s Program for Representative Government during the summer of 2006. ______________________________________________________________________________ INTRODUCTION Poland held parliamentary elections in September 2005. In that vote, the center-right Law and Justice party took power away from the governing Democratic Left Alliance, winning 155 out of 460 seats. Law and Justice formed a coalition with the populist Self-Defense of the Republic of Poland and far right League of Polish Families parties. The election results were a reflection of disappointment with former post-communist government and longing for more social welfare. POLISH ELECTIONS IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE Poland held its first semi-democratic elections in 1989, when the ruling communist party allowed 35% of seats in the Parliament to be elected in free voting, while the remaining 65% of the seats were reserved for the communist party.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Can Saddam Be Overthrown?
    S. HRG. 105±444 IRAQ: CAN SADDAM BE OVERTHROWN? HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON NEAR EASTERN AND SOUTH ASIAN AFFAIRS OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED FIFTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION MARCH 2, 1998 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations You may access this document on the Internet at: http://www.access.gpo.gov/congress/senate/senate11.html ( U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 47±150 CC WASHINGTON : 1998 COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS JESSE HELMS, North Carolina, Chairman RICHARD G. LUGAR, Indiana JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., Delaware PAUL COVERDELL, Georgia PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland CHUCK HAGEL, Nebraska CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut GORDON H. SMITH, Oregon JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts CRAIG THOMAS, Wyoming CHARLES S. ROBB, Virginia ROD GRAMS, Minnesota RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin JOHN ASHCROFT, Missouri DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California BILL FRIST, Tennessee PAUL D. WELLSTONE, Minnesota SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas JAMES W. NANCE, Staff Director EDWIN K. HALL, Minority Staff Director SUBCOMMITTEE ON NEAR EASTERN AND SOUTH ASIAN AFFAIRS SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas, Chairman GORDON H. SMITH, Oregon CHARLES S. ROBB, Virginia ROD GRAMS, Minnesota DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California JESSE HELMS, North Carolina PAUL D. WELLSTONE, Minnesota JOHN ASHCROFT, Missouri PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland (II) CONTENTS Page Chalabi, Ahmed, President of the Executive Council, Iraqi National Congress, London, England .................................................................................................. 3 Haass, Richard
    [Show full text]
  • The CIA War in Kurdistan: the Untold Story of the Northern Front in the Iraq War
    Journal of Strategic Security Volume 13 Number 4 Vol. 13, No. 4 Climate Change Article 13 and Global Security The CIA War in Kurdistan: The Untold Story of the Northern Front in the Iraq War. By Sam Faddis. Havertown, PA: Casemate Publishers, 2020. Mark J. Roberts Middle East Area Specialist and Terrorism Analyst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss pp. 164-167 Recommended Citation Roberts, Mark J.. "The CIA War in Kurdistan: The Untold Story of the Northern Front in the Iraq War. By Sam Faddis. Havertown, PA: Casemate Publishers, 2020.." Journal of Strategic Security 13, no. 4 (2020) : 164-167. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.13.4.1898 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss/vol13/iss4/13 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Strategic Security by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The CIA War in Kurdistan: The Untold Story of the Northern Front in the Iraq War. By Sam Faddis. Havertown, PA: Casemate Publishers, 2020. This book review is available in Journal of Strategic Security: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss/ vol13/iss4/13 Roberts: The CIA War in Kurdistan: The Untold Story of the Northern Front The CIA War in Kurdistan: The Untold Story of the Northern Front in the Iraq War. By Sam Faddis. Havertown, PA: Casemate Publishers, 2020. ISBN 978- 1-61200-834-9. Photographs. Pp.
    [Show full text]
  • GWT Coalition-High-Command-And
    Welcome Letter Dear Delegates, On behalf of the Secretariat and all of NAMUN, I am pleased to welcome you to the 2017 North American Model United Nations Conference and am honoured to serve as your chair for the Coalition High Command and Provisional Authority (Iraq). I’m looking forward to meeting you all in person in February, and am anticipating a fantastic conference. With the recent spate of terrorist attacks across America and Europe, and the battles raging across Syria and Iraq, international terrorism and counterinsurgency remain very important topics, and will probably for the immediate future. As such I’m anticipating some fascinating debate and strategies as you tackle this issue staring in 2003. I hope that our committee will be exciting and a rewarding experience for all of you, and I hope that your enthusiasm and knowledge of international terrorism help make this an excellent Integrated Crisis Simulation. Warmest Regards, Shanzae Khan Table of Contents Introduction – 3 Historical Background – 4 Issues – 11 State of Affairs – 14 Suggested Sources – 15 Bibliography – 15 Introduction After the 1991 Gulf War, the United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolution 687 commanded that Iraqi synthetic, organic, atomic, and long range rocket projects be stopped and every such weapon destroyed under UN supervision.1 The UN weapons inspectors inside Iraq verified the dismantlement of many Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) and materials, but there significant compliance issues remained and the inspectors were unable to check every site and verify that Iraq had destroyed all its WMD materiel by their withdrawal in 1998.2 Iraqi-American relations remained quite hostile throughout this period, with no-fly zones imposed over the Northern and Southern parts of Iraq.
    [Show full text]
  • Alternative Electoral Systems and the 2005 Ethiopian Parliamentary Election
    African Studies Quarterly | Volume 10, Issue 4 | Spring 2009 Alternative Electoral Systems and the 2005 Ethiopian Parliamentary Election JOHN ISHIYAMA Abstract: What if an alternative set of electoral rules had been used to govern elections when an authoritarian regime introduces its first real competitive elections? Would this alter the trajectory of democratic transition, after the introduction of political competition? In this paper, I conduct a set of electoral simulations with different electoral systems using the results from the 2005 Ethiopian parliamentary election. Would the results have been different had something other than the single member district plurality system been employed in the 2005 election? Would the opposition parties have attained more seats and if so, how many more? I find that had certain electoral rules been employed (particularly the Block Plurality system), the opposition parties would have fared much better in the 2005 parliamentary elections, and this would have had an important impact affecting the course of events that immediately followed the 2005 election. This has important implications for the negotiations over the rules governing future Ethiopian elections. Introduction As many scholars have noted, electoral systems exert a powerful influence on the process of democratization.1 Indeed first competitive or “transitional” elections are crucial moments for newly democratizing countries. Although these elections mark only a beginning point in an often arduous journey, their outcomes crucially affect the future course of democratic transition and democratic consolidation.2 Whoever wins the transitional election often has the opportunity to re-write the rules of the game to their advantage and, hence, significantly influence future political developments.
    [Show full text]