The Forbidden "R" Word in Myanmar
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2012 Rakhine State Riots
2012 Rakhine State riots The 2012 Rakhine State riots were a series of conflicts 2012 Rakhine State riots primarily between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in northern Rakhine State, Myanmar, though by October Part of the Persecution of Muslims in Muslims of all ethnicities had begun to be targeted.[5][6][7] The Myanmar riots started came after weeks of sectarian disputes including a Location Rakhine State, gang rape and murder of a Rakhine woman by Rohingya Myanmar [8] Muslims. On 8 June 2012, Rohingyas started to protest from Date 8 June 2012 Friday's prayers in Maungdaw township. More than a dozen (UTC+06:30) residents were killed after police started firing.[9] State of Attack Religious emergency was declared in Rakhine, allowing military to type [10][11] participate in administration of the region. As of 22 Deaths June: 88[1][2][3] August, officially there had been 88 casualties – 57 Muslims and October: at least 80[4] [1] 31 Buddhists. An estimated 90,000 people were displaced by 100,000 displaced[4] the violence.[12][13] About 2,528 houses were burned; of those, 1,336 belonged to Rohingyas and 1,192 belonged to Rakhines.[14] Rohingya NGOs have accused the Burmese army and police of playing a role in targeting Rohingya through mass arrests and arbitrary violence[15] though an in-depth research by the International Crisis Group reported that members of both communities were grateful for the protection provided by the military.[16] While the government response was praised by the United States and European Union,[17][18] NGOs were more critical, citing discrimination of Rohingyas by the previous military government.[17] The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and several human rights groups rejected the President Thein Sein's proposal to resettle the Rohingya abroad.[19][20] Fighting broke out again in October, resulting in at least 80 deaths, the displacement of more than 20,000 people, and the burning of thousands of homes. -
Alasan Myanmar Menerima Diplomasi Indonesia Terkait Konflik Rohingya Periode 2015-2017
ALASAN MYANMAR MENERIMA DIPLOMASI INDONESIA TERKAIT KONFLIK ROHINGYA PERIODE 2015-2017 Skripsi Diajukan untuk Memenuhi Persyaratan Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Sosial (S.SOS) Oleh: Achmad Zulfani 11151130000048 PROGRAM STUDI HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 1441 H/2019 M I II ABSTRAK III Skripsi ini menganalisis alasan dari sikap terbuka Myanmar kepada Indonesia dalam bentuk penerimaan diplomasi Indonesia terkait konflik Rohingya periode 2015-2017. Terkait dengan konflik Rohingya yang mengalami eskalasi pada 2015 Myanmar bersikap cenderung tertutup kepada dunia dengan cara salah satunya menolak bantuan dari Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB). Hal tersebut didasari oleh respons dunia internasional seperti PBB dan Malaysia yang merespons dengan menggunakan megaphone diplomacy dan pandangan Myanmar bahwa konflik Rohingya merupakan konflik internal sehingga tidak ada negara yang berhak untuk mencampuri urusan internal Myanmar. Indonesia juga merespons konflik Rohingya dengan menggunakan diplomasi yang inklusif dan konstruktif, yaitu non-megaphone dan diplomasi publik yang intensif pada 2015-2017 dan menjadi negara yang diizinkan oleh Myanmar untuk ikut membantu konflik Rohingya. Skripsi ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dan deskriptif serta teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui studi pustaka beserta wawancara dengan pihak- pihak terkait. Untuk menganalisis, skripsi ini menggunakan kerangka teoritis konstruktivisme dan konsep diplomasi publik, kedua hal tersebut -
Influx of Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh by A.S.M
Global Journal of HUMAN-SOCIAL SCIENCE: F Political Science Volume 21 Issue 1 Version 1.0 Year 2021 Type: Double Blind Peer Reviewed International Research Journal Publisher: Global Journals Online ISSN: 2249-460x & Print ISSN: 0975-587X Influx of Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh By A.S.M. Firoz-Ul-Hassan Jahangirnagar University Abstract- The Rohingya crisis has ascended as a potential threat to Bangladesh's inside steadiness. Strangely, Bangladesh is currently facilitating around a million displaced Rohingya people which outcomes in genuine worry of national security. Although the repatriation of Rohingya to their homeland will be ambiguous in coming days and at the same time, their stay in Bangladesh might be continuing for a longer period of time. Bangladesh government is struggling as well to control and manage migration risks undermining public confidence in the integrity of government policy. Bangladesh government has been making diplomatic efforts in persuading Myanmar to repatriate the refugees over months but in reality, it is highly unlikely the Bangladesh government will succeed in sending the refugees back to Myanmar in any shortest possible time. Apart from keeping diplomatic efforts continue for their repatriation to Myanmar, Bangladesh government should have appropriate security strategy for addressing the concern of security until arriving in an amicable solution of this prolonged crisis. The paper attempts to discover the potential threat of Rohingya refugees towards the national security as well as to understand the progress Bangladesh has made so far for their repatriation to Myanmar. Keywords: rohingya, stateless community, livelihood, national security and repatriation. GJHSS-F Classification: FOR Code: 360199 InfluxofRohingyaRefugeesinBangladesh Strictly as per the compliance and regulations of: © 2021. -
Intercommunal Violence Incarnated: the Persecution of Rohingya Ethnicity in Rakhine, Myanmar
Intercommunal Violence Incarnated: The Persecution of Rohingya Ethnicity in Rakhine, Myanmar Journal of Living Together (2018) Volume 4-5, Issue 1, pp. 37-49 ISSN: 2373-6615 (Print); 2373-6631 (Online) Intercommunal Violence Incarnated: The Persecution of Rohingya Ethnicity in Rakhine, Myanmar Beth Fang Columbia University 37 Intercommunal Violence Incarnated: The Persecution of Rohingya Ethnicity in Rakhine, Myanmar Journal of Living Together (2018) Volume 4-5, Issue 1 Abstract The Rohingya refugee crises in Bangladesh and recent UN Security Council’s debate on whether to prosecute Burmese military general for genocide once again brought the Rakhine-Rohingya conflict to public attention. As this research aims to inspect the Rakhine-Rohingya relation, I will be analyzing the series of riots that occurred in 2012 and ended as the 2016 crackdown started. This incident epitomizes the resurgence of the persecution of Rohingya Muslims. It marks a new turning point of the conflict between the Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims residing in the Rakhine state of Myanmar. A case study approach will be taken to develop a comprehensive understanding of the issues, and thus provide adequate facts and evidences for making recommendations. Keywords: Myanmar, Rohingya refugees, interethnic conflict, interreligious conflict, conflict resolution, peacebuilding, sustainable peace 38 Intercommunal Violence Incarnated: The Persecution of Rohingya Ethnicity in Rakhine, Myanmar Journal of Living Together (2018) Volume 4-5, Issue 1 Introduction Multiculturalism in Myanmar is headlined by the, pp.intercommunal 43-55 violence between Buddhists and Muslims in the Rakhine state, southwest of Myanmar. The country is predominantly Buddhist with a growing Muslim population. A long-history of Muslim enslavement by Burma-Buddhists and perceived religious superiority of being Buddhist have caused ongoing quarrels interfering the peaceful coexistence of the two religious groups (Royal Historical Commission of Burma, 1960; World Bank, 2014). -
Trade, Capital & Conflict
Logistical Spaces VIII Trade, Capital and Conflict: A Case Study of the Frontier Towns of Moreh-Tamu and Champhai Soma Ghosal & Snehashish Mitra 2017 Trade, Capital and Conflict: A Case Study of the Frontier Towns of Moreh-Tamu and Champhai ∗ Soma Ghosal and Snehashish Mitra The year 2017 is an eventful one in the development of Indo-Myanmar border trade. The Integrated Check Post (ICP), now under construction at Moreh gate No.1, will be operational within two months according to a statement by officials of the Land Port Authority of India under the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) and Mr. P.K Mishra, director (Projects) on their three days’ official visit to Moreh in the last week of August 2017. The ICP, observers believe, is a vital cog in India’s Look East, now Act East policy, aimed at integrating the economies of India and Southeast Asia through the northeast. In the year 2006 when the then Minister of State for Commerce, Mr. Jairam Ramesh, spoke of the Centre’s intention of investing Rs.70 crore for the project specifically as part of the Prime Minister’s Look East Policy, the only functional land customs station through which trade across the 1600 kms of Indo-Myanmar border took place was at Moreh. The ICP being built by RITES was then heralded by the Minister as a new concept aimed at managing both trade cargo and passenger movement across the border and providing modern infrastructure facilities and better connectivity. The ICP would greatly facilitate regional trade and would help the local community living in the border towns of Moreh and Tamu, he felt. -
Rohingya Crisis: an Analysis Through a Theoretical Perspective
International Relations and Diplomacy, July 2020, Vol. 8, No. 07, 321-331 doi: 10.17265/2328-2134/2020.07.004 D D AV I D PUBLISHING Rohingya Crisis: An Analysis Through a Theoretical Perspective Sheila Rai, Preeti Sharma St. Xavier’s College, Jaipur, India The large scale exodus of Rohingyas to Bangladesh, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand as a consequence of relentless persecution by the Myanmar state has gained worldwide attention. UN Secretary General, Guterres called it “ethnic cleansing” and the “humanitarian situation as catastrophic”. This catastrophic situation can be traced back to the systemic and structural violence perpetrated by the state and the society wherein the Burmans and Buddhism are taken as the central rallying force of the narrative of the nation-state. This paper tries to analyze the Rohingya discourse situating it in the theoretical precepts of securitization, structural violence, and ethnic identity. The historical antecedents and particular circumstances and happenings were construed selectively and systematically to highlight the ethnic, racial, cultural, and linguistic identity of Rohingyas to exclude them from the “national imagination” of the state. This culture of pervasive prejudice prevailing in Myanmar finds manifestation in the legal provisions whereby certain peripheral minorities including Rohingyas have been denied basic civil and political rights. This legal-juridical disjunction to seal the historical ethnic divide has institutionalized and structuralized the inherent prejudice leveraging the religious-cultural hegemony. The newly instated democratic form of government, by its very virtue of the call of the majority, has also been contributed to reinforce this schism. The armed attacks by ARSA has provided the tangible spur to the already nuanced systemic violence in Myanmar and the Rohingyas are caught in a vicious cycle of politicization of ethnic identity, structural violence, and securitization. -
Islam in Myanmar – Research Notes Imtiyaz Yusuf
82 Islam in Myanmar – Research Notes Imtiyaz Yusuf Myanmar is a non-secular Buddhist majority country. The Theravada Buddhists and Christians are the two main religious communities groups in Myanmar with the Muslims being the third, enumerated population of Burma tells that, Buddhists make up 89.8 percent of the population, Christians 6.3 percent and Muslims 2.3 percent. The Burmese Muslim community is largely a community of traders and ulama who are economically well but with poor levels of human resources development in the professional fields of education, science, engineering, medicine, technology and business management. Yet, there are several prominent law specialists among them. As a hard and a difficult country, Myanmar was born out of the ashes of the murder of its integrationist freedom fighter leader General Aung San, the father of Aung San Suu Kyi, he was assassinated on 19 July 1947 a few months before the independence of Burma on 4 January 1948. His legacy of seeking integration and the legacy of violence associated with his murder alludes Myanmar until today. In its 69 years of existence, Myanmar is dominated politically by the Bamar Buddhist majority which espouses a Bamar racist interpretation of Buddhism. The Bamar and other 135 distinct ethnic groups are officially grouped into following eight “major national ethnic races” viz., Bamar; Chin; Kachin; Kayin; Kayah; Mon; Rakhine and Shan who are recognized the original natives of the country of Myanmar. Others are classified as outsiders or illegal immigrants as in the case of the Rohingya Muslims. The Muslims in Myanmar are divided into 4 groups: 1) The India Muslims known as Chulias, Kaka and Pathans were brought by the British colonizers to administer the colony. -
Thai-Burmese Warfare During the Sixteenth Century and the Growth of the First Toungoo Empire1
Thai-Burmese warfare during the sixteenth century 69 THAI-BURMESE WARFARE DURING THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY AND THE GROWTH OF THE FIRST TOUNGOO EMPIRE1 Pamaree Surakiat Abstract A new historical interpretation of the pre-modern relations between Thailand and Burma is proposed here by analyzing these relations within the wider historical context of the formation of mainland Southeast Asian states. The focus is on how Thai- Burmese warfare during the sixteenth century was connected to the growth and development of the first Toungoo empire. An attempt is made to answer the questions: how and why sixteenth century Thai-Burmese warfare is distinguished from previous warfare, and which fundamental factors and conditions made possible the invasion of Ayutthaya by the first Toungoo empire. Introduction As neighbouring countries, Thailand and Burma not only share a long border but also have a profoundly interrelated history. During the first Toungoo empire in the mid-sixteenth century and during the early Konbaung empire from the mid-eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries, the two major kingdoms of mainland Southeast Asia waged wars against each other numerous times. This warfare was very important to the growth and development of both kingdoms and to other mainland Southeast Asian polities as well. 1 This article is a revision of the presentations in the 18th IAHA Conference, Academia Sinica (December 2004, Taipei) and The Golden Jubilee International Conference (January 2005, Yangon). A great debt of gratitude is owed to Dr. Sunait Chutintaranond, Professor John Okell, Sarah Rooney, Dr. Michael W. Charney, Saya U Myint Thein, Dr. Dhiravat na Pombejra and Professor Michael Smithies. -
Statelessness in Myanmar
Statelessness in Myanmar Country Position Paper May 2019 Country Position Paper: Statelessness in Myanmar CONTENTS Summary of main issues ..................................................................................................................... 3 Relevant population data ................................................................................................................... 4 Rohingya population data .................................................................................................................. 4 Myanmar’s Citizenship law ................................................................................................................. 5 Racial Discrimination ............................................................................................................................... 6 Arbitrary deprivation of nationality ....................................................................................................... 7 The revocation of citizenship.................................................................................................................. 7 Failure to prevent childhood statelessness.......................................................................................... 7 Lack of naturalisation provisions ........................................................................................................... 8 Civil registration and documentation practices .............................................................................. 8 Lack of Access and Barriers -
IS Entry Into Rakhine Conflict : Urgency in Nation‑Building
This document is downloaded from DR‑NTU (https://dr.ntu.edu.sg) Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. IS entry into Rakhine conflict : urgency in nation‑building Jasminder Singh; Muhammad Haziq Jani 2021 Jasminder Singh, & Muhammad Haziq Jani. (2021). IS entry into Rakhine conflict : urgency in nation‑building. (RSIS Commentaries, No. 005). RSIS Commentaries. Singapore: Nanyang Technological University. https://hdl.handle.net/10356/146472 Nanyang Technological University Downloaded on 30 Sep 2021 04:00:43 SGT IS Entry into Rakhine Conflict: Urgency in Nation-Building By Jasminder Singh & Muhammad Haziq Jani SYNOPSIS The entry of the IS affiliate in Myanmar, Katibah al-Mahdi fi Bilad al-Arakan, could potentially intensify communal violence in Rakhine State. Myanmar’s long-term solution lies in nation-building, which must be intensified in the new year. COMMENTARY IS’ EARLY attempts to insert itself into the communal conflict in Rakhine seemed to have manifested, at best, in tenuous support for the Rohingya; it referenced the need for jihad in Myanmar. In June 2014, when self-proclaimed caliph Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi announced the so-called Islamic State (IS) in his speech that also called for jihad in Myanmar, he promised revenge for atrocities committed against Muslims. In 2016, the amir of IS affiliate in Bangladesh (or IS Bengal) Abu Ibrahim al-Hanif reiterated the call for jihad, viewing Bangladesh as a stepping stone to Myanmar. Other pro-IS groups in Bangladesh also called for jihad in Myanmar to support the Rohingya, including key IS affiliate Neo-Jamaatul Mujahidin Bangladesh. Rise of ARSA Such calls to jihad in Myanmar were also sounded by pro-IS groups in Pakistan and India, such as the Lashkar-e-Toiba and Indian Mujahidin, as well as IS supporters in Southeast Asia. -
Contesting Buddhist Narratives Democratization, Nationalism, and Communal Violence in Myanmar
Policy Studies 71 Contesting Buddhist Narratives Democratization, Nationalism, and Communal Violence in Myanmar Matthew J. Walton and Susan Hayward Contesting Buddhist Narratives Democratization, Nationalism, and Communal Violence in Myanmar About the East-West Center The East-West Center promotes better relations and understanding among the people and nations of the United States, Asia, and the Pacific through cooperative study, research, and dialogue. Established by the US Congress in 1960, the Center serves as a resource for infor- mation and analysis on critical issues of common concern, bringing people together to exchange views, build expertise, and develop policy options. The Center’s 21-acre Honolulu campus, adjacent to the University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa, is located midway between Asia and the US main- land and features research, residential, and international conference facilities. The Center’s Washington, DC, office focuses on preparing the United States for an era of growing Asia Pacific prominence. The Center is an independent, public, nonprofit organization with funding from the US government, and additional support provided by private agencies, individuals, foundations, corporations, and govern- ments in the region. Policy Studies an East-West Center series Series Editors Dieter Ernst and Marcus Mietzner Description Policy Studies presents original research on pressing economic and political policy challenges for governments and industry across Asia, About the East-West Center and for the region's relations with the United States. Written for the The East-West Center promotes better relations and understanding policy and business communities, academics, journalists, and the in- among the people and nations of the United States, Asia, and the formed public, the peer-reviewed publications in this series provide Pacifi c through cooperative study, research, and dialogue. -
Moreh-Namphalong Borders Trade
Moreh-Namphalong Borders Trade Marchang Reimeingam ISBN 978-81-7791-202-9 © 2015, Copyright Reserved The Institute for Social and Economic Change, Bangalore Institute for Social and Economic Change (ISEC) is engaged in interdisciplinary research in analytical and applied areas of the social sciences, encompassing diverse aspects of development. ISEC works with central, state and local governments as well as international agencies by undertaking systematic studies of resource potential, identifying factors influencing growth and examining measures for reducing poverty. The thrust areas of research include state and local economic policies, issues relating to sociological and demographic transition, environmental issues and fiscal, administrative and political decentralization and governance. It pursues fruitful contacts with other institutions and scholars devoted to social science research through collaborative research programmes, seminars, etc. The Working Paper Series provides an opportunity for ISEC faculty, visiting fellows and PhD scholars to discuss their ideas and research work before publication and to get feedback from their peer group. Papers selected for publication in the series present empirical analyses and generally deal with wider issues of public policy at a sectoral, regional or national level. These working papers undergo review but typically do not present final research results, and constitute works in progress. MOREH-NAMPHALONG BORDER TRADE Marchang Reimeingam∗ Abstract Level of border trade (BT) taking place at Moreh-Namphalong markets along Indo-Myanmar border is low but significant. BT is immensely linked with the third economies like China which actually supply goods. Moreh BT accounts to two percent of the total India-Myanmar trade. It is affected by the bandh and strikes, insurgency, unstable currency exchange rate and smuggling that led to an economic lost for traders and economy at large.