INFORMATION TO USERS

This manuscript has been reproduced fmm the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitîed. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typemiter face, while othen may be from any type of amputer ptinter.

The quaMy of thk reproduction is &pendent upon th. quitity of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, wbred or poor quality illustrations and photognphs, print bleedthrough. substandard margins, and impmper alignment can adversely affecî reproduciion.

In the unlikefy event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and them am missing pages, these will ôe noted. Also, 1 unaiithorized copyright material had ta be removeâ, a note will indicate the deletion.

Ovenke malerials (e.g., maps, dWngs, charts) are reproduced by sectiming the original, beginning at the upper lett-hand corner and continuing from left to nght in equal sections mlh small overlops.

Photognphs indudeâ in the original manum'pt have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Highr quality 8' x 9 blacû and white photogmphic prints are available for any photogiaphs or illustrcioons appeering in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI diredly to order.

6elI & Howdl Information and Leaming 300 North Z8eô Rad, Ann Albor, MI 481081346 USA

KYAI HAJI ABDUL WAEüD HASYIM: BIS CONTRIBUTION TO MUSLIM EDUCATIONAL REFORM AND TO INDONESIAN NATIONALISM DURING THE TWENTIETH CENTURY

'JY Achmad Zaini

A thesis subrnitted to the Institute of Islamic Studies Facuity of Graduate Studies and Research, McGill University in partial Fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts

Institute of Islamic Studies McGU University idy 1998 O Achmad Zaini National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1*1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services seMces bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Mtawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada

The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive Licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sel1 reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in rnicrofom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique.

The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial exûacts fhm it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author' s ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Author Achmad Zaini Titles of thesis Kyai Haji Abdul : His Contribution to Muslim Educational Reform and to Indonesian Nationalism during the Twentieth Century Department hstitute of Islamic Studies, McGill University Degree Master of Arts

- -

This thesis studies Wahid Hasyirn's contribution to the development of the traditional educational institution (pesantren) and his involvement in political affairs during the colonial era and following independence. Although he grew up in traditionalist circles, his experience studying at this institution and in Arabia, in conjuction with his wide reading on various subjects, gave him an open attitude to innovation, particularly in the field of education. The backwardness of pesantren graduates in mastering secular sciences, compared to those who graduated from the Dutch schools, inspired him to modernize the pesantren system. The introduction of the macirasah into the pesantren system, an institution designed to offer courses in the secular sciences as well as on Islam, was evidence of his progressive aim to enhance the quality of Muslim education, and the traditionalist version in particular. in the political arena, he played a significant role in the struggle for independence and the development of modem . Known as a prominent leader who had a close contacts with @ais through the pesantren network, he was able to mobilize Indonesian Muslims against colonial de. His moderate attitude. which colored his poiitical behavior, wu vital to efforts at achieving compromise and at bridging the differences between traditionalists on the one hand and modemists as weii as secuiar nationalists on the other. iii a

Résumé I Auteur : Achrnad Zaini Titre du memoire : Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim: Sa contribution à la rCforrne de l'éducation musulmane et au nationdisme indonesien durant le vingtième siècle. Département :institut des Études Islamiques, Université McGill Diplôme : Maîtrise 8s Arîs

Ce mémoire porte sur la contribution de Wahid Hasyim au développement des institutions d'6ducation traditionelle (pesenrren) ainsi que sur son implication dans les affaires politiques depuis l'ère coloniale et suivant l'independance. Malgr6 que Wahid Hasyim a grandi au sein des cercles traditionnels, en plus de sa vaste hdition couvrant une varikt6 de sujets, son experience academique acquise dans les pesentrens et en Arabie I'a doté d'une attitude favorable 2 l'innovation, tout particulièrement dans le domaine de I'education. Le retard des gradues des pesenuens dans la maîtrise des sciences séculières face aux gradués des

écoles nCerlandaises ont inspiré Wahid Hasyim de moderniser le système des pesentrens.

L'introduction dans la système des pesantrens de la madras&, une institution destinte à l'enseignement des sciences séculitres et de l'Islam, fut une .preuve de sa diligence à améliorer la qualit6 de 1' tducatioo musulmane, particulièrement son aspect traditionnel. Dans le domaine politique, Wahid Hasyirn a joué un rôle significatif dans la lutte pour

I'independance et le dtveloppement de l'Indon6sie moderne. Au sein du réseau des pesentrens et consid6r6 comme étant un leader important ayant des contacts Ctroits avec les kyais, Wahid

Hasyim a pu mobiliser les musuimaus indonésiens contre le pouvoir colonial. À I'inttrieur iv du processus qui a mené Zi la formation de l'état indonésien, l'attitude ainsi que les comportements politiques modMs de Wahid Hasyim furent essentiels aux efforts de compromis et d'unification des diffbrences entre les traditionalistes et les modemistes, ainsi que les nationalistes séculiers. For Arabic names and Islamic tems, the writer follows the systern of Arabic transliteration employed by the Institute of islamic Studies, McGiii University.

Indonesian terrns are written according to the &aan Baru Bshm hdonesia ( 19 72), but the titles of books and articles wiil appears as they are quoted. The following is a transliteration table of Arabic alphabet.

To indicate long vowels of ij t, these are typed by placing a macron above

The fa'm~~bufsh( i ) is translated as "ah" rather than '

1 would like to take this opportunity to express my thanks and indebtedness to Dr.

Howard M. Federspiel, my supervisor, who has opened my eyes to the cntical analysis of sources used in this work. His carefui evaluation, scholarly suggestions and above all kindness and persona1 interest were of great assistance to me in the cornpletion of this researc h.

1 wish to express my gratitude to the Canadian International Development Agency

(CIDA) for providing me with a scholanhip to study at McGiIl University during the past two years. 1 would like also to express my sincere thanks to Dr. A. Üner Turgay, the

Director of the institute of Islamic Studies, and to the Directors of the McGill-Lndonesia

IAIN Development Project (Dr. Howard M. Fedeapiel and Wendy Allen) and its staff both in Montreal and Jakarta for the facilities they provided in support of my studies. My gratitude also goes to the the staff of the Islarnic Studies Library, McGill University. especially to Salwa Ferahian and Wayne St. Thomas, and to the staff of the Comell

University Library, for helping me to obtain needed materials. I am gnteful to Steve

Millier who has read ruid edited the first draft of this work.

My thanks must also go to the Minister of Religious Affairs, who gave me the chance to pursue my studies at the Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University, to the

Rector of the Institute of Islamic Snidies (IAIN) Sunan Ampel and to the Dean of the

Faculty of Islamic Education who ailowed me to take a leave of absence to snidy in

Montreai.

1 would like to th& everyone who has contributed to the accomplishment of my thesis, but especially Sahiron, Ima Muthmainnah, and Andi Nurbaethy for their assistance and brotherhood during my stay in Montreal. Finally, my thanks, which cannot be expressed in words, are due to my parents and sisters, and particularly to my wife, Siti

Maftuhatin, dl of whom encouraged me to finish this program.

Montreal. July 7. 1998

Ac hmad Zaini TABLE OF CONTENT I

.. Absuact ...... ii t

Transli teration ......

Table content.

Introduction.

Chapter 1 : A Biographical Sketch of Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim ...... 10

A. His Life and Eariy Education ...... 1 1

Chapter 2 : K. H. Abdul Wahid Hasyirn's Islamic Educational Reform ...... 37

A. Educational Systems in lndonesia during the Colonial Penod: A General Ovemiew ...... 38

B. Reformation of Pesantren Tebu Ireng as a Pilot Project of Modernization of Pesantren Educational System...... 54

C. Educational Change during his Tenure as a Minister of Religious Mfairs...... 67

Chapter 3 : K H. Abdul Wahid Hasyim's Political Activities ...... 73

A. During the Dutch Colonial Period...... 73 B. Under Japanese Occupation...... *..*...... *...... *.**...... 86

C. Mer Independence...... 104

ConcIion...... 114

Bibliography...... ~...... ~...... 119 There can be no doubt that the early twentieth century was a time of intense social, religious, educational and politicai changes in the Indonesian archipelago. These changes were inspired not only by secular nationalist leaders' but also by Muslim nationalists who were thernselves later to split into different groups: Muslim modernists and Muslim traditionalists.2 The rise and development of the movements ûssociated with these events, including the role of their leaders. have been studied by both Indonesian and Westem scholars, such as ~oer,~Aifian? Affandi.5 en da^ and Federspiel.7

1Many secular nationalist leaders took a great part in the national movements, such as Dr. Wahidin Sudiro Husodo, the founder of Budi Utomo which was considered as the first modem organization that led to an independent Indonesian nation-state; , the pioneer of Taman Siswa school system; Soekarno, the great leader of Partai Nasional Indonesia who then became the first President of the Republic of Indonesia. For a detailed information see Bernhard Dahm, 31*ktory of ~niionriurin dic Tiricd Carnrry (London: Praeger, 197 1).

The terms Muslim rnodernist and Muslim traditionalist recognize the effms of refomers. such as , the founder of Muhammadiyah; A. Hassan. the leader of Persatuan Islam (Islamic Union) and Ahmad Syurkati. the inspirator of Al-Irsyad, who introduced modernist views into the debate on the role of Islam in Indonesia. The reform movement was initially propagated by lamal al-& Mgh&, ~as6dRid; and Muhammad 'Abduh. who invited people to renirn to the teachings of the Qur'in and the tradition of the Pmphet without refemng to four medieval schools of law (nrndlfniiib) and to make use of scientific advances of modem (Western) leming which was believed can increase Islamic civilization. These ideas were rejected by traditionalist 'du&? led by Hasyim Asy'ari, the founder of the Nahdlatul Ularna who still maintained the principle of accepting and refemng to the to solve any kind of socio-religious problems. See. M. C. Ricklefs, A HWy of Mob fdnesia Sime UW(London: The MacMillan Press. 198 1) p. 160; However, although they had different points of view in tenns of religious affairs, they played a key role dunng the colonial penod in organizing swiety to fight colonialism. Moreover, the charisma of the culamrrr in the society seems to have been higher and more appreciated than that of secular leaden. For further information about this issue see for exarnple Harry i. Benda ?Iic Cmmt and thc Iptjig Sm1-n Ishm ukth Jupmese Ocaption 1942-1945 (The Hague and Bandung: W. van Hoeve. 1958); Hans Antlov and Sven Cederroth, eds., hdïdipon~izva (Surrey: Curzon, 1994).

Deliar Noer, Vie Morkrntjt Iritcsh Mhemmt Ut Idmmiz, (Kuala Lumpur Oxford University Press, 1973). Most of these scholars have paid particular attention to the ernergence of secular nationalist and Islamic modernist rnovements; very littie interest however has been shown in the socio-political evolution of Muslim traditionalists! It may be that the former were assumed to represeni a dynamic outlook, essentially pragmatic and adaptable, while the latter were always viewed as having a negative attitude toward ail forms of (Western) innovation and its leaders considered very resistant to accepting anything new. Geertz, an American anthropologist who introduced the three variants of sanM abayan and pjqi to Javanese social categorization, is typical of this negative attitude in his depiction of the traditionalists. "Anti-modemism" and "contra-reformist organization" are but two of the ways in which he describes the traditionalists when contrasting them with the so-called " modemist" camp.' Deliar Noer, who cm be considered as representative of the modemist outlook, also tended to be biased in his account of the traditionalist position. Although he describes the traditionalist figure as both orthodox and conservative, he has contributed to the misunderstanding of traditional Islam by insisting that the traditionalists maintain

Alfian. "Islamic Modemism in Indonesia Poiitics: The Muhammadiyah Movement during the Dutch Colonial Penod ( 19 12- 1942)" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1969).

Bisri Affadi. "Shaikh Ahmad Syurkati: His Role in the Al-Irsyad Movement in Java in the Early Twentieth Century" (MA thesis, McGiIl University, 1976).

Howard M. Federspiel. Tmutumr Ish IsIamk Rtom in Iwntieth Cmtury hdblEeSUz (Ithaca: Corne11 University hss, 1970).

Martin van Bruinessen, 5@i Tii,&-relirn' Kia, Tencrrrian Wcltam &ru (, LKiS. 1994), p. 7.

' See Clifford Geenz. "The Javanese Kijaji: the Changing Role of a Cultural Broker," Compamtie Studies in Soaèty adHictory, 2, 228-49; idem, at Rdgrbn OfJam (Illinois: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1960). qU(b1ind acceptance) and indulge in taretat practices which border on shir~(hereti~s).'~ However, Bruinessen points out that the modernists' qUofthe paradigms of modernist figures. such as Hasan al-Bannii and Mawdüdi; is far more rigid and inflexible than the traditionalists' tqlid with respect to the four mh6son the application of religious teachings." This attitude is reflected in the belief that a decision dved at in the Majlis

~atjih"of the Muhammadiyah, for example, is final, one that its members are expected to obey. Otherwise they would be considered to have rejected the Qur'iin and the Prophet's tradition. This, however, rneans that the decision does not give an opportunity to the Muhammadiyah members to perform ~~ " individually. On the contrary, this approach never gained currency in traditionalist circles. Even though the central board of the may take a decision on a matter. its members, particularly the @a& stil1 have the authority to do by themselves, and not foliow the cenual board's decision. While the modemists consider their i@id as being in line with the slogan "Back to the Qur'k and the Sunnah," Rahman regarded it as a Iiteral understanding of the ij&-dof the earliest tulamiJ(~uîüm-JaLsa&f; 3rd century of Islam), which was revived by the Wahhabists, including Hasan al-Banni and ~awdüdi." Thus it is not an exaggeration when Wahyudi says that " such Fdonesian] reformist organizations as the

IO Deliar Noer. "The Development and Nature of the Modemist Movement in Indonesia." in Ahmad Ibrahim et al.. %adi~son Ishm é SoutiVan azin (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1985), p. 117-1 18.

Martin van Bruinessen, Y@i lmilin, !&Gui-& Kma, Tmnian Wzcanu Bani, p. 12.

12 Majlis TWih is the highest authoritative board of Muhamrnadiyah whose task is to solve any socio-religious matten.

13 lj"tz7ki.Xis reinterpretation of religious concept according to the needs of tirne.

" Fazlur Rahman, "Revival and Reform in Islam," in P. M. Holt, Ann K. S. Lambton, Bernard Lewis, eds.. ?hc ~mhi@eHktoy 4 IS~vol. 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970). p. 636-640. Muhamrnadiyah. Persatuan Islam and Al-Irsyad" imposed " a Wahhabi-oriented Ah" l5 Azhar Basyir, a former chairman of the Muhamrnadiyab, even criticized the literal understanding of this slogan. by proposing that it be approached hma philosophical standpoint.I6 As for the matter of tar&at practices, Dhofier points out that Noer, and the modernists in general. fail to understand the meaning of tarekat as it is defined by traditional The term is defined by them as meaning "a tight obedience toward yadth9*l7 Thus to practice taretat teachings. they have to obey God's order as contained in the Qur'in and @d?& Therefore not having done enough research on the pezontren institution, Noer and other modemists are not really qualified to pronounce on what constitutes the " uniqueness" of the traditionai fufizmï'and their institutions.

Benda and Wertheim, who ais0 use the tems "conservative" and "orthodox" in describing the traditionalists, seem only to have adopted the ianguage dready imposed by the modernists. indeed, judging by their sources. it cm be seen that most Western scholars base their andysis. to a great extent. on rnodemist interpretation. In Dhofier's own words, " rnost sources interpretative material that non-Indonesian scholm rely on for their analyses are modemist in origin." lu This is understandable because the modemists had already committed their ideas to paper over the previous three or four decades, rendering their ideas more accessible. The traditionalists on the other hand still relied on oral transmission in this period. Of course it is also undeniabte that the traditionalists

-- 15 Yudian Wahyudi, " Introduction," in Yudian Wahyudi, ed.. 'Ilic Qir'àn adPhhsopbL IpCfiioni (Yogykarta: indonesian Academic Society XXI. 1998). p. ii.

" Yudian Wahyudi, " Introduction." p. ii.

l7 Zamakhsyari Dhofier, *di Tesantmc Stdi tmtny Padzngan Hifiup Kyai (Jakarta: WES. 1985). p. 136.

'' Zarnakhsyari Dhofier, "The Pesantren Tradition. A Study of the Role of the Kyai in the Maintenance of the Traditionai Ideology in lava," (Ph. D. dissertation. Monash University, Melbourne, 1980). p. xii. lacked the academic skiU necessary to formulate traditionalist ideas in written fom. Ali this is to explain why Western scholars received information from one stand point, namely that of the modemists. Furthemore, with regard to the involvement of the traditionalists in the national movement, von der Mehden neglects their contribution when he says: "the influence of Nahdlatul Ulama on the national movement was more negative than positive." It is clear that the author was not hilly aware of the involvement of the NU in this process, including its contribution during the colonial and revolutionary eras. Again it seems that he was persuaded by modemist interpretations to take a negative view of the traditionalist contribution in this field. This stereotype of the traditionalist movement and its leaders. therefore, needs reassessrnent. in fact, there were many traditiondist leaders who had a broad-minded attitude and who were as adaptable toward innovation as their counterparts arnong the secular and Muslim modernist leaders. One example was Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid

Hasyim. As a prorninent leader of the Nahdlatul Ulama, one of the signatories of the Jakarta Charter and the Minister of Religious Affairs of the fledgling Republic of

Indonesia from 1949- 195 1,?O he played a signifiant role in encouraging Muslim educational reform and nationalism in Indonesia during the colonial penod and after independence.

Evidence of his open-minded attitude was apparent as early as his return from studying in Mecca, when Wahid Hasyim tried to change the curriculum in the pondok pesantren, in an effort to improve the educationd methods employed in these institutions. He believed that the Limitations of the pesantren lay with the concentration on instruction

" Fred R von der Mehden, !&@un mid~atianahin SbudiLM M:Bunnu, I-, th ~~~ne~(Madison:the University of Wisconsin Press, 1968). p. 138 and 202.

See "Nahdlatui Ulama," in fe&&m Isîüm, vol. 2 (Jakarta: Pustazet Perkasa, 1988), p. 754. in the Islamic sciences to the complete neglect of 'secular' sciences." Like many other educational reformers of his day, Wahid Hasyim suggested that pesantrens shouid provide instruction in both Islamic and 'secular* sciences.* Although initially he was criticized by many fu&mà' for trying to mix sacred teaching with profane leamhg which they found wrong and unnecessary, he was ultimately successful in having many of his colleagues recognize the value of the change. In addition, he was responsible for the establishment of many Islamic institutions, such as the PGA (Pendidikan Guru Agarndthe State Educational Training for Religious Teachers (1950)) and the PTAIN

(Perguman Tinggi Agama Islam Negedthe State hstitute of Islamic Studies (1951)), which later on became the Institut Agarna Islam Negeri (W)? His identification with nationalist movements began when Wahid Hasyim. together with other secular and Muslim leaders. formed the Kongres Rakyat indonesia (Congress of the Indonesian People), which called for an Indonesian parliament in 1941.24 Regarded as one of the most capable leaders of his generation by many of those prominent in the nationalist movement. he was appointed to be one of nine members of PPKI (Prepatory Committee for indonesian Independence) which produced a farnous agreement between secular and Islamic nationalists, called the Jakarta Charter, in 1945." His appointment cdls into question von der Mehden's view that "the influence of

" What 1 mean secular sciences here is non nligious subjects. such as mathernatics, history, geography. foreign languanges, etc.

12 Aboebakar Atjeh, S@a& Hidup 3L A WHHr>r hn~am~att lnsir (Jakarta: Panitya Buku Penngatan Alm. K. H. A. Wahid Hasyim. 1957). p.153.

See Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "K.H.A.Wahid Hasyim: Rantai Penghubung Peradaban Pesantren dengan Peradaban bdonesia Moderen." Prima 8 (1984): 78.

24 U~arryS. Benda, Cwmrt and& Z@iySun p. 98.

See Saehiddin Anshari, "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945: A History of the Gentlemen's Agreement between the Islarnic and the Secular Nationdists in Modem Indonesia" (MA thesis, McGiIl University, Montreal, 1976). Nahdlanil Ulama on the national movement was more negative than positive." '6 Wahyudi even deerns the Muslim representatives in the Jakarta Charter, to whom Wahid Hasyim belonged, as constitutionally-oriented hdonesian Islamic legal reforrnists. Thus Wahid Hasyim, together with the modemists, was one of those Indonesian Muslims who tried to make Islamic law a part of the Indonesian ~onstitution.~ The objectives of this study are, therefore, to analyze the Muslirn educational reforms and political activities of Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim. Tt will devote particular attention to the following issues: 1) the factor that influenced Wahid Hasyim to launch Muslirn educational reform: 2) the kinds of educational refom undertaken by Wahid Hasyim; and 3) the involvement of Wahid Hasyim in political discourse during his lifetime. In particular, this study attempts tu show that as leader of the NU, Wahid

Hasyim demonstrated an advanced and modem approach to issues, one which placed him on the same level as his secular and Muslim nationdist counterparts in their suuggle to achieve independence.

It is surprising that previous studies of Wahid Hasyim's career have failed to devote very much attention to his efforts on behaif of educationd refonn and the nationaiist cause. They have instead concentrated on his career as a prominent figure in the Japanese and Republican period~.~Even Bruinessen's ~tud~,~which is considered a comprehensive work in its depiction of the Nahdlatul üiama and its leaders, does not give a speciai attention to Wahid Hasyim's efforts.

Fred R von der Mehden. i&dig2on andgalntionolin in &uuttiurn scia. %ma, Indhnesia, the Ph&ppirtcs, p. 138 and 202.

Yudian Wahyudi, " Hasbi's Theory of qtih5din the Context of Indonesian Fife' (MA thesis, McGill University, 1993). p. 36-37.

" See for example Saifuddin Zuhri, "Segi-segi Manusiawi dalam Biom Pejuangan K.H. AWul Wahid Hasyim," in Saifuddin Zuhri, "Kaleidoskop Politik di Indunesia. vol. 3 (lakarta:Gunung Agung, 1982): 196-2 15.

Martin van Bruinessen. NU,Tradisi, Relasi-rehi Kuasa, Pencahariun Wucana Baru. In approaching the subject rnatter, the writer will apply a historical method of analysis. To some extent, a comparative approach will also be employed to grasp the significance of the educational reforms introduced by Wahid Hasyim when examined in Light of similas initiatives undertaken by Muslim modemists. This thesis will consist of three chapters, in addition to an introduction and conclusion. The fitchapter will offer a biographicd sketch of Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim, covering his life, his education, and his works, which represent the clearest expression of his religious and socio-political response. Chapter two will discuss Wahid Hasyim's efforts at educational refonn. This chapter will be divided into sub-sections dealing with the educational systems that existed during the colonial period, the educational reforms proposed by Wahid Hasyim at Pondok Pesantren Tebu [reng as a pilot project of modernization of pesantrens, and fioally his policies regarding educational change during his tenure as a Minister of Religious Affairs. In chapter three we will observe Wahid Hasyim's political activities during the Dutch colonial period, the Iapanese occupation, and the era of hdonesian's independence. To complete this analysis. some religious as well as socio-political events bearing on Wahid Hasyim's activity will be examined. The sources of this study are divided into two categories: primary and secondary. The primary sources for this study consist in Wahid Hasyim's writings, most of which were compiled by Aboebakar and entitled ad Xi4 % H. K. WIWoliid 3Cidan Kamgan Tersiar. This is an extremely nch source. Secondaty sources consist of books and articles written by both Indonesian and Western scholars. such as those of Sutjiatiningsih?o Choinil Anam?l Mahmud Yunus32 and Zamakhsyari Dhofie~~3

3O Sutjiatiningsih, X, X W& !Hâsyun (Jakarta: Proyek Inventarisasi dan Dokumen Sejarah Nasional, 1984).

1 Choinil Anam. Pend;m Per@m6ayan Na/irl2irtuf ~lonro(Sala: Jatayu, 1985). Several of these sources, such as Dhofier, Anm and Yunus, include some matends that may be considered primary sources, or paraphrases of those sources.

32 Mahmud Yunus, Sgnmh Tendid4an Ishrû I&& (Jakarta: Mustaka Mahmudiah, 1980).

33 Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "The Pesantren Tradition." CHAPTER ONE

A Biographical Sketch of

Kyai Haji Abdul Wahid Hasyim

Abdul Wahid Hasyim has been succinctly descnbed as "a figure linking the civilization of the pesantren to modem Xndonesia."' A product of the pesantren world, having spent most of his time in Tebu ireng (his father's) pesantren. having sojourned at many other pesantrens and finally, having pursued mer studies in Mecca and elsewhere in Arabia, he brought a progressive and moderate attitude to the debate on national afTûirs, successfully bridging the differences between the traditionalists on the one hand and the modemists as well as secular nationdists on the other. This chapter provides a brief account of Wahid Hasyim's life, dealing with his childhood. education, famiiy. pesantren activities and political career, as well as a survey of his writings which were pubiished in a vaciety of magazines and newspapen.

'This phrase was Fust coined by ZamaWisyari Dhofier in his article "KHA. Wahid Hasyim Rantai Penghubung Peradaban Pesantren dengao Peradaban uidonesia Moderen," Prisma 8 ( 19 84): 73-8 1. A. His Life and early education

Abdul Wahid Hasyim was born on June 1, 1914, corresponding to Rabi 'al-

Awwal 5, 1333 AH., in Jombang. east ~ava.'He was the son of the greatly respected

'alirn K.H. (Kyai ~aji)~Hasyim Asy'ari, the founder of the Nahdlatul Ulama His name at birth was Muhammad Asy'ari. his grandfather's narne. Because he was il1 as an infant, however, it was changed to Abdul Wahid, the name of one of his great- grandfathers? During childhood, however, his mother preferred to cd1 him ~udin,6while his father's santris7 called him Gus ah id.^

'~boebakar Atjeh. Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Husjim dan Karangan Tersiar (Djakarta: Panitya Buku Peringatan Alm. K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim 1957). p. 141. ai ai is a title confened by society upon Islamic religious scholars ('damd) who hold a high level of Islamic knowledge from studying mostly at various pesantrens (traditionai Muslim institutions) and from pursuing their study in Middle East countries, such as the Haramain (Mecca and Medina) and Cairo. They often have their own pesanrren and act as its leader. In addition, they also usually become leaders of the society, especially in nird areas where they enjoy the honor and trust of their fellow-villagers. The title is usually followed by Haji (from Arabic ai-Hajj] as most of hem have prformed the pilgrimage to Mecca. See Howard M. Federspiel, "Muslim ïntellectuals in Southeast Asia: Tendencies toward Parallel Development," a paper presented at the Conference on Islam and Society in Southeast Asia at Jakarta, Indonesia (1995), p. 3. Kyai Haji is usually used by 'dama7 in lava, while in other parts of Indonesia, for instance in Aceh and Kalimantan or in Sulawesi, they are called Teungku and Twn Guru or Guru respectively . '~ahdlatul Ulama literally means "Awakening of Islamic Scholan." Established in 1926, it was a direct response to the rnodernist movement (Muhammadiyah) which was very much influenced by Wahhabist and reformist rnovements in Mecca and Egypt inspired by Muhammad 'AMUI Wahhib, Al-Afghani and Muhammad 'Abduh. C.A.O. Van Nieuwenhuijze, Aspects of Islam Nt Post-Colonial Indonesia (The Hague: W.van Hoeve, 1967). p. 45-46. '~boebakarAtjeh. Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangon Tersiar, p. 14 1; H.A. Basit Adnan. Kemelut di NU antara Kyai don Politisi (Solo: Mayasari, 1982), p. 42. It is cornmon in indonesia, pûrticularly in Java for people to name their children after a great ancestor in order to replicate the latter's expertise or power. However, if the child is continually sick, they change the name. For example, (The fint President of the Republic of Indonesia) aml Ahmad Dahlan (the founder of the moâernist movement, Muhammadiyah) boih underwent this expenence. The former's frst given name was Kusno, while the latter's was Darwis. See Pierce Labrousse, "The Second Life of Bung Kanio: Anaiysis of the Myth" (1978- 1981). Indonesia, No. 57 (April. 1994): 179; Mukti Ali, 'The Muharnmadijah Movernent" (MA thesis, McGill University, 1957). p. 28. The year of Wahid Hasyim's birth, according to Dhofier, was a significant one for the history of the Indonesian independence movement? Basing his argument on Bernhard

Dahm's analysis, he points out that Budi utorno'' (Glorious Endeavor Society) and the

Indische part$' which are considered to have been the starting point for the establishment of modern organizations aimed at raising national awareness,12 had by that

6Aboebakar Atjeh. Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 14 1. The spread of Islam among Indonesians has brought about a combination of Muslim names attached to native names Iike Mudin and Wahidin. The former is abbreviated from the Arabic word imim al-din which means a religious leader, while the latter was derived from Wa3id al- diin. '~heterms santri, and abangan were initially introduced by Geertz in picniring Javanese social citegorization. The sanrri is a Muslim punst. The priyayi is a mernber of the hereditq xistocracy which the Dutch, after vanquishing the native States, tumed into an appointed, salaried civil service. The abangan stresses the mimistic aspects of Javanese syncretism and is broadly Iinked to the peasant element in the population. See Clifford Geertz, The Religion of Java (London: The Free Press of Glenco, 1960). Geertz's thesis, however, has long been criticized because the variant priyayi cannot be contrasted with the sanrri-abangan but to the "wong cilik." See for example Zarnakhsyari Dhofier. "Santri-Abangm dalam Kehidupan Orang Jawa: Teropong dari Pesanmn," Prisma 5 (Juni, 1978): 64-65. '~utjiatiningsih,K. H. Wahid Hasyim (Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1983/1984), p. 4. Gus is a prestigious title entitled to the son of Mi. The word gus probably denves from the word bagus which means "the handsome one," or gusti which means "the most nspected." See also Mark R. Woodward, "Conversations with Abdurrahrnan Wahid" in Mark R. Woodward, ed., Toward A New Paradigm: Recent Development in Indonesian Islamic Thought (Arizona: Arizona State University, 1996), p. 140441. '~eeZamakhsyari Dhofier, "K.H.A. Wahid Hasyim Rantai Penghubung Peradaban Pesantren dengan Peradaban bdonesia Moderen": 73. '%di Utomo was established by Dr. Wahidin Soedirohoesodo (18574917) on May 20, 1908. For more detailed information see Akira Nagazumi,'The Ongin and Earlier Years of the Budi Utorno" (Ph.D dissertation, Comell University, 1967). "~heIndische Partij (Indies Party) was founded by the radical indo-European E. F. E. Douwes Dekker, known also as Setiabudhi, on September 6th, 1912 in Bandung. Roeslan Abdulgani, N

Utomo had attracted only about 10,000 mernbers, while indische Partij's membership numbered about 7,500. Their fasure to mobilue society was due in part to the inability of

Budi Utomo's leaders to identify with the interests of the cornmon people, and to the indische Partij's pre-occupation with the interests of the Eurasian and Chinese cornmunities, which mitigated its efforts in this direction. l3

Indeed, the first successful attempt at forming a mas organization was achieved by the SI (Sarekat Islam or Islamic ~ssociation).~'Prior to its establishment, there had

------Nasional or the Day of National Awakening and Wahidin is considered the father of bdonesian Nationdism. See Roeslan Abdulgani, Nutionalisrn, Revolution and Guided Democracy in Indonesia, p. 1. Cf. to Anton Timur Jaylani, 'nie Sarekat Islam Movement: Its Contribution to indonesian Nationalism*' (MA thesis, McGill University, 1959), p. 27. I3~ernhardDahm, Hirrory of Indonesia in the Twentieth Centrtry (London: Pal1 Mal1 Press, 197 l), p. 38; Bernard H. M. Vlekke, Nusantan, A Hisrory of the East Indiun Archipelago (Cambridge. Massachusetss: Harvard University Press. 1943), p. 335. Many scholars. such as Chrîstina Drake and Sartono Kartodirdjo, attnbute the failure of Budi Utomo to become a rnass rnovement to its practice of working on a purely cultural buis. Its social network was dorninated by the , especidly by priyayi. See Christine Drake, National integration: Pattern and Policies (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. 1989), p. 32; Sartono Kutodirdjo, Pengantar Sejarah Indonesia Baru: Sejarah Pergerukn Nasional, dari Kolonialisme sampai Nasionalisnte, 2 (Jakarta: Gramedia, 1990). p. 105. For hirther understanding of the Eurasians comrnunity see Paul W. van Der Veur, ''The Eumians of bdonesia: A Problem and Challenge in Colonial History." Journal of Southeast Asian History. 9. 9 (September 1967):191-207; Jean Gelman Taylor, ne Social World of Batavia, European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1983). The position of the Chinese had been economicaIly strong since the establishment of the Dutch East indian Company. The economic power of the Chinese in Indonesia at the beginning of the twentieth century was still incnasing. See Azyumardi Azra, 'The indies Chinese and the Sarekat islam: An Account of the Antichinese Riots in Colonial Indonesia," Studia Islamiku, vol. 1, no. 1 (April-June, 1994): 25-53; see also George McTuman Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia (Ithaca: Comell University Press, 19S2), p. 8-22. 1%red R. von der Mehden."Sarekat Islam,'' in John L. Esposito, ed., ne Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World (New York: Oxford Univeaity Press, 1995). vol. 3, p.475. See also Bernhard Dahm, History of Indonesia in the Twentieth Century, p. 39-40. For more comprehensive studies see Anton Timur Jaylani, 'The Sarekat Islam Movemnt: Its Contribution to indonesian Nationalism"; APE. Korver, "Sarekat Islam," (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Amsterdam, 1982). existed the Sarekat Dagang Islam, founded by in 19 11 which was essentially an organization interested in manufacnuing and trade.15 The following year, on

September 10, 1912 to be exact, this association was re-constituted under the name

Sarekat Islam with H. O. S. ~jokroaminoto'~as its first head. The movement changed its outlook as well, concentrating on the issues of political and social advancement, dong with its older economic concerns. At the time of its formation, the organization had 4,500 members. Two years later, Le., by the time of Wahid Hasyim's birth. it boasted a membership of 366,913.'' Von der Mehden remarks that there were several factors that led to the success of the SI in mobilizing the Indonesian people:

There is little doubt that the association did obtain many of its members because of its Islarnic character. A host of reasons can be assembled to explain the drawing power of Islam, including an increasing interest in Islam as a religion, the association of the ratu adil (belief in a coming Messiah) with Tjokroaminoto and Sarekat Islam. the use of Islam as a national symbol by the leadership of the S.L, the reaction to missionary activities, the concurrence of religious and economic interests arnong the hadjis, and reactions to Dutch clerical policies.'8

1s M.C.Ricklefs, A History of Modem Indonesia Since cJ3W (Stanford. California: Stanford University Press, 1993). p. 166. 1%or molz detailed information about H.O.S. Tjokroaminoto see Arnelz, H.O.S. Tjokroaminoto: Hidup don Perdjuangannja (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang. 1952); M. Masyhur Amin, Saham HOS Tjokrociminotu dnlom Kebangunan Islam dan Nosionolisme di lndonesia (Yogyakarta: Nur Cahaya, 1983). "~enihard Dahm. Sukurno and the Struggle for Indonesian Independence (Ithaca: Comell University Press, L969). p. 13. Bernhard Dahrn, Himry of lndonesia in the Twentieth Century, p. 40. 18 Fred R. von der Mehden, Religion and Nationalism in Southeast Asia. 2nd ed. (Madison: the University of Wisconsin Press, 1968). p. 41. Although the Sarekat Islam gained support from a srnail but influentid Javanese middle class, i.e., dokter jawas, teachers, merchants and lesser , and fiom a rural population which believed in the imminent appearance of the ratu adil, a Javanese

Messiah, the most important factor that led to its success was the involvement of sanîri

Muslirns who consciously identified with the association. Indeed, the significance of the

Islamic religious symbolism used by the association and the remarkable role played by

&piscannot be underestimated. As a matter of fact. Islam. in the case of indonesia, was unquestionably an inspirational factor in the emergence of Indonesian nati~nalism.'~

Kyois, community leaders who were recognized as having great power, even to the extent of supernaturai abilityT2'were easily able to mobilize the cornmon people in the struggle for independence." Sorne even took direct part in fighting and often led the revolt against colonial nile, such as in the case of the uprising of , a pious prince from

'Qeliar Noer even clairns that "Islam was identical with [Indonesian] nationaiity" because "Nationalism in hdonesia started with Muslim Nationalism." See Deliar Noer, The Modemist Muslim Movement in Indonesia. 1900-1942 (Singapore; New York: Oxford University Ress, 1973). p. 7. It is true. to a great extent, that religion has been shown to stimulate the emergence of nationalism not only in indonesia but dso in other parts of the world. In the case of the emergence of the Btitish nationalism. the Roman Catholic Church and Caivinism played a significant role. Anton Timur Jaylani, 'The Sarekat Islam Movernent: Its Contribution to indonesian Nationalism," p. 9-10. For a comprehensive discussion of the relationship between religion and nationalism see for exampies Von der Mehden. Religion and Nationalism in Southeust Asia; Peter can Der. Religious NationulCFni: Hindus and Muslim in India (Berkeley, CA: University of Caiifomia Press. 1994). %mong Indonesians and Javanese in particular. bais are believed to have karomah (a man who is greatly loved by Allah) and to be sources of baruhh (Allah's blessing). Having such 'power', allows him to be a charismatic leader. See Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "Kinship and Marriage Arnong the Javanese Kyai." lndonesia 29 (April. 1980). p. 53. "sec 20makhisyari Dhofier. Tradsi Pesantren: Studi tentang Pandangan Hidup Kyai (Jakarta: LP3ES. 1985). p. 96-97. central ~ava," or in those of Haji Hasan cimaremeZ and Teungkoe Thji di Tiro from

~ceh.2~In other words, Islam, during the colonial penod, inspued virtually most anri- colonial movements, while the bais came to play a key motivational role in the events emanating from them. Furthemore, it was the pesantrens, where they taught on a daily basis, that became the centres of the stmggle for independence?

The socio-political and religious situation at that time may have had little meaning to other children, but it was of vemendous significance to Wahid Hasyirn since his father,

K.H. Hasyim Asy'ari, was a prominent and charismatic figure to whom everybody, even nationalist leaders, such as General sudiman" and Bung ~omo," tmed for advice on

%e war, known as the Java War, was waged from 1825 to 1830. See lustus M. van der Krwf, "Rince Diponegoro: Progenitor of Indonesian Nationalisrn," The Far Eastern Quarterly 8 (1949): 424-450. See also Kan1 A. Steenbrink Beberapa Aspek tentang Islam di Indonesia Abad ke-19 (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1984)- p. 17-3 I ; George McTuman Kahin, Nationalisrn and Revofution in Indonesio, p. 1 1. See Chusnul Hajati, 'The Tragedy of Cimareme: The Resistance of Haji Hasan to the Colonial Power in I9 19," Studia Isfarnika, vol. 3, no. 2 (1996): 59-84. '?eungku Yakub Ismail. Teungkoe Thji di Tiro (Medan: Poestaka "Antara," 1945). 3~eliarNoer, "Islam dan Politik di Indonesia," Prisnui, vol. 8, no. 8 (Agustus, 1979): 8. 26~eneralSudirman was a military leader in the revolutionary period. He used guenilla tactics in his bid to oust the Dutch. He visited Pesantren Tebu ireng in Ramadan 1946. His purpose was to seek advice and to obtain a fatwa from K. H. Hasyim Asy'ari. Akarhanaf, Kiai Hasjim Asj'ari Bapak Ummat Islam Indonesia (Jombang: Pondok Tebu Ireng, 1950). p. 46. For a comprehensive biograp hy see Yusuf Abdullah Puar. Jendeml Sudiman. Puniot Teladan (Jakarta: Yayasan Panglima Besar , 1981), while to hirther understand his stniggle see hstitute of Southeast Asian Studies, Genesis of Powec General Sudiman und the Indonesian Military in Politics, 194549 (Singapote: institue of Southeast Asian Studies. 199 1). p. 9 1-129. nlmmn Arifin, Kepeminipinan Kyui, Kasus Pondok Pesantren Tebu Ireng (Malang: Kalimasahada, 1993). p. 80. Bung Tomo was the leader of the Surabaya 10 November Movement By shouting the words Allahu Akbur continuously over the radio. he successfully inspired people to attack the Dutch and British forces that came to Indonesia on November 10, 1945 to ce-take bcionesia's independence by force. For a bnef of his biography see Sulistina , Bung Torno: Smiku (JahRistaka Sinar Harapan, 1995). both religious and political issues. This was the situation in which Wahid Hasyim found himself at birth.

Tracing his ancestry on both his father's and his rnother's sides, Wahid Hasyim belonged to a famify with a long religious tradition, and this meant that he was to grow up in a very religious milieu. His rnother, ~afi~ah,'~was the daughter of Kyai Ilyas, a well- known 'alim at Pesantren Sewulan in ~adiun,'~while on his fatheis side he was the descendent of weii-respected '~larn~.~~His father, grandfather and great-grandfather were al1 Islamic scholars who devoted their lives to the teaching and leaming of religious doctrine and practice and who served to inspire the establishment of many pesantrens in

Java. K.H. Hasyim Asy'ari, Wahid Hasyim's father, was himself the founder of Pesanuen

Tebu Ireng in Jombang, while his grandfather, K.H. 'Asy'ari. was also the founder of

Pesantren Keras in Jombang. Moreover, his great-grandfather, Kyai Usman, was recognized not only the founder of Pesantren Gedang, which was established in the third quarter of the nineteenth century, but also as the person who introduced the sufi

Naqsabandiyah order to east Java, especially to Jombang at that time.3'

=~afi~ahwas the third of seven wives muried by K.H.Hasyirn Asy'iiri. See Solichin Salam. K.H. Hasjim Asj'ari Uluma Besar indonesîa (Jakarta: Djaja Mumi. 1963), p. 38. '%mon Mfin, Kepemimpinan Kyai: Kasus Pondok Pesantren Tebu Ireng, p. 8 1. Aboebakar Atjeh. Sedjarah Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Hasjim dnn Karangon Tersiar, p. 55- 63. "~eeMartin van Bruinessen, Tarekat Naqsubandiyah di Indonesîa, Suwey Hisroris. Geograjis dan Sosiologis (Bandung: Mizan. 1992). p. 168. Abdurahman Wahid mentions that Kyai Usman's pesuntren became the centre! of the sufi order movement. See Abdurrahman Wahid, "Pecinta Fiqh Sepanjang Hayat," in Humaidy Abdussami and Ridwan FaWa, 5 Rais 'Am NaMlatul Ulama (Yogyakarta: LTN and Pustaka Pelajar. 1995). p. 70. Wahid Hasyirn's father, K.H. Hasyim ~s~'ari.'~bom in 187 1. was perhaps the most wel1-known 'hin the history of Indonesia. Not only was his expertise in the

Islamic religious sciences recognized, especially in 'ilm al-hd3h (Prophetic tradition):' but also his possession of supernaturd power was acknowledged by rnany santris, al1 of which led hem to study at Tebu Ireng, Hasyim Asy'ari's pesantren. Even his own former teacher, Kyai Kholil ~an~kalan:~frequented the pesantren to attend his lectures. Because of his broad knowledge, Hasyim Asy'ari was given the title Hadratus Shaikh (Grand

Islamic scholar),-" and was moreover recognized by many as a wnli (saint). According to

James Fox:

If a Iearned @ai might still be considered as waii, there is one figure in recent Javanese history who would have been a prime candidate for the tole of wali. This is the great scholar, Hadratus Shaikh-Kyai Hashirn Ash'ari [Hasyim Asy'ari] ...Possessed of knowledge ('dm)and regarded as a source of blessing (bamkah) by those who knew him, Hashirn Asy'ari [Hasyim Asy'ari] becarne in his lifetime the persona1 centre of a network linking the leading @ais of pesantrens throughout ~ava?

or a comprehensive biography see for example Lathifhl Khuluq, "Kyai Haji Hasyim Asy'ari's Religious Thoughts and Political Activities (1871-1947)" (MA Thesis, McGill University. 1997); Akarhanaf. Kiai Hosjim Asj'ari Bapak Ummar Islam Indonesia (Jombang: Pondok Tebu Ireng, 1950). 33Martin van Bminessen."Kitab Kuning and Pesanuen: Maintenance and Continuation of A Tradition of Religious Leaming," Mizun. vol. 5, no. 2 (1992): 43. ai ai Khdil was a great 'alim of Java and Madura at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. He can be regarded as the grand master of the bai as he instructed many of the famous 'ulamü'. such as Kyai Hasyim Asy'ari. Kyai Wahab Hasbullah and Kyai As'ad Syamsul Anfin. Martin van Bruinessen, Tarekt Naqsabandiyah di Indonesia, Survey HistorisTGeoms dan Sosiologis, p. 178. ''FI. ''FI. A. Basit Adnao, Kernelut di NU antara Kyai dnn Polirisi. p. 3. Sames Fox. "Ziarah visits to the Tomb of Wali, the Founder of Islam on Java," in M.C. Ricldefs ed.. Islam in the Indonesiun Social Context (Clyaton. Victoria: Center of Southeast Asian Studies. Monash University, 1991), p. 30. Hasyim Asy'ari paid particular attention to the religious education of his children, seeing this as a basic element in the formation of character. From his childhood, in fact,

Wahid Hasyim was under his father's direct tutelage. Besides Iearning io speak Arabic in daily conversations with his father, in addition to his native Javanese, Wahid HasyVn picked up other religious sciences, especially Qur'kic recitation, after the dzuhur

(afiernoon) and maghrib (sunset) prayers. Qur'anic recitation is commonly taught in the archipelago as the first step in the pesantren cumculurn. as has been the case since the establishment of the instit~tion.~'

At the age of seven, Wahid Hasyim began to study classical Arabic texts-the so- called yellow book (kitab kuning). Among the works he studied were Fath al- Qarib

(Introduction to Elementary Islamic Law), Minha7 al-Qawim (The Straight Path) and

Mutammimah (Arabic ~rammar)?~books which were usually regarded as suitable only for senior students to read. These books, according to a survey done by Bruinessen, are actually used at thanawi (secondary) and 'a7r (advanced) leve~s,'~Le., by students who have attained the ages of thirteen to eighteen. He seems to have been a precocious child.

"~eeZYnakhsyari Dhofier, 'The Role of Qur'anic Schools in the Universafization of Basic Education in indonesia" Mkn. vol. 5, no. 2 (1992): 13-14. See also B. J. Boland, The Stncggle of lslam in Modern Indonesia (Leiden: The Hague-Martinus Nijhoff. 1982), p. 64. See also Mitsuo Nakamura and Setsuo Nishino, "lslamic Higher Eâucation in IndonesiaHigher Education Policy, vol. 6. no. 2 (1993): 5 1. "~boebakar Atjeh Sedjorah Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Hasjirn &n Karangan Tersiar. p. 146; see &O Suijiatiningsih, K.H. Wahid Hasyim. p. 5. Fathul Qan'b and Minhajul Qawh are books of jurisprudence (fiqh) in nference to educational purposes. while the Mutammimah is a work of instrumental sciences, ilmu da?, dealing with nahw (syntax). For Merinformation see Martin van Bminessen. "Kitab Kuning: Books in Arabic Script Used in the Pesantren Milieu," B KITLV, 146: 226-269. 3%utin van Bruinessen, "Kitab Kuning: Books in Anbic Script Used in the Pesantren Milieu," 226-269. Even though the pesantren was a fertile place for his intellect, he found that he was interested in subjects outside the standard pesantren c~culurn,which he acquired on his own through self-study. In this way he studied works of a popular religious and

Literary nature, especially those written in Arabic script. His appreciation of DiwÜn al-

Shu'arai a collection of Arabic poems, is one example of such self-study. Therefore, it was not surprising that, by the age of twelve, he was able to read many Arabic books and to translate them into Javanese. These abilities were very useful for Wahid Hasyim whenever he substituted for his father in the lecture hall (halaqah c~ass):~particularly when K.H. Hasyim Asy'ari was ill, while at home he regularly taught his young brothers the work known as 'Izzi " in the evening?'

in pesantren circles, it is not surprising that at a young age. a gus (the title given to the son of a kyai ) should assist his father in teaching a pesantren's sontris. As we see in the cases of K. H. Hasyim Asy'ari and Kyai Zainuddin for exarnple, the former began to give lectures at the age of thirteen," while the latter had by the age of seventeen already taught and led the Pesantren Ai-Huda in ~anit.~A gus is seen as qualified for such a task due to the fact that he usually receives special training from his own father.

Furthemore, he would normalIy putsue his studies at other pesontrens. and according to

al Halaqah is one of teaching rnethods applied in pesanfren circle. This will be broadly elaborated in chapter two. "'~zzi deais with the ~bjectof qarf (inflection) and was wtitten by 'Inaddin Ibrahim az-Zanjâni. See Martin van Bruinessen, "Kitab Kuning: Books in Arabic Script Used in the Pesantren Milieu," 24 1. '*~boebakarAtjeh, Sedjumh Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Hasjirn &n Karangan Tersiar, p. 146. 43 Zarnakhsyari Dhofier, "Kinship and Marriage Among the Iavanese Kyai," p. 53. UZamakbsyari Dhofier, TdsiPesantren. Studi tentang Pondungm Hidup Kyai, p. 69. Dhofier, would receive special attention or tutorship from whichever bai he studied under, so that his knowledge and leadership achievements often surpassed those of other santrr's.45

The development of Wahid Hasyim' knowledge was always a priority in the eyes of his fathcr. When the latter felt that his son had leamed enough from him. Atjeh tells us,

Hasyim Asy'ari sent him to pursue his education in other pesantrens whose kyais had expertise in specific Islamic sciences. Thus while still a boy of thirteen, Wahid Hasyim left Pesantren Tebu Ireng and began his joumey to a succession of great pesantrens.M

The first pesantren that he visited was Pesantren Siwalan Panji in Sidoq'o, where

K.H. Hasyim Asy'ari, his father. had studied. Under the guidance of Kyai Hasyim and

Kyai Chozin Panji, Wahid Hasyim leamt the works Hikam (Wisdom), Bideah [al-

Hid~ijuh](Fit Step of Guidance), Sullam al-Tawfiq (The Means of Good Fortune) and

Tafsir alilola7ayn (Qur'anic ~xe~esis)."He stayed at the pesantren for only 25 days,

4sZarnakhsyari Dhofier, "Kinship and Marriage Among the Javanese Kyai," p.53. It is aiso believed that most gus are believed to be able to acquire ilmu laduni. that is, an ability to master various branches of Islamic knowledge without studying. In Dhofier's own words that "God has blessed gus with Islamic knowledge from the time they were born." Nevertheless, bais still urged their sons and santris to study hard because "nobody was bom as an 'a7im." Evidently. bais still strongly paid attention and gave special training to their sons. even to the extent of sending them to well-known pesantrens to pursue their education. This rneant that to master knowledge, either a gus or ordinary people. have to exen great effort. Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Tradisi Pesantren: Stdi tentang Pandangan Hidup Kyai. p. 69-71. *~boebaicar Atjeh, Sedjurah Hidup K. HA. Wahid HaFjim p, 146. "~ikomand Bidayh discuss tasawwuf or mysticism, Sullam ai-Tmvflq is a book on jurisprudence Wqh).and Tafsir al-Jula7qn is a work of Qur'anic exegesis. These books are used at 'ali (advanced), thami (secondary) and 'ai (advanced) levels respectively. Martin van Bruinessen, "Kitab Kuning: Books in Arabic Script Used in the Pesantren Milieu," 264-266. during the fasting month of ~arnajiin?~After finishing this program he renirned to his father's pesantren, Tebu Ireng. The following year, he traveled to many other pesantrens in Java on short visits, including to Pesantren Lirboyo in Kediri, before retuming to spend his time in self-directed study at Tebu keng?'

Thus Wahid Hasyim's educational program consisted of study under his father and more formal sessions with @ais in the institutions he visited. These sessions, including the Ramadan program, which were an appiied fom of the halaqah system, usually consisted of reading the entire texts of various classical works and translating them either into Javanese or Maiay. The program could only be considered finished if al1 the set texts wen read. To deepen their knowledge of the works studied. the students are expected to review them. It cm be assumed. therefore, that Wahid Hasyim profited from his studies with these kyois, and pursued them in more depth on his remto Tebu Ireng through independent study.

Although he had thoroughly 'mastered' the Arabic language and script by this stage, he had yet to encounter the Roman alphabet. This he began leaming at the age of

is cornmon even today that for pesantren to offer a special program during Ramadân. Today, the govemment develops the program known as pesantren kilat, which covers the cumculum from elementary to high school. "% seems that. like other bais in Java, Hasyim Asy'ari's purpose to send his son to some well-known pesantrens was so that he could becorne acquainted with rnany bais from whom Wahid Hasyim could learn specific subjects and gain a broader undentanding of the teachingllearning process and the specific subjects offered by those pesantrens. For further information see ZamaWisyari Dhofier. "Kinship and Marriage Among the Javanese Kyai." From his sojourn, consciously or noi. he profited in at least two ways that proved to be advantageous to him in the future. Fit, by familiarizing himself with the teachingfleaming process in various pesontrens, he gained insight into the weaknesses of their educational system, which helped him in developing solusions for that system when he decided to do so Iater on. Second. his jowney created bridges for him with rnany kyais, whom he later edisted as diies in mobilizing society to resist colonial nile. when he began to become involved in the anti-colonial movement. fifteen, but soon 'mastered' it as well.'' How he accomplished this we do not know.

However, since Moh. ilyas, Wahid Hasyirn's cousin, graduated from HIS and came to

Tebu Ireng to study the religious sciences in 1925:' it can be presumed that Wahid

Hasyim initially learned the Roman script from him. It was after alI Moh. nyas who fust introduced 'secular sciences,' including the Roman script, to the sanfris of Tebu Ireng.

Wahid Hasyim thereafter red widely, devouring not only a variety of books but also magazines and journais written in many languages, e.g., Indonesian, Javanese and Arabic.

He subscribed to severai joumals and magazines, not only from other regions within the archipelago but also from abroad, such as Penjebar Semangat (Spreader of Courage),

Daulat Rahyat (The People Sovereignty), Pandji Pmstaka (Standard Book), Umm al-

Qura', Shaut al-Hija't (The Voice of Hijaz), Ai-Lathdif al- Musawwarah (The

Significance of Consultation), Kullusha 'in wa ai-Diinyü (Everythng and the World) and

De Locomotif (The ~rain).~'

Wahid Hasyim's latest ski11 also introduced him to the 'secular sciences' and other foreign languages. such as Dutch and English. in addition to independent study of those subjects and Ianguages from Sumber Pengetahuan (The Sources of Knowledge: a

M~boebakarAtjeh, Sedjorah Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Hasyim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 146. '' Aboebah Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Hqirn dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 83. R~boebakarAtje h, Sedjarah Hidup K. HA. Wohid Hasyim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 146; see also Sutjianîngsih, "K.H.A. Wahid Hasyim," p. 7. From his reading at least, it could be assumed that he got a broader knowledge of social, economics, as well as politicai movements not only in hdonesia but aiso in other parts of the world. This assumption is based on the fact that most newspapers and periodicals reported about those issues, for exarnple De Locomotif was usually used by humanists to spread the idea of humanitarianism, Le.. "the desire for pater local authonomy and improved condition for the indigenous peoples of the East India." See Robert van Neil, The Emrgence of the Modem Indonesian Elite (The Hague: W. van Hoeve, 1970), p. 8. magazine in three languages):3 he also learned these latter from Imam sukadan," Moh.

Ilyasj5 and others among his father's santris. It is stated by Kyai &ins6 that "Kyai Wahid

Hasyirn's knowledge of Dutch and English was acquired from Tebu Ireng's santris and self study. This was possible because Tebu Ireng's suntris came not oniy From the village comrnunity but also from farnilies that had thernselves been educated in Dutch schools.

As such, Wahid Hasyim was able to leam ianguages and politics from them.""

Wahid Hasyim aiso registered himself as a member of a library in Surabaya.

Unlike the other members who often read books based on their interests or needs, he read al1 the books available in the library; it is even reported that he borrowed and read them in call-number ~rder.'~But there is little definite information about this. It rnight be aie that he read al1 the books available in the library because of their limited number, or that he merely reviewed them for content and read selectively. In short, through independent study, his knowledge soon extended from tufsir (exegesis), hadith (the Prophet traditions)

"Imam Sukarian was a Taman Siswa teacher who came to the Pesantren Tebu Ireng to study religious sciences. Because of his mastery of Dutch. he was appointed to teach this language in the Madrasah Salafiyah, Pesantren Tebu ireng. Sutjianingsih. K.HA Wahid Hasyim, p. 6. '%oh. nyas was Wahid Hasyim's cousin. He studied at HIS (Holland uilandsche ScholedDutch Native School) in Surabaya. During his studies, he learned Dutch. After finishing, he came to Pesantren Tebu Ireng for hirther education. Together with Wahid Hasyirn, he also helped K.H. Hasyim Asy'ari teach Dutch and the 'secular sciences" and to develop the institution. The latter issue will be further discussed in chapter two. MKyai Zein was a former teacher of classical lslarnic works at Pesantrem Tebu Ireng at that time. ?bis quote is from Imron Anfin's Kepemirnpinan Kyai. Kasus Pondok Pesanrren Tebu Ireng, p. 82. ""KH. A. Wahid Hasjim," in MPB. Manus et.& Tokoh-Tukuh BPWPKI, vol. 2 (Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. 1993), p. 93. andfiqh (Islamic law) to history, politics. natural sciences and philosophy~gThis broad base of knowledge was a vital resource for him in teaching the pesantren's santris and for giving public speeches.

W

Further his religious education at the same time? Accompanied and guided by his older cousin, Moh. llyas, he traveled to Mecca in 1932 and stayed there for one year. With

59 Sutjiatiningsih. K. H. Wahid Hasyim. p. 7. This is quoted from Keterangan Tenulis K.HSaifuddin Zuhri, Naskuh Ketikan. p. 4. "c. Snouck Hurgronje, who stayed in Arabia for one yew (about half a year in Mecca and the rest in ledda) in order to survey the Indonesian students' activities there, pointed out that it can be understood that many Indonesian students went to Mecca because it was the international Muslim center, and moreover the intellecnial center of Indonesian islam where they studied religious sciences from 'dama7 teaching in Masjid al-Harim. See C. Snouck Hurgronje. Mekka in the Latter Pan of the 19th Century. tran. J. H. Monahan (Leyden: Late E J Bnll, 193 1). p.212; Martin van Bruinessen, Kitab Kuning Pesantren dan Tarekat Tradisi-tradisi islam di Indonesia. p.42. However. due to the changes introduced by the Saudi govemment. i.e., under the control of Wahhabi govemment and with the rapid increase of reformist movement in Egypt dunng the lasi decades of colonial period many Indonesian students went to Cairo for hirther education. Kace1 Steenbnnk, "Recaptunng The Past: Historicd Studies By [AIN-Staff' in Mark R Woodward ed., Towurd A New Paradigm: Recrnt Development in Indonesiun Islamic Thought (Arizona: ASU Program for Southeast Asian Studies, 1996). p. 156.

6 1The tendency to go and study in Arabia, especially in Mecca, had actuaily existed since the seventeenth century. This is proved by the fact diat there were many indonesian students in the Middle East who became prominent figures in Mecca as well as in bdonesia, such as Abdul Rauf Al-Sinkili. Muhammad Yusuf Al-Maqassari, Abd Samad Al-Palimbani and Muhammad Anyad AI-Banjari. For more detailed information see Azyumardi Ana, 'The Transmission of Islarnic Reformism to bdonesia: Networks Eastern and Malay-indonesian Ularna in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries" (Ph.D thesis. Columbia University, 1992). The tendency grew rapidly by the end of the 19th and early 20th centuries, especially when the Suez canal was opened in 1870. It made for easier. cheaper and safer passage for those going on hajj. Karel Steenbrink, "Recapturing The Past: Historical Studies By lAIN-Staff' p. 156. For more complete data on the number of those performing hojj see J. Vredenberg, 'The Haddj: Some of its Features and Functions in indonesia," BTLV 118 (1962): p. 149 (appendix II); D. van der Meulen. 'The Mecca Pilgrimage and its Importance to the Netherlands East Indies," The Asiatic Review 36 Moh. nyas, he studied tufsk hadiih, fiqh, ta,pvwuf and other religious sciences from many shaykhs, such as Umar Hamdan and Abdul Wahab al-Khuqir. These 'dama7 taught religious sciences at the Masjid al-Hariin, a primary place of religious leaming in the holy city (Mecca). 62 From diis explanation. it can be said that during his stay in

Mecca, Wahid Hasyim pursued the study of religious sciences through the halaqah system under these prominent 'ulamà' .

On reniming home from his stay in Mecca, he began his career as an 'alim, joining the teaching staff at Tebu Ireng, his father's pesantren. He was appointed as his father's assistant, and his tasks included enswing the continuity of the teaching/learning process, answering letten connected with Islamic law, delivenng sermons and attending academic ~erninars.6~This was the usual pattern in the life of a gus for the rem from snidy in Mecca, for from representing a merely acadernic attainment, marked a rite of passage in which the gus was no longer simply a student of his father, but was thereafter to be regarded as junior colleague learning the art of teaching and preparing himself to one day take his father's place as head of the pesantren.

But he proved to be more than simply a reflection of his father. He uied to reformulate the purpose of study in the pesantren. He improved the pesantren's teaching methods and established a new mode1 institution named the Madrasah Nizamiyah, at which 'reiigious' as well as 'secular' sciences were offered. He also initiated the founding of a library and established the IKPI (Ikatan Pelajar-Pelajar Islam or Union of Muslim

(1940): p. 588-597; Aqib Suminto, Politik Islam Hindio Belan& (Jakarta: LP3ES. 1986). p. 222- 223. "~boebakarAtjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 86. Students) in 1936.~These developrnent, which were unusual in the setting of the pesantren, will be broadly elaborated in the chapter two.

In 1938 Wahid Hasyim began to become involved in national organizations. He joined the Nahdlatul Ulama, a socio-religious organization led by his father. He fmt

became the secretary of the NU sub-branch (ranting NU) in Tjukir [Cukir] and then for a

short time becarne the NU leader for the Jombang branch (district level). Two years later

he was promoted to be a member of the NU'S central board, in charge of the Department

of Education (Ma 'arfl in which he became widely known and where he propagated his

ideas to NU memben in hopes of developing the pesantren's curriculum and re-

organizing the NU'S rnadras~hs.~~

The rapid promotion of Wahid Hasyim in the socio-politicai organization at the

national level seems to be affected, at lem, by two factors: family line and his own

abilities. As a son of a prominent figure. his father's charisma and standing may have

given him the confidence to hold important positions in religious as well as political

organizations either at the local or national levels. Hasyim Asy'ari's agreement to

prornote rapidly Wahid Hasyim's position in the Nahdlatul Ularna cm also be seen in the

light that the former saw his son as his representative who would give him tnithhil

information. and could be easily contacted in any occasion. In addition, his success was

also due in part that as a gus, Wahid Hasyixn can be considered as a bai who was

63bb~~.A. Wachid Hasjim," in MPB. Manus et& Tokoh-TokohBPLIPKI, p. 93.

u"~.Abdul Wahid Hasyim," in Emiklopedi Islam, vol. 5, (Jakarta: Ichtiar Bani Van Hoeve, 1993), p. L63. regarded as "having an authoritative presence on the local and the national scene; they are among the effective decision makers in the Javanese social system, not only in religious but also in political affairs."a Wahid Hasyim's abilities in terms of organization and leadership was acknowledged by the traditionalist circle. It was obvious that upon his retum fiom Mecca, he showed his future sight and efforts for the development of the traditionalists, including the establishment of new educational system and the initiative of the establishment of youth organization. His success to implement his ideas, at least. indicated his cornpetence to hold any positions in religious as well as political organizations. Again. both his father's influence and Wahid Hasyim's abilities led him easily to hold a key position in religious, social and politicai organizations.

Akhough he paid considerable attention to the educational field. Le., in the development of pesantrens and madrasahs, he was ais0 concemed with the political situation at that time. This was particularly true with the end of Dutch power and the onset of the Iapanese occupation. He began to involve himself in social and politicai organizations through which the indonesian people demonstrated their dissatisfaction with the colonial status quo.

In 1940, Wahid Hasyim was appointed ta be the president of the central board of the MIAI (Majelis al-Islam al-A'la indonesia or Supreme Islamic Council of Indonesia), a federation of the existing Islamic organizations established in 1937, with the

6S~boebakarAtjeh, Sedjurah Hidup K.H.A. Wahid Husjim dan Karangan Tersiut-, p. 16 1; See also Saifuddin Zuhci, Guruku Orang-Orung Pesantren (Bandung: Al-Ma'arif, 1974?). p. 88. 6%makhsyari Dhofier, "Kinship and Marriage Among the Javanese Kyai," p. 49. Muhammadiyah and the NU as its backbone.6' Together with GAP1 (Gabungan Politik

Indonesia or Indonesian Political Federation), a political federation established by the nationalist parties in 1939, the NU joined hands to form the Kongres Rakyat Indonesia

(Congress of the Indonesian People), which called for an Indonesia Berparlemen (an

Indonesian parliment).68 At the end of the Dutch colonial period. Wahid Hasyim was asked by his father to return to Tebu Ireng to assist bim in organizing the pesantren!g

However, soon after the Japanese troops came to hdonesia, Wahid Hasyim once again became involved in the struggle for independence.

His deep cornmitment to the Indonesian struggle for independence from colonial rule and to the unification of the thousands of islands in the archipelago was arnply demonstrated by his involvement in the BPUPKI's and later on in the PPKI's meetings7' which resulted in the famous agreement between secular and Islamic nationalists known as the Jakarta Charter (Piagam Jakarta). The involvement of Wahid Hasyim in the political arena will be discussed more fully in chapter 3.

Following independence in 1945. Wahid Hasyim, in collaboration with many

'ularnà' from both 'traditionalists' and 'modemists' backgrounds. promoted the fit

67~boebakarAtjeh. Sedjarah Hidup K. H.A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 3 15. 68 See "Kongres Rakjat hdonesia dan aksi Parlemen." in Soeloeh. vol. 20 (January, 1940): 4-7. See also Hamy J. Benda, The Crescent und the Rising Sun, Indonesian Islam under the Japanese Occuporion 1942- 1945 (Netherlands: The Hague, 1958?), p. 98. See also Saihiddin Zuhn. Kaleiduskop Politik di Indonesia. vol. 1 (Jakarta: Gunung Agung, 198 1), p. 60. 69'K.H. Abdul Wahid Hasyim," in Ensiklopedi Isianz, vol. 5, p. 164. '%PUPKI is an abbreviation of Badan Penyelidik Usaha-usaha Persiapan Kernerdekaan Indonesia (hvestigating Cornmittee for Prepatory Work for Indonesia Indepeodence), while PPKI stands for Panitia Peaiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (Committee for the Preparation of the Independence of hdonesia). Those cornmittee members wece representative of the nationalisb 'modemist' and 'traditionalist' leaders. indonesian Muslim Congress or Mu'tamar Ummat Islam in Yogyakarta. This congress resulted in the establishment of Masyumi (Majelis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia or

Consultative Council of the Indonesian Muslims), as the sole Islamic political party in

Indonesia.

Beside being appointed to the leadership of Masyumi, he was dso appointed

Minister of Religious Affairs ihree cabinets (Hatu, Natsir, ~ukiman)."hong his many contributions to nationai life were his improvements to the ministry, changing it from a colonial to a republican focus, his efforts at maintaining harmonious relations among different religious groups and his proposal for the establishment of various religious institutions, such as Pergunian Tinggi Agama Islam Negeri, which later on became

Institut Agama Islam Negeri (the State institute for Islamic Studies).

When the NU under his leadership decided to withdraw from Masyumi and proclah itself an autonomous Muslim political party in 1952, Wahid Hasyim gave up his efforts at developing the NU at the national level. A year later, on April 19, 1953 to be exact, he was killed in a car accident while traveling to Bandung to attend an NU meeting?' He was buried in his home town, lornbang, East Java He left his wife,

Solihah, the daughter of Kyai Bisn bi am suri?^ and six children behind him. His oldest

""ICyai Wahid Hasyim,"in Leksikon Islam (Jakarta: Pustazet Perkasa: 1988), p. 754. n~anitya Harlah 40 Tahun N.U., Tamboh Usiu, Tumbah Aml. Sedjaruh Ringkas NaMland 'Ulama. p. 85. lJICyai Bishri Syarnsuri is known as the founder of Pesanuen Denanyar. For his biography see Abdurrahman Wahid. "Pecinta Fiqh Sepanjang Hayat." pp. 59-104. son whom, named Abdurrahman ad-Dachil, but more popularly known as Abdurrahman

Wahid or Gus Dur, is now the leader of the Nahdlatul ~larna?~

Although Wahid Hasyim passed away at the edy age of 39, his abilities in terms of leadership and organization, as well as his qualities as an 'aim were recognized and highly reguded by both his fiiends aad his opponents. When he heard of the death of

Wahid Hasyim, , who was a frequent target of Wahid Hasyim's cnticism between 1950 and 1953, showed his respect for the latter in his statement "a fkiend of mine passed a~a~."~~Isa Anshory, a representative of Persis (Persatuan

Islam/Tslamic in the MIAI said that Wahid Hasyim was acapable leader who was able to unite the different ideas of various organizations and who was a skilled organizer who played his cards inteiiigently during the struggle for independence. This was because he undeatood the goal of the struggle and saw ir as well from a wider perspective?7 A later observer, Greg Barton, pos!ulates that "perhaps if Wahid Hasyim had not been killed in an automobile accident in 1953 the situation might have developed differently."78 The postulate proposed by Barton might be tme. From Wahid Hasyirn's career, Barton might see him as a traditionalist who brought progressive ideas to the

"~bdurahmanWahid's brothers and sisten are 'Aisyah, Sholahuddin Al-Ayyubi. Umar. Hadijah and Hasyim. H. A. Basit Adnan. Kemelut di NU antam Kyai dan Politisi, p.45. 7s~syariDhofier, "KH.A. Wahid Hasyim Peradaban Pesantren dengan Peradaban bdonesia Moderen," p. 8 1. '%or a cornprehensive view of Persatuan Islam see Howard M. Federspiel, ''The Peaatuan Islam (Islamic Union)." (Ph. D. dissertation. McGill University, 1966). n~boebakarAtjeh, Sedjoruh Hidup K.HA. Wuhid Husjirn àun Karangan Tersiar. p. 265-266. "Cireg Barton, "Indonesia's Nurcholish Madjid and Abdurrahman Wahid as Intellectuai 'üiama': nie Meeting of lslamic Traditionalism and Modemism in neo-Modemist Thought," Studia klamika, vol. 4, no. 1 (1997): 40. pesnntren circle, and as the prominent mediator in the dialogue between the traditionalists on one hand and modemists as weil as nationalists on the other. Later on, due to his efforts and sacrifices for his country during the revolutionary period and after independence, and for devoting his life to socio-religious as well as political activities in the struggle against colonial domination, Wahid Hasyim was honoured by the govemment as a Pahlawan Kemerdekaan Nasional (national independence hero), through presidential decree No. 206, dated 24 August 1964. ''

B. Ws Writings

Wahid Hasyim was a prolific writer. Though he did not publish a single monograph, he did write many articles concerning religion and education. as well as on socio-political issues, which were published in various magazines and newspapers. in generai Wahid Hasyim's writings cm be classified under four major headings, i.e., education, politics, the administration of religious affairs in indonesia and religion?'

In the field of education, Wahid Hasyim paid close attention to the need for educational reform, i.e., education for chiidren, the development of language skills, religious education (including the establishment of institutions of Islamic higher education) and the need for rational solutions to present day problems. Wahid Hasyim

79~anityaHarlah 40 Tahun N.U., Tambah Usia, Tambah Amal. Sedjarah Ringkas Nuhdlatul 'IIluma. p. 86. 80~bwbakarAtjeh who compiled his writings, classified hem under eight major topics, ic., religion, politics, movernent the struggle of Muslim people, education, mysticism, ministry of religious affairs and cevolution. See Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjaruh Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Husjim dan Karangon Tersiar, p. 675-928. wrote an article entitled "Abdullah Oebayd sebagai Pendidik," (Abduilah Oebayd was an educator) to render his services. Basing his writing on how Oebayd educated children, he pointed out that children have to be trained from an early age to use their abilities. It is very important to accustom them to rely on themselves and to know their own abilities", so that children will grow up with self-confidence and not easily give up on attaining their own

As regarded the development of language, Wahid Hasyim tried to increase nationalism by encouraging the use of Bahasa Indonesia (the indonesian language). in his article "Kemadjuan Bahasa, Berarti Kemadjuan Bangsa.' he called upon Indonesians to use their own language in daily conversation. This article was in fact written in response to a trend that had been developing arnong Indonesians to use foreign languages. such as

Dutch and English in everyday life. The expressions 'good morning' or 'goeden morgen' were more comrnonly heard in some parts of society than 'selamat pagi.' While he encouraged Indonesians to study foreign languages, he did not want them to abandon or forget their own tongue which was still in the process of king developed. No one couid accomplish this, he stressed, except the Indonesian people themselves. To underline his views, he pointed to the example of how Adolf Hitler and Neville Chamberlain demonstnted their pride in their respective languages. When the two held their famous meeting, each spoke in his own vernacular, even though Chamberlain was fluent in

%ee Wahid Hasyim, "Abdullah Oebayd Sebagai Pendidik," in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjorah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hajim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 791-795. This anicle was wrîtten for Soeloeh N.U. vol. 1, no. 5 (Agustus, 1941). German, and Hitler in English. They left it to their interpreters to go through the motions

With regard to religious education, including the establishment of institutions of

Islamic higher education and the need for a more intellectual approach to problems,

Wahid Hasyim pointed out that the development of science cannot be accelerated by means of "tevolution" as in politics; nther it cm only be achieved through perseverance, patience and over a long period. The key to developing Indonesia. according to him, was education, which consisted of three aspects, i.e., the development of the rnind, the spirit and the body. What is important to note here is that for Wahid Hasyim, education was not simply a matter of developing the rnind's or the body's abilities and skills; he aiso stressed the spirit, which could only be achieved through religious education. These three aspects of education, therefore, have to be taught in balance. 83

The establishment of a system of Islarnic higher education, according to Wahid

Hasyim, was one way to achieve such progress. When Wahid Hasyim delivered a speech in opening ceremony of the PTAIN (Perguman Tinggi Agama Islam NegeriIState Institute for Islarnic Studies), he stressed that science cm only develop in an atmosphere of free thought, unencumbered by religion or politics. Thus, ali human beings, but students in particular, must constantly think criticdly and pursue research. In addition he suggested that the establishment of a system of Islamic higher education should be followed by co-

aL~ahidHasyim, "Kemadjuan Bahasa, Berani Kemadjuan Bangsa," in Aboebakar Atjeh, Secijarah Hidup K. H. A. Wuhid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersior, p. 797-900. This writing was published in Suara Ansor, vol. 4, no. 3 (Rajab: 1360). operation with other educational institutions, such as schools of theology that were already established, and even hoped that such institutions could be merged."

Another field that attracted the attention of Wahid Hasyim was politics. He often commented on political issues, and tried to evaluate especially the contributions of

Masyumi over the course of its short period of existence, to analyze the slow spread of

Islamic teaching, the position of 'ularni' in Indonesian society, the possibility of the

Muslirn party winning in the generai election, etc." Generaily speaking, in these articles,

Wahid Hasyim tried to show the weaknesses of the govemment and political parties and suggested alternative ways of resolving the problems that faced the nation.

In his article "Siapakah J[Ylang Akan Menang Dalam Pemilihan Umum J[Ylang

Akan Datang?" (Who will be the Winner in the Next General ~lection?)'~for exarnple,

Wahid Hasyim strongly criticized political parties that still put their own interests above those of the nation. Seven years of independence. according to him, had not made

Indonesians better off in terms of economic, political, social or religious welfare; in fact

83~ahidHasyim"Pendidik;ui Kenihanan," in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Husjirn dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 802-805. This is published in Mimbar Agam, vol. 1, no. 5-6 (November-December 1950). "~lthou~hhe hoped that the islamic higher education and schools of theology could be integrated, Wahid Hasyim, however, did not designate a particular institution to incorporate the two. Wahid Hasyim, "Pergunian Tinggi Islam," in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p.808-810; idem, "Perguruan Tinggi Agarna Islam Negeri," in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 8 12-8 18. Both articles are published in Mimbar Agama, vol. 1, no. 5-6 (November-December. 1950). ahid id Hasyim, "Masjurni lima tahun," idem, "Andis kelemahan penerangan Islam," idem Fanatisme dan Fanatisme," idem, "Akan menangkah Urnat islam hdonesia dalarn Pemüihan Umum jang akan datang?," idem, Kedudukan üiama dalam masjarakat Islam di hdonesia." These articles were compiled in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjurah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Ka rungan Tersiar. in some ways things were worse. This situation existed, he argued, because the political parties never recognized a proper spirit of "development." Instead they al1 sought to achieve their own ends, such as securing important positions in govemment for their mernbers, even when they were not qualified to hold those positions. He asks in this article that the political parties try to realize their weaknesses, to eschew nww- mindedness and to stniggle for the development of indonesian society in general.8'7

Even though he served as minister for religious affaia, he still actively wrote articles on topics related to his department's policies. Among other subjects, he addressed the formation of the Ministry of Religious Affairs itself, including its duties toward ai1 religions, the need CO raise religious awareness and needed improvements to the organization of the haj and other religious services? Once, while serving as minister.

Wahid Hasyim instituted a controversiai policy. He required that al1 who wanted to go on the pilgrimage should be able to read and write in the roman alphabet." Even though he

'%is article was Witten for Gema Musfimin, vol. 1 (March. 1953). n~ahidHasyim, "Siapakah Jang Akan Menang Ddam Pernilihan Umum Jang Akan Datimg?" in Aboebakiu Atjeh, Sedjorah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim don Karangan Tersiar. p. 753-756. ahid id Hasyim, "Sekitar Pembentukan Kementerian Agam RIS;" idem, "Perbaikan Perdjalanan Hadji;" idem, "Mengatur Unisan Hadji;" idem, "Mernbangkitkan Kesadaran Beragama:" idem, "Kedudukan Pemenntah terhadap Agama." in Aboebakar Atjeh. Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Husjim dnn Karangan Tersiar, p. 854-9 18. 8%e basic reason given by Wahid Hasyim for introducing the policy and later on to convince his opponents was bat Indonesians who prformed the pilgrimage, based on his experience, easily got into dificulculties, especially during aveling, Wahid Hasyim dso hoped they would be worthy representatives of Indonesia in the '"wodd lslarnic congress (Hajj]" who could reflect well on Indonesia in general. As matter of Fact, according to him, most people who performed the pilgrîmage came hmvillagers and had little knowledge both religion and science in general. Through this plicy it was hoped that they would be able to enhance their abilities, later on, they would not be "victirns" and would grow in self-confidence that they were equal to other the bjjs. Wahid Hasyim, "'Perbaikan Perdjdanan Hadji," in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wuhid Hajim dan Karangan Tersiar. p. 886-896. For merinformation on was criticized for this position by many other Muslim leaders, among them K. H.

Abdurrahman Sjihab, leader of the lam'iyyatul Wasliyah, who said that it could not be made a requirement, Wahid Hasyim was able to meet with his opponents and get them to accept this provision.g0 This policy indicates that Wahid Hasyim was greatly concemed about eradicating illiteracy among the Indonesian people.

In the field of religion, Wahid Hasyim wrote, among other articles, "Nabi

Muhammad dan Persaudaraan Manusia" (The Prophet Muhammad and Brotherhood among Human beingsfl "Kebangiutan dunia Islam" (Resurgence of the islarnic

~orld);'~"Beragamalah dengan Sungguh dan Ingatlah Kebesaran ~uhan"~~(Be a Good

Religious Adherent and Remember of the Glory of God), etc. Generally speaking, he emphasized in his religious writings that Islam teaches peace and love of truth. It does not force people to become Muslims. Whenever the Prophet won a victory, he did not imprison his enernies. but granted them freedom. He stressed that human beings basically are brothen, and that the brotherhood of human beings must be maintained. Furthemore he suggested that the Indonesian people, who followed a variety of religions, avoid hostility and build CO-operationamong the adherents of different religions. From the date economical condition of the pilgrims during the colonial period see Laurence Husson, 'bIndonesians in Saudi Arabia: Worship and Work," Studia Islamika, vol. 4. no. 4 (1997): 109- 136. 90Aboebakar Atjeh. Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dnn Karangan Tersiar. p. 209-2 10. ''wahid Hasyim "Nabi Muhammad and Persaudm Manusia," in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjuruh Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hosjm dan Karangan Tersior, p. 677679. 92~ahidHasyim "Kebangkitan dunia Islam," in Aboebakar Atjeh, Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar, p. 68 1-686. 93~ahidHasyim, "Beragamalah dengan Sungguh dan Ingatlah Kebesaran Tuhan," in Aboebakar Atjeh. Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Wahid Husjim d

Department of Religious GEfairS. Of course, as a Minister of Religious Affairs he could be expected to support ~ationalisticgoals and the general cause of inter-religious harmony in Indonesia. Still, throughout his writings, Wahid Hasyim demonstrated very wide-ranging concerns, as noted by Saifuddin Zuhri, a former Minister of Religious

Affairs. who said that "his wntings indicated his vision and wide know~ed~e.'"~

Wahid Hasyim's biography is that of a man who, though a product of the pesantren, was progressive in his thinking, as was manifested in his involvement in a number of religious as well as socio-political organizations. His association with the

Nahdlatul Ularna, the MIAI and the Masyumi, indicates his commitrnent to the cause of educational change, the struggle for independence and the development of a strong

Indonesian nation-state.

%saifbddinZuhri, Guniku orang-orang Pesantren, p. 89. CHAPTER TWO

K. H. Abdul Wahid Hasyim's Islamic Educational Reform

Wahid Hasyim's contribution to the development of the Indonesian educational system, and Islamic education in particulu, has largely been neglected by scholars. Most writers on the field give their attention to K. H. Ahmad Dahlan, the founder of the

Muhmadiyah movement, or to Abdullah Ahmad, the founder of the Adabiyah school in Minangkabau, pointing to hem as the chef reformists of islamic education in

Indonesia.' in their eyes it seems the ten " refodst" is always to be identified with

"modemist;" indeed, the idea of reformism in Indonesia, and not just in the field of

Islamic education, is regarded by the majority of scholars as having been spread only by the modemist group.

By contrast, the changes and developments in the traditionalist Islamic institutions has almost never been touched on. even though there were many similarities between the situation there and in modemist schools. The narne that is associated with this process is that of Wahid Hasyim, one of the prominent leaders of the Nahdlatul Ulama, and a man deeply concemed with Muslim education in Indonesia, especially in traditional Muslim institutions. Among his other accomplishrnents were his efforts to introduce Western sciences into traditionai institutions (pesantrens) and to establish new institutions, such as

See for example Deliar Noer, "The Rise and Development of the Modemist Muslim Movement in Indonesia during the Dutch Colonial Penod (1 WiW),"(PkD. thesis, Corne11 University. 1963). p. 58; Karel Steenbrink. Tr«urtmn, Mzdtlzicdz, .Siz@lOh: PdqmIs[mn hh KunWh(Jakarta: LP3ES, L974), p. 39 and p. 52; Mahmud Yunus, *ad TettdUi@n Isik cii' IhnrM (Jakarta: Mutiara, 1979), p.63 and p. 268. the Madrasah NizaMyah, PGA (Pendidikan Guru Agama or the State Educational

Training for Religious Teacher) and PTAIN (Perguruan Tinggi Agama Islam Negeri or the Institute of Islamic Higher Education). Through these efforts, Wahid Hasyim tried to rectify the weaknesses in Indonesian Muslirn education and tried to bridge the gap between the two different systerns, the Western and Islamic. This chapter, therefore, offers an account of the changes proposed by Wahid Hasyim. and compares his plan to that of the modemists who also took up the idea of educational reform. To gain a better understanding of Wahid Hasyim's educational change in an Indonesian context, the f~st part of this chapter will deal with the educational systems operated by both the colonial govenunent and the Muslim community.

A. Educational Systems in Indonesia during the Colonial Perfod: A General Overview

Ever since Islam was introduced into the archipelago through peaceful penetration2towards the beginning of the thirteenth century,' it has slowly but surely won

' According to Snouck Hurgronje the people of the archipelago. especially those on Java and Sumatera, did not convert to Islam by force. but through family alliances. This theory is supported by Schrieke. a pupil of Hurgronje, who says that convenion to Islam in the archipelago, though often the result of the contact with merchants, sometimes resulted from marriage alliances between Indonesian courts, when one of the two parties was a Muslim. This was for instance the case of Sunan Rahmad who is said to have won a high position in Surabaya after his marriage with a Javanese girl of noble bitth. C. C. Berg, "The Islamisation of Java," Stvdiz Islitmi@ N (1950): 1 1 1-1 14. Other scholars, such as Van Leur and Berg, however, disagree with this opinion, arguing that the convenion of the people of the archipelago was due to political reasons, such as restoring the glory of a previous kingdom as in the case of Sultan Agung (who wanted to restore the Majapahit Kingdom). See Berg, "The Islamisation of Java.," p. 112. It can be argued that this might have ken true at the upper class of society, but for comrnon people, considerations of power were out of the question. They acquired Islam, in my opinion, due to cultural adaptation, that is Islamic missionaries, especially sufi teachers. could show that Islam was, to some extent, adaptable to the local cultures. This meant that the process of Islamisation in the archipelago was achieved through peacetùl penetration. over the majority of the indigenou population. As the dominant religion in Indonesia for centuries, Islam has played a significant role in providing an education to hdonesian

Musiirns. The systern operated on two levels: pergaj'ian a&&& (~ur~dcschool) and podoQesantm (boarding school) =4

Teyajan a@,ur'&, which was usually conducted at mosques or h~an(smaii prayer-houses in villages), or even at home (at least nowadays). was the basic level of

Muslim education in Indonesia It was the first step in education. and introduced children to the practice of reading the Qur'in. Under the instruction of fu19mà'or devout members of the Islamic community. the students also studied the science of reciting the ~ur'&

(tajzd). They chanted, and sometimes memorized, short Grh (chapters), particularly the last part of the ~ur'kwhich is cailed juz 'ammas Alongside reading the ~ur'%,it was

' Rickefs is one of those scholars who beiieve that the process of Islamization in the archieplago began around the year 1300. This assumption is based on the evidence provided by the gravestone of Sultan Malik al-Salih, the first Muslim der of Samuden. This monument is dated AH 696 (AD 1297), and himished obvious proof that by the thirteenth century a Muslim dynasty had aiready been established in Indonesia. Further evidence cited by Ricklefs is Ibn Battuta's report that in the year 1345 he found that the der of Samuden was a follower of the Shafi'i school of law. Aiso in Laren. East Java the gravestone of a Muslim woman has ken found that dates from AH 475 (AD 1082); however, Ricklefs expresses doubt whether the grave was ever in fact located on Java, given the possibility that the Stone might have ken shifted to Java for other Rasons. Even Moquette and Ravaisse assumed that it might be the grave of a foreign rather than a Javanese Muslim. Furthemore they rnentioned that it was common for foreign Muslims to travel, to stay for a certain petid and even die in Java before there was any significant Javanese conversion to Islam. M.C. Ricklefs, "Islamization in lava: Fourteenth to Eighteenth Centuries." in Ahmad Ibrahim. et al., wi~son Ish in Southcart anir (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. 1985). p. 42. Based on these proofs, It cari thecefore be assumed that the Islamisation of the archipelago began in approximately 1300. M. C. Ricklefs, 1 Hhry of Moh~ndütlQSYT Sb c 1300 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), p.3-5

' Mitsuo Nakamura and Setsuo Nishino, "Islamic Higher Education in indonesia," H@er%fïtr~ation%Gq,vol. 6, no. 2 (1993): 51.

' Juz 'cum~coostitutes the last thirty seven Sui(chapters) of the ~ur'%, that is, from the to Su'114 of the Qur'h. also common for this institution to provide instruction in the basic elements of Islamic teachings, such as 56ddor religious duties whîch consisted of rnaking ablution (w.,'), praying ($a& and other central Muslim duties. including prayer

Since every devout Muslim was expected to spread Islamic teachings, and the reading of the Qur'Sn in particular, pqapatt d~ur'inwas established in almost every village' and was operated dong traditional Lines. that is, in an informal way based on the founder's abilities and personal experiences. There was no such thing as a fixed curriculum or general teaching pattern. The main purpose of the institution was to enable students to read the Qur'b and chant the short &mlu (chapten) that were aiready memorized, particularly in their prayers, but not necessarily to help them understand the meaning. The most common method used in the pquj6zn n~~rfÜnwas the individual teaching and learning method, that is, students learned to read the Qur'h under the guidance of their teacher, individuaily; based on their level, each student could hope to receive fifteen minutes instruction per day.' For intelligent children, it might take a short penod of time to complete this level, whereas for children who were not as bright. it

" Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "The Role of Qur'ânic Schools in the Universalization of Basic Education in Indonesia," Mhn, vol. 5, no. 2 (1992); p. 14. See also Karel Steenbcink, Dutd Cobnialtm und IdtrLsion Ish, Con- und Con@ 15964950, transtûted by Jan Sieenbrînk and Henry lansen, Amsterdam: Atlanta, 19931, p. 85. For further information on the issue see Mahmud Yunus, Siyard Tndidian I& P Idep. 34-4 1.

' According to Ducch Govemment records in 183 1 the number of Pqapn af-@fin was around 1,853 with 16,556 students in the predominantly Islamic regencies in lava. This number increased sbarply according to Van den Berg who records 14, 929 of these institutions with 222,663 students in 1885. See Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "The Role of Qur'Znic Schools in the Universalization of Basic Education in Indonesia," p. 15. might take longer. Wethere was no specific requisement for the students to finish their studies in a certain penod of tirne, nevertheless they were expected to be active, and their success depended on the students themselves king able to read correctly al1 the mir.of the Qur'k. After finishing the pqajiaiin alQur'iiR, those who wished to seek more advanced knowledge in the Islamic sciences could proceed to the pesantren.

The pesantren. which is more or less similar to the sumu (literally, "place of worship") in ~inangkabau;is an Islamic traditional institution for studies at an advanced level. As to when and by whom the fit pesantren was established. there is little information. The institution founded by Jan Tarnpes 11, estabiished in Pamekasan,

Madura in 1092.'~and which is thought by some to be the first pesantren, is an unlikely candidate. because the spread and development of Islam, particularly in Java and Madura islands, began only in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries." This argument is supported by Van Bruinessen who clearly States that pesantren Tegalsari, established in

1742, is the oldest such institution that cm be tnced." However, although the institution of the pesantren did not exist before the 18th century, Van Bruinessen believes that the

- -- Azra provides an historical account of the development of the surau and its role during the early nform movement in Minangkabau. See Aryumardi Ana, "The Surau and the EarIy Reform Movement in Minangkabau." !Mikun, vol. 3,110.2 (1990): 64-84.

" Departemen Agama RI, N&ta cln>r Data %temi %~~~ondo~TesantmSclud Inrli>nrria 198W.985 (The Name and Data of the Potentiai of the Pesantren in indonesia 1984/1985) (Jakarta: Departemen Agama RI, 1985), p. 668.

" Aboebakiu Atjeh, ~~ liidup C- A. W& dirn -mgan Tir(Jakarta: Panitya Buku Peringatan Alm. KHA. Wahid Hasjim. 1957), p. 3.

12 Martin van Bruinessen, "Pesantren and Kitab Kuning: Maintenance and Continuation of A Tradition of Religious Leaming," MUais vo1.5, no. 2 (1992): p. 32. teachingAearning of the @ta6 @niy existed before that period.13 It is also dificult to determine who was the founder of the pesantren. Aboebakar Atjeh mentions that it was

Shaikh Malik Ibrahim, one of the famous nine apostles (waCisa~@ of Islam in Indonesia, who initiated the creation of the pesantren." Unfortunately, there is no reliable evidence of this. Given Islam's rapid spread throughout the archipelago, it cm be assumed that the establishment and development of the pesantren was linked to the fortunes of the 'uliw', who became increasingly important as providers of Islamic teachings for their cornmunity .

Characterized by five elements, i.e., a mosque, santris(students), a @ai(teacher), a pondok (boarding) and the teaching of &ta6 &zig (classicd and medievd Arabic

~orks),~'the pesantren became the center of advanced Islamic education, providing traditional education to santrir who wanted to fuaher their knowiedge and becorne recognized scholars in their own right." They studied religious sciences, including

Arabic, and rnany classicd or medieval works conceming mostly [siamic jurisprudence

(fi4/i), Islamic theology (ta*) and mysticism (qawwuf ). Van Bruinessen, who has compifed a list of @ta6 (piystudied between the 16th and 19th centuries, concludes that most of the texts taught in the pesanuen consisted of works on Ash'aiite theological

13 Martin van Bruinessen, "Pesantren and Kitab Kuning." p. 34.

" Aboebakar Atjeh, SgadHgup % X. A. W&dw hn Ka-n Itr,p. 43.

15 For Merinformation on these elements, see Zarnakhsyari Dhofier, I~Tccrmtnn. Saidi tut~~T~~mHiifïup -/ni (Jakarta: LP3ES. 1985), p. 44-60

16 Zamakhsyari Dhofier, " Contemporary Features of Javanese Pesantren," Mazn, vol. 1, no. 2 (1984): p. 27. doctrine, Shafi ?te jurisprudence and GhazàIi's thought on mysticism ( tqawwuf )."

Qur'anic exegesis (tafzr ) was also to some extent studied by the mntrii, aialthough it should be borne in mind that the purpose of this study, in Harnim's words, "is not to build a fresh understanding of Islam from its primary sources. Rather it is to supplement the already acquired Islamic sciences, notably fipli and ta.Ur" " The most widely-read taf& work used in the pesantren circle was the work of JalGl ai-Din alduyiifi and la12 al-

Din al-MalplIi, known as TafSr d-~alirlitpThe Prophet's tradition (.d;d;) was on the other hand rarely studied during the given period and only began to be widely taught in the early 20th century.

The @a< who is considered as the key figure (and often its founder) in the pesantren, played a significant role in determining the subjects offered by his institution.

It was the ,@ais prerogative to determine the curriculum that would be taught to his santns, and this of course depended on the knowledge and abilities possessed by the

@ail9 Consequendy, the course of instruction in the pesantrens differed from institution to institution, so that those students who wished to acquire a comprehensive education in

" Among other &ta6 @*s taught in the pesantren were Gha*'s Bid;yat aC-HId;?ryoh, and I@a' al& AbÜ Shukur al-Kashshi al-Salimi's ~tqan&f fi Buyin at-la& Burhanpuri's W&t a~%l;d The first two deal with Islamic jurisprudence (An), while At- fi Zhzr&n at-la* discusses the theology and the last is concemed with mysticism (t.amfi. See Martin van Bruinessen, " Pesantren and Kitab Kuning," p. 35.

" nioha Hamim, " Moenawar Chalil's Reformist Thought: A Study of an Indonesian Religious Scholar (L90& 196 1)" (Ph.D. Dissertation, McGill University, L996), p. 90-9 1.

" Dawam Rahardjo, "The Kyai, the Pesantren, and the Village: A Preliminary Sketch," in Ahmad Ibrahim et al., iQeadi~sa Isbm in -ioudLact acin (Singapore: institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1985)' p. 240. the Islamic science would have to move £tom one pesantren to another in order to study under different @ais with different specialities.

With regard to the methods used in pesantren teaching, two main methods can be discemed: sorogan (individual) and bandongan (group)? In the sorogan method, which was the method applied in the pqajian a@r'Ün, the santric were expected to study a certain

&ta6 on their own. They had to prepare the content of the etÜ6 so that they could read, translate and sometirnes explain the Arabic grammar from the passages in the presence of the bayai To control and evaluate the quality of his students, the @ai usually restricted the number of students in his class to around two or three, and the success of the students and the @ai in the whole process determined whether the student could f~shthe subject matter and pursue his snidies in other pesûntrens."

The 6andoyan, which is also called weton or /u11o4& is a method in which the students studied the Islarnic sciences together in a large group under the instruction of the bacai They came to the class to listen to the bai read from and explain a text on a cenain subject, adduig vocdization and writing particular notes when they could not understand the meaning of the ~rabic?Viewed from the angle of intellectual development, this method is useful only for students who are bright and have a strong commitment to study.

Mahmud Yunus has criticized this method, saying that the 6adoyan system will produce

a Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "The Pesantren Tradition, A Study of the Role of the Kyai in the Maintenance of the Traditional Ideology in Java," (Ph. D. dissertation, Monash University, 1980), p. 21.

'' Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "The Pesantren Tradition, A Study of the Rote of the Kyai," p. 20-2 1.

* Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "The Pesaniren Tradition, A Study of the Role of the Kyai ," p. 2 1-22 only one successful student in a hundred? This however, according to Steenbrink, is too much of an exaggeration. He points out that Yunus looked at the method from the iight of intellectual development only. He did not look at the educational system applied in the pesantren as a means for students to understand and try to apply the science in daily life, such as by praying and behaving in accordance with religious teachings, not every one expected to become an Islamic sch01a.r.~Dhofier points out that even now "the aim of the institution is not simply to fil1 the minds of students with information, but rather to refine their morals. teach propriety and prepare students for a life of sincerity and puritymU

By the beginning of the 17th century, the Dutch authorities, like the Portuguese, ailowed missionaries to offer instruction which was mainly for the purpose of religious propagation in the colony. Supported by the V.O.C. (Verenigde Oost-Indische

Compagnie or the Company), the missionary activists founded schools in the eastern part of hdonesia, particularly in Minahasa and ~aluku.~Generally speaking, these institutions were similar to Islamic educational institutions in tenns of the subject matter offered. Both were concerned with religious sciences, even though one concentrated on Islamic and the other on Christian dogma. Although many Western subjects were provided in the missionary schools, such as history and geography, in

Karel Steenbrink, Tcrmrtms %Zizh& Se&& p. 17.

2s Zamakhsyari Dhofier, " Contemporary Feanins of Javanese Pesanaen," p. 27.

" M. Hutasoit. Com~ory26Ùcatzôn in Inde- (Netherlands: UNESCO, 1954), p. 18- 19. See also Karel Steenbrink. Tesatttrrn, !I&~PILF&,S&o& p. 4. Ailsa Zainu'ddin, IriciimrM (n.p.1 Longman. n.d.). p. 38. In Maluhi the number of missionary schools was sixteen in 1932. This number had hcreased 100% by L945. See S. Nasution, Sad TdianInrlimLnil (Jakarta: Bumi Aksara, 1995). p. 5. addition to leaniing to read and write the Bible in Maiay, the scope of the subject was limited to understanding the story of the Bible itself and locating the important events which occurred in Palestine only?

During the period of liberal party mle (1870-1900) in the Netherlands, the govemment came under pressure from humanitarian nationalists, such as Fransen de

Putte, Kuyper, Multatuli and van Deventer, to change its policies conceming the improvement of conditions for the hdies population. In his article "A Debt of Honour," van Deventeer stated that the Netherlands was indebted to the Indies by arguing that "the

140 million guildes which had been transferred to the Netherlands since 1867 belonged by mord right to the in die^."^ Under pressure from a group of citizens who called themselves the E& the Dutch Queen finaiiy issued a new policy in 1901: This was known as the Ethical Policy, and "aimed at improved welfare for the people of indonesia." "

One of the most important elements implemented. as suggested by van Deventeer, was to provide a broadly based educational system for "native people." hfluenced by the idea of Liberdism. according to which the purpose of the education was to develop

hmard H. M. Vlekke, 9k Stoy of the Dut& 'EPrt Indieic (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1945). p. 139- 140.

In her speech, the Dutch Queen said: "As a Christian Power the Netherlands is obliged in the East Indian archipelago to ... imbue the whole conduct government with the consciousness that the Netherlands has a moral duty to fulfill with respect to the people of these regions." See Bernard H. M. Wekke, ZkWyofific ZMd2prt Indies, p. 141.

Bernard H. M. Vlekke. %eStoy4dicdictdTaFtidi,p. 141. inteliectual ability and to encourage rational thought," the Dutch began to modernize and to set up new educational institutions from elementary to higher levels.

W. P. Groenevelt, the colonial director of education, religion and industry at the tirne, proposed to set up two new types of elementary school: the IEmte Khe (First

Class) schools and the lueh !@use (Second Class) schools." Established initiaily in

1893. the former were aimed at the children of the wistocracy, while the latter were for the children of the general urban population. For children who lived in rural areas. the

Dutch created another school named the Vof@sCtiooC(Village School). The Dutch believed that the simple needs of a farrning community warranted extending the First and Second class schools to the countryside, but for practical and financiai reasons they did not extend these two kinds of schools to the rural areas. The Zlo&s&o~ which lacked many of the facilities found in the other two schools, was the only opportunity for children to experience education who othenvise would not have hiid a chance to? In general, these schools appiied a graded school system and offered a c~culumwhich included reading and writing in Roman and Malay script, rnathematics, natural science, geography, history and drawing.

The children of the Dutch and Chinese communities, on the other hand, studied at the ELS (2uruprre %ne Shof) and HCS (flufind &me Sdbo1) respectively. The c~culumwas identical in many respects to the one offered in the native schools, but

" S. Nasution, na rdTdidian ~~, p. 10.

* Paul W. van der Veur, ~tl~~~tionmtd &cial ChPnge in ColirnirJ II&& (Ohio: Ohio Universi@ Center for International Studies Southeast Asia Program, 1969). p. 1.

n S. Nasution, &jiznzfi Tendidi@n p. 77. with the addition of courses in Dutch and ~rench.~By 1914, Indonesians, particularly from the nobility, demanded that equality with Dutch and Chinese be provided for them.

This demand was met by the establishment of the HIS (Ho&ndr Inlade .$hl).

Unfomuiately, however, only the children of the nobility wen diowed to study at this institution and lem the same subjects as their counterparts from Europe and the Chinese community.

In terms of secondary education, the school established for the indigenous people was the MULO (Meer Uigebrax Lgn Onderwlidbiore Comprehensive Elementary

ducati ion)." This school provided instruction not only in languages, such as English,

Dutch, Germany and France, but dso offered courses in mathematics, history, geography, naturai sciences. writing and reading? Dutch children, however, attended the HBS

(Hime B~yers~oi)whose curriculum was alrnost similar to that of the MULO? For students who wished to pursue their studies at an even higher level, they went to the AMS

(jü&mtme MUiiGare ~choffGeneralMiddle School). This was a one year preparatory school for students after finishing their studies at the MULO or the HBS. Its cumculum was divided into two: Part A and Piut B. The former stressed history and literature, the latter focused on mathematics and phy~ics.~'

Y S. Nasution. ~garahTendidi&an ftrcii7ttCSUZ, p. 1%

'' ~aulW. van der Veur, T;ducatzbn andSocialCIiaye in CoGmÙdInrli7nrM, p. 4.

* S. Nasution, .siyard Penciuy$an Id- p. 124.

See S. Nasution, Sjn&!Pdtâ@n Inrimircio, p. 132.

S. Nasution. *ad PendUrin IsGzm, p. 138. The Dutch also established many institutions of higher education. The Technische

Hoogeschool (Coilege of Engineering) was founded in 1920 in Bandung. In Jakarta, the

Rechshoogeschool (College of Law) and the Geneeskundige Hoogeschool (medical

Coilege) were established in 1924 and 1927, respectively." These were regarded as necessary to provide the trained personnel for developing the Netherlands uidies into a temtory with advanced social. economic and political conditions.

From the description above, it can be seen that the Ethical Policy, which aimed at improving the welfare of al1 the people living in the Indonesian region through the modemization of education reflected high ideds, but to some extent, did not work in practice. There was fuahennore a political agenda behind the policies implemented by the Dutch authorities. The dudism of education was an obvious example of how the

Dutch discriminated against the indigenous people. While Western, Chinese and nobly- bon Indonesian childrcn studied in first class institutions with a good facilities, the indigenous people were forced to settle for much less."

It was also as a resuit of the Ethical Policy that the colonial govemment insisted that every education institution adopt a Western cumculum and teaching methods,

39 Paul W. van der Veur, Ut~ationandSoMCClbngc in Colonsàf~d& p. 5.

" The budgets allotted by the Dutch for European and indigenous schools was drarnatically unbdanced in each case, as show in this table: Type of School Number of students Budget in1909 in1915 in 1909 in 1915 Dutch 25,000 32,000 f. 1,493,000 f. 6,600,000 Indigenous 162,000 321,000 f. 1,359,000 f. 2,677,000 See Sumarsono Mestoko et al., Taduiind? Indmb ciirriJm~n@Jonum (Jakma: Balai Pustaka, 1986), p. 123; Moch. Tauchid (nl;ts& Ttdüi@n @@zt (Bogor: Dewan Panai-partai Sosialis Indonesia Bagian Pendidikan dan Penerangan), p. 7. without any concession to Indonesian needs, such as by offering religious subjects." In line with this Bradjanagara says that "colonial policies did not permit people to develop their own world."" Consequently, the limitations on the number of schools and preference for traditional Muslim leaming convinced many Indonesians. who were mostly Muslim, to send their children to snidy at the pesantren, as it was the only aiternative for Indonesian Muslims who wanted to leam. The drawback, however, was that the subjects offered were f'used on entirely religious sciences. and no Westem sciences were taught at dl.

In the late 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century, mmy Indonesian tula&' who had performed the pilgrimage and stayed in Mecca for hirther education. took up the challenge of adopting Western science in a far more positive and effective

Influenced by refonnist figures, including Muhammad 'Abduh. many

Indonesian after their study in the Middle East, tried to implement the idea of combining reason and faith, which meant a combination of Westem secular subjects and

Islamic religious teachings in the learning process."

The establishment of Madrasah Adabiyah (Adabiyah School) in Minangkabau and of the Muhûmmadiyah schools on Java was an obvious example of the implementation of educational reforms in the archipelago. The former was established by Shaikh Abdullah

" hoSostroamidjojo. "Pendidikan Islam," a paper presented ai the seminar MP3A Jakarta on 8-10 April, 1974.

" Sutedjo Bradjanagara. Si$ara/i Tenduian IS~(Yogyakacta: n. p., 1956). p. 6 1.

" Christian Lambert Maria Penders. "Colonial Education Policy and Practice in Indonesia: 190-1942'' (Ph.D. dissertation, Australian National University, 1968). p. 170.

" See Nakamura, " Islamic Higher Education in Indonesia," p. 5 1 Ahmad in 1909,~while the latter was initiaiiy established by Kyai Haji Ahmad Dahlan in

191 1. Both institutions were designed to provide instruction in both Western and religious sciences to their students.

The descendants of Arab immigrants to the archipelago also took part in implementing a program of educationd reform, eveo to the extent that Djajadiningrat described them as having been the initiators of the idea of educationd reform in the archipelago." It is true that Arab descendants founded the Djamiat Chair elementary school in 1905." Like Western schools, the institution featured an organized structure and curriculum, Regarding the latter, Noer points out that "It was not an exclusively religious, but an ordinary elernentary school w here various subjects, like aithmetic, history (generally Islarnic) and geography, were taught? Al-Irsyad school was another example of the Arab descendant's efforts to modemize the Muslim educational system.

Established in 1913 by Ahmad Syurkati, it fulfüled Muslim demands for religious instruction and Western sciences at the same time

in addition, Ki Hajar Dewantxa introduced a new educational system named

Taman Siswa. The establishment of the institution was a response to the Western system

" Mahmud Yunus, Sqamli PdIcCiun Is& p. 63.

'" Mahmum Husein. Tdidi:@n Ish clah Lintusun ~jnd (Jogjakarta: Nur Cahaya, 1983). p. 10. See ais0 M.C. Ricklefs, AHrrtory ofMo& fnriiinesirr Sinu c 1300, p. 170.

Deliar Noer, "The Rise and Development of the Modemist Muslirn Movement in Indonesia," p. 91.

Deliar Noer, "The Rise and Development of the Modernist Muslim Movement in Indonesia," p. 9 1.

" Deliar Noer, "The Rise and Development of the Modemist Muslim Movement in Indonesia," p. 101. which was believed "too materialistic and too intellectual."" This institution, as

Kuntowijoyo wrote, "is a nationalist educational movement of the early 20th century which developed a highly successful school system by rethinking traditional Javanese values and applying the analysis to the challenges then facing the association." '' This was true in ternis of the development of the institution." but in terms of quality, it seems that this new educationaî system. which was based on Javanese culture was inadequate. and could not match the quality of the students in government schools." It cannot be denied, however, that the Taman Siswa schools played a significmt role in providing basic education for Indonesian people during the colonial period and after independence.

B. Reformation of Pesantren Tebu Ireng as a Pilot Project of Modernizatioa of Pesantren Educational System

As mentioned above, Pesantren Tebu Ireng was established by K. H. Hasyim

Asy'ari in ~889.~Like other Islamic traditional institutions in the archipelago, Tebu Lreng focused on religious subjects, laying pdcular stress on the Prophet's tradition (@a%&),

" Dorothy Wooâman, Wb&cf (London: Crescent Press. 1957), p. 282.

" Howard M Federspiel, Mtlsh InteaéCtUa~and~ationa~~~pmentin ïnrii,nesut (Ohio: n. p., 1991), p. 146.

52 in 1940, the number of Taman Siswa schools stood at 200 throughout the archipelago. Dorothy Woodman, Ip,cpudGi ofuidonesia, p. 282.

'' Dorothy Woodman, ?hc WIlc ofIhnrM. p. 282.

" Aboebakar Atjeh, Safard ~~u~ KSA 'IU& Hi&an !@rayan Ti,p 77; Solichin Salam, !&!K !Hi.@zAftzk'Uh &sar Idmecin (Djakarta:Djaja Mumi, 1963). p. 33-34. This pesantren is located in the viilage of Tebu Ireng, eight kilometes to the south of the tomof Jombang in East Java. For detailed information about the history of its establishment see for example Laihihl Khuluq, "Kyai Haji Hasyim Asy'ari's Religious Thought and Politicai Activities" (MA thesis, McGill University, 1997). and used, at Ieast initiaiiy, the 6ahyan and sorgan methods of teaching in the classroom. The sirnilarity of the curriculum and of the rnethods used here to other pesantrens followed the general education tradition. since @ais usudly studied the same subjects and under the same teachers either in pesantrens or in the Middle East.

Therefore, it is not surprising that ail pesantrens in the archipelago, particularly in Java, followed the same methods even as they laid more emphasis on different subjects. This does not mean, however, that the traditional institution was resistant to changing either its methodologies or the subjects offered.

in the case of pesantren Tebu ireng, the introduction of the Prophet's tradition

(&&@ as a subject of study can be considered, based on Van Bruinessen' study. as an innovation in the developrnent of the traditional institution, even though it is a fundamental Islamic science. Van den Berg, a nineteenth century Dutch scholar who himself tried to survey the @ta6 $niy used in Javanese pesantrens in 1886, does not mention even one ~Tihwork on his ~ist."It was Hasyim Asy'ari who, after having been given an authority (&di)by Shaikh MaUd ~ermas.' began to teach the Prophet's

Tradition (&&Te.As noted eariier. not only did common sanuis corne to attend Hasyim

35 Martin van Bruinessen, " Kitab Kuning: Books in Arabic Script Used in the Pesantren Milieu9" p. 254.

" Shaikh Mahfud Terrnas was a prominent scholar. He is believed to have been the fint Indonesia OOn to teach a collection of @diiffi in Masjid al-&&, Mecca. See Martin van Bruinessen, "Pesantren and Kitab Kuning: Maintenance and Continuation of A Tradition of Reügious Leaming," p. 43. Asy'ari's lecture on AL-?&''zdûmf' a~$& of al-~msand AL-%' IILS&O~ Muskbut so did his teacher, Kyai Kholil Bangkalad'

In terms of method used, Hasyim Asy 'ari, in addition to the sorogan and bandongan, introduced a new method caüed the mrrshwad (seminar). Under Hasyim Asy'ari's direct instruction, only the most advanced santris were allowed to attend this class. Its purpose, in addition to deepening their knowledge of Islam, was to work out a solution to both the religious and wordly problems faced by a society based on Islamic doctrines. To arrive at solutions, they argued with each other freely, relying on classical or medieval works belonging to the Shafi'i school (mafis). It seems that Kyai Hasyim Asy'ari wanted to train his sizntric through this method to be able to look at reality and to overcome the problems that ii presented. Most students who participateci in the rn~~~hzwamiiclass later on became prominent themselves, among them Kyai Manaf Abdul Karim. Kyai

Abbas Buntet and Kyai As'ad Syarnsul Arifin. These scholars were to lead Pesantren

Lirboyo Kediri, Pesantren Buntet Cirebon and Pesantren Asembagus Sinibondo respectively.'

The most significant educational change in Tebu Ireng, however, took place when

Wahid Hasyim retumed from Mecca in 1933. Wahid Hasyim began to involve himself in the pesanuen teaching/learning process. As assistant to his father, he proposed many

Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "The Pesantren Tradition, A Study of the Role of the Kyai," p. 17. The $'of ~r&Ü%and Muh are the primary collections of authentic and are the standard reference works in many pesantrens. Martin van Bruinessen, " Kitab Kuning: Books in Arabic Script Used in the Pesantren Milieu," p. 255.

Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "The Pesantren Tradition, A Study of the Role of the Kyai." p. 18. educational reforms, among others the method of teaching/learning, the expectations of study, and the introduction of Western subjects.

In addressing the effectiveness of the teaching method used in the pesantren,

Wahid Hasyim proposed the adoption of a systematic tutonal method, instead of the

6do~anmethod. He felt that the latter was ineffective as a means of developing the sanuis' initiati~e.'~This was because in a class where the 6andivan method applied. the santris came to listen, write notes and memorize the subject matter offered; there was no opportunity to raise a question. or even to discuss the lesson. Wahid Hasyim apparently concluded that the 6andonganmethod created a passiveness on the part of the santrir.

Wahid Hasyim also tried to redirect students' expectations. He suggested that the majority of the santris who came to study in the pesantren not become 'ul~3&'. They did not need, therefore. to spend severai years in accumulating Islamic knowledge by studying Arabic-texts, which he considered misdirection of effort for such students. They could instead acquire Islamic knowledge from books written in Latin script, and devote the rest of their time to studying various other subjects and equipping thernselves with skills which could be directly applied in the society in which they lived. Only a few santrrj who were prepared to become ~~' were taught Arabic and classical or medieval

Islarnic ~orks.~Hasyim AsY'x~,however, disagreed with the two recommendations on the basis that they were too "radical," and too contentious for the leaders of the

49 Imron Arifin, XrpencrjnFnatc Kyai p. 83.

Imron Arifin, !Qmmphan Qat p. 83. pesantren.6' However, Hasyim Asy'ari allowed his son to establish a new institution, which came into existence in 1935." This institution can be considered as the most simcant educationai reform to that date in the pesantren world, particularly at Tebu

Ireng.

Taking its name from the educational institution built by the Seljuk der, ~i* al-Mulk in 1092, the Madrasah ~is~ahwas established by Wahid Hasyim in recognition of the fact that the pesantrens' focus on religious training made it difficult for the sanbir to be equal to their peen who received a Westem education." The weakness of the sanhir, according to him, was a lack of mastery over secular sciences, foreign

(Western) languages and organizational skill.' Equipped with these skills and having a mastery of religious teacichings, the santn would be able to compte with his counterparts fiom the Dutch schools for any position in society. Therefore. the educational refoms proposed by Wahid Hasyim would beyond the santri world itself, so that santris could hold their own in wider indonesian society.

Unlike the traditional system which still functioned alongside it in Tebu Ireng, the new institution utilized a classroorn system with a new cumculum that featured a

70%/30% proportion of courses devoted to secular and religious sciences, respectively.

" Aboebakar Atjeh. Mjd Hid. KA ff WafiidHi p. 135. In Swam N?idhtoel Ocuu>ra, Hasyim Asy'ari responded to a question regarding the establishment of the madras&. According to him, its establishment was prornoted by Islarnic teachings. It was because Islam obliged its adherents to seek knowledge as mentioned in the ~ur%.nand the !b&ki For detailed information see Swu~N&lit~dOJianrs Safar. 1346. p. 1 1- 12.

" Aboebakar Atjeh, Mjad Hkiïup % H A. WrtiiIriHe p. 15 1. The secular sciences provided in the Madrasah ~&Ï&n.i~ahwere arithmetic, history, geography and natural science. In addition, the students also learned Indonesian, English and Dutch. Typing skills were also encouraged to enhance the students' expertise."

With regard to increasing the reading habits and broadening the students' range of knowledge. Wahid Hasyim estabiished a library. The books available numbered approximately 1ûûû titles which consisted of text-books and works on popular sciences as well in Arabic, English, Dutch, indonesian and lavanese. He also subscribed to many magazines and newspapers. including Tanji Mu (Banner of Islam), Dewan Islim (Islarnic

Council), IshBer~era4(Islarn on the Move), Mif (Justice), Nud lsh(Light of Islam), aC-Mi~waruh(The Enlightened). MtaNatidhtul~h (Nahdiatul Ulama Report), Panji

!Putaka ((Banner of Treasure), Tutaka limur (Treasure of the East), Mjawa %ru (New

Poet) and iPmje6aar &mzgat (Spreader of Co~rage).~The management of the library was entrusted to students who belonged to IKPI (Ikatan Pelajar-Pelajar Islam/Muslim Student

Union), a body set up by Wahid Hasyim. In this way, students were directly trained to run an organization and to develop administrative skills.

Since there is little reliable information, it is difficult to determine what types of schools served as modeis for Madnsah ~icami~ah.Abwbakar Atjeh surmised that it was

45 M. Driwam Rahardjo, "The Kyai. the Pesantren, and the Village: A Preliminary Sketch" in Ahmad Ibrahim, et al., !&a.dihyson Ishin Smrtiunrt %riz, p. 241. See aiso Zamakhsyaxi Dhofier, "The Pesantren Tradition, A Study of the Role of the Kyai," p. 16 1.

Ub According to Dhofier, ody one of the newspapers and magazines to wbich he mbscnbed represented the traditionaikt point of view. While the first six were published by modemists, the last four joumals were published by nationalists. Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "The Pesantren Tradition, A Study of the Role of the Kyai." p. 160. a creation of Wahid Hasyim himse~f.~~Since no similar type of rnadrasah had ever been was built in Indonesia pnor to its establishment. This is tnie if only pesantren are considered, particularly in Java. However, there are, at least, two possibilities to explain the mode1 adopted by Wahid Hasyim for his institution.

From the narne adopted, it cm be assumed that Wahid Hasyim tried to build an institution resembling the one founded by the Saljuk w&, ~k-am al-Mulk (d. 485

A.H.11092 A. D.), namely the Madrasah M

Rahardjo, however, has proposed another idea. He points out that the institution was very much influenced by Westem schools." He argues that M. ilyas, Wahid

Hasyim's cousin and a graduate of HIS (Huhndr InGzndrc S&), had to some extent, an influence on Wahid Hasyim's ideas of educational reform. As a graduate of HIS, M. Llya~ expenenced a Westem educational system which included the secular sciences which were, later on, introduced to Tebu Ireng's santris when he came to Tebu Ireng to deepen his Islamic knowledge in the 1920s. It might be me that Wahid Hasyim recognized the

67 Aboebakar Atjeh. Sedjnrah Eiidup K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim. p. 153.

Hishm Nashabe, MwhWkati9didtu&n (Beinit: Libraire du Liban, 1989), p. 23.

" M. Dawam Rahardjo, "The Kyai, the Pesantren, and the Village: A Preüminary Sketch," p. 241. usefulness of the secular sciences introduced by his cousin, and was motivated to acquire merinformation from sources written in Indonesian, Arabic, English and Dutch, since he was able to read Latin script. This would explain his adoption of a Western type of education as a model for his maclrasah. However, given that the curriculum in Westem- style schools did not include religious subjects, whereas that of the pesantren did, it can be said that the system introduced by Wahid Hasyim was a unique model of educational modemization which combined the old pesantren system, with the new Western type of education.

Compared to other educational reforms proposed by other organizations which claimed to be modemist in spirit, like those of the Adabiyah, Muharnmadiyah and

Penatuan Islam, it can be said that the educational reform proposed by Wahid Hasyim was similar in many ways, if not even mon advanced in some respect. Wahid Hasyim's establishment of a library and subscriptions to various magazines was particularly innovative.

Recognized by Steenbrink as a rnodemist, Abdullah Ahmad established the

Adabiyah school in Padang Panjang. While applying a classicai system, he introduced a new curriculum which included cirithmetic and reading and writing Latin script. In Iess than a year, this institution closed and moved to Padang. It closed because of a reaction on the part of the society there which rejected the use of blackboard, table and bench. In

Padang, the Adabiyah school adopted the HIS format, which won it full support from the

ut ch.^

" Karel Steenbrink, T~contmr,!Mizhd and.Sii&lirS p. 37-40. See also Mahmud Yunus, S@d~ardid@n I* p. 63; Amhddin Rasyad, et. al., Sejamh Tmdid@n Islin di 1- (Jakarta: Departemen Agma, 1986), p. 96 K. H. Ahmad Dahlan is another modemist figure who promoted Muslim educational refom. As pointed out above, he introduced a new institution called the

Muhammadiyah school with a fixed curriculum. With regard to its content, Jainuri points out that the "Muhammadiyah decided to include religious subjects as well as secular subjects, such as mathematics, natural sciences and humanities." " Persatuan Islam

(Penis) was for its part was quite late in modemizing its educational institutions. It was not until L955 that Persis began to standardize and modemize its schools by providing both religious and Western subjects, including geography, Muslim history, arithmetic and

~ndonesia.~This was because, as stated by Federspiel, that "Persatuan Islam leaders still believe that religious oriented education is preferable for al1 Muslim." "

The educational changes proposed by Wahid Hasyim did not escape initial criticism from both older 'hs'and society. Wahid Hasyim was frequently censund by other ?&tiJ for trying to rnix religious and worldly sciences which were latter judged as unnecessary and a product of colonialism. Eventually, however, Wahid Hasyim was able to convince many of hem of the usefulness of such improvements. He took every oppominity to explain the purpose and advaniages of his proposed reforms. In addition, he demonstrated the positive results of the new system, by pointing to the growing ability of students to master secular sciences alongside religious ones. In this way, both @aband society at large gradudy came to understand the significance of his efforts.

" Achmad Jainuri, "The Muhammadiyah Movement in Twentieth Century Indonesia: A Socio-Religious Study," (MA thesis, McGill University, 1992). p. 93.

12 Howard M. Federspiel, "The Persatuan Islam." (Ph. D. Dissertation, McGill University, 1966), p. 185. As proof of the popularity of the changes was the number of students who wanted to smdy both in Tebu lreng and Madrasah NeGniyah increased dramaticaily. By the

1930s, the number of students was two thousand, ten times what it had been ten years befon." These changes made Tebu Ireng very famous as an educational center for

Nahdlanil Ulama cadres. Another indication was that many other @a3 also adopted the new system. Beside maintaining the pesantren system. they established madrasahs which included secular sciences in their curriculum.

The success of Madrasah Nizamiyah as a pilot project in the modemization of the pesantren was the starting point for Wahid Hasyim to go ahead with wider educational reform. Since many @a& had adopted madrasah systems in their own pesantrens, the curriculum applied varieci according to the expertise of the head (@ai) or the teachers available. Therefore Wahid Hasyim took the initiative of standardizing the macirasah system as a whole by reorganizing the macirasah's system adminisuatively and stmcturally. By means of this, he wanted to make uniform dl the NU'S madrasahs throughout indonesia, and hoped that their quaiity and quantity could be improved. A speciai cornmittee, which was set up by Wahid Hasyim in 1938, held a series of meetings to discuss the progress of the NU'S madrasahs. Consisting of representatives from the centrai board and the branches of the NU,'' this committee took many decisions which

- .- --. -- . ------n Howard M. Fedenpiel, "The Peaatuan Islam," p. M.

" Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "The Pesantren Tradition. A Study of the Role of the Kyai." p. 161-

" The memben of the committee wen: K. H. Abdullah Ubaid (a cepmentaiive of central board of the NU), K. H. Abdul Wahid Hasyim (Consulate). K. H. Abdullah Faqih (the Gresik branch). M. Istihsan (the Gresik Branch), K. H. Nahrawi Tahir (the Malang branch), K. H. Tahir Bakri (the Surabaya branch). K H. Dahlan (the Ngandjuk branch), M. Ghazali (the were, later on, implemented by Wahid Hasyim when he led the Ml's department of education (Ma'arif) in 1940. Among other decisions was a categorization of the NU'S madrasahs, wbich was as follows:

1. Madrasah Umum (unspecialized school).Included in this category:

a. Madrasah Awwaliyah (Kindergarten School), for two years.

b. Madrasah ibtidaiyah (elementary school), for three years.

c. Madrasah Tsanawiyah (Secondary School), for three years.

d. Madrasah Mu'ailimin Wusta (Secondary School for Training

Teachers).

e. Madrasah Mu'aiiimin 'Ulya (High School for Training Teachers).

2. Madrasah Ikhtisasiyah (specialized school). This school set up for advanced

students who wanted to specialize in a certain field. Included in this category

were:

a. Madrasah Qudat (School of Law).

b. Madrasah Tijarah (School of Economy).

c. Madrasah Nijarah (School of Forestry).

d. Madrasah Zirabah(School of ~griculture).'~

Unfortunately, only the fust category could be implemented, probably because there was no experts available in the fields making up the second category. The

Ngandjuk branch) and H. Muhammad Ridwan (the Jombang bmch). Aboebakar Atjeh, Su(ard 3lidipKmw+iwH-p. 163.

Aboebakar Atjeh, Mjad Hulup X. !X A W& HcrcJan, p. 167. For a detailed information about the result of the cornmittee meetings see idem. +rd Hiup % X A WPhid HasJün,~.164-171. cornmittee also agreed that the curriculum of these madrasahs should be regulated by the department of education of the Nahdlatui ulaman

In addition, under Wahid Hasyim's leadership, the NU's department of education also began publishing a periodical caUed Su(& Ydhhrl Ubmn (the Torch of the

Nahdlatul lama)." Issued monthiy. this periodical was used as a means to provide more information on these reform to the NU'S members, particularly those who were still opposed to any educational change in their pesantrens, and to stimulate the NU's

-- " Aboebakar Atjeh, S~nrdHidu~X, 31. A. W'&H$zh, p. 163. The table below shows the curriculum which was implemented for the mdmd ibhilii9di (elementary school):

No. Subjects 1st 2nd 3th 4th 5th 6th

1. Akhlaq(ethics) 2 2 22 11 2. ~l-~ur'imecitation] 3 3 32 11 3. Tafsir (~ur'kicExegesis) - - -111 4. Eja8th (The Rophet Tradition) - - - - 1 I 5. Tauhid (Theology) 11 1222 6. Fiqh (Islarnic jurispridence) 2 2 22 22 7. Sejarah IslamlIndonesia - - 1222 (Islamic/indonesian History) 8. Bahasa Arab (Arabic) 3 3 66 44 9. Bahasa Asing (Foreign Language) - - - - 5 5 10. Bahasa Indonesia (Indonesia) 3 3 6644 1 1. Berhitung (Arithmetic) 4 4 66 66 12. ilmu Bumi (Geography) - - 1222 13. IlmuHayat(Bio1ogy) - - -122 14. Ge& Badan (physical exercise) 2 2 22 11 15. Kerajinan Tangan (Ski11 development) 1 1 11 11 16. Menggambar (drawing) Il 11 11 17. Menyanyi (Singing) 2 2 21 - -

---U Total Credits 24 24 24 24 24 24 See Pusat Penelitian dan Pengembangan Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan Departemen PendidPan dan Kebudayaan, ~~PardUi@n Swüta di Idneria (.qaTudidian ~knzN'U) (Jakarta: De partemen Pendidikan dan Ke budayaan, 19%). p. 127.

" Aboebakar Atjeh. SqamliH'iu~ d A. W&% p. 163. members to demeaningful change in the field of education. in one article, it was said that:

In Indonesia, another group (a non-Nahdlatul '&ma' group) has long been preparing their children for the future professions they intend to choose, whether in the govemment or a pnvate Company. so they cm master the knowledge required for their profession. Yet it is, only we, the Muslim group (the Nahdlatul Marna), that have not yet taken any steps? h another article, another writer tried to explain the purpose of Islamic education as follows:

"It is clear that the aim of education in Islam is to achieve the prosperity and happiness of life in this world and the hereafter. If the prosperity of the world needs the completeness of weapons, the econornic progress, big industry, factories and the progress of knowledge, education in Islam should be directed to the above mentioned fields." "

By giving extensive information on the importance of both religious and secular sciences for the Future, channeled through the pages of ~ddYatidhtul UIarm~,the memben of the NU who had only been satisfied with the old-fashioned tradition, began to change their attitude. Sorne realized the usehilness of the new system which promised rapid growth for the NU'S madrasahs." The results of educationai refom in Tebu Ireng and other pesantrens was crucial to the filling of the government posts by the NU members. For example, when Wahid Hasyim, as a cadre of the Minister of Religious

Affairs during the Japanese occupation, proposed to the Japanese authorities that a

SU[U/i 5@hdkdUliuna, number 1, year 1 (April, 1941), p. 5 as quoted by A. Farichin Chumaidy, " The lam' iyyah Nahdlatul ülama: Its Rise and Early Development ( 1926- 1945) (MA thesis, McGill University, 1977), p. 103.

U) Saq~duk number 1. year 1 (Apnl, 1941). p. 5 as quoted by A. Farichin Chumaidy, " The ladiyyah Nahdlatul Ulama," p. 106.

" At every village in which a branch of the Nahdlatul 'Ulama exists, we fnd a madrasah established by Nü membea. sr>nrriu (local branch of Religious Affairs Office) be established in each residency, he was easily able to appoint the graduates of Tebu Ireng and other pesantrens who were suited to the task. As Wahid Hasyim stated:

1 feel pteful that we have already brought innovation into the pesantren system. ... As you know. many years ago, we organized the leaming of reading and writing of Latin letters, the Indonesian language, geography, Indonesian history and arithmetic. Afterwards, other pesantrens followed this [lead]. Santris who have graduated from Tebu Ireng have spread and widely. This will certainly simpliS make our efforts to fonn local offices of religious affairs."

C. Educational Change during his Tenure as a Minister of Religious Affairs

Having been involved in the political arena for severai years, particularly during the Iapanese occupation and the revolutionary era, Wahid Hasyim retumed to improvement of Muslim education in the early 1950s. The assignment of Wahid Hasyim to the post of Minister of Religious Affain in three cabinets, i.e., Hatta's. Natsir's and

Sukiman's, respectively? according to Dhofier, was a landmark in Indonesian history, especially in the field of education. He argues that it is tme that the Ministry of Religious

Affairs had been established in Syahrir's first cabinet, which was formed on Ianuary 3,

1946? However, due to the unsettled situation at that time, which lasted until the

Saifuddin Zuhri, Guru& &a~+mngTesanhm (Bandung: Ai-Ma'arif, 1977)' p. 172- 173.

'' Hatta's cabinet was in office between 20 December 1949 and 6 September 1950, Natsir's between 6 September 1950 and 27 ApnI 1951 and Sukiman's between 27 April 195L and 3 April 1952. For further information see Susan Finch and Daniel S. Lev, Rcpu6hî 4 InciirneSUtn Ca6im l9451965(Ithaca: Modem Indonesia Roject, Corne11 Universiy, 1965).

Govemmentai decison No. IISD, dated 3 January 1946. hoSosroatmodjo, " Pendidikan Agama," in MuIjanto Sumardi, ed. Td'înIsk Bqa Rampai Tem@n Ting recognition of Indonesian sovereignty in December 1949, the Ministry of Religious

Affairs had not yet taken a meaningful shape or role within the Indonesian government system. This task was only to be accomplished by Wahid ~as~im.*

Arnong his accomplishments was his work entailed in having religious subjects included in the curriculum of the national educational system. Wahid Hasyim redized that since the national systern had adopted a Western system which focused on secular sciences, much was missing from education regarding values and studies the Indonesian regarded as important. This was because he believed, as stated in the preceding chapter, that education, which was the motor of Indonesian development, was not simply a matter of developing the rnind's or the body's abilities and skills, but was dso a matter of developing the spirit, which he believed could only be achieved through religious education. Therefore, he emphasized that the national educational system had to include religious subjects in addition to Western sciences, and to provide them in balance. The initial opposition over whether religious education should be given at govemment schools or not was finally ended by a joint decision issued by the Minister of Religious Affairs and the Minister of Education, stating that religious subjects -irrespective of the kind of religion- were to be given at dl primary schools starting with the 4th grade and secondary schools for two lesson penods a week." It was due to Wahid Hasyim's forcehl efforts in

Wnud dan Trnntmr (Jakarta: Pustaka Bim. 1980). p. 35. This date is officiaily regarded by the Department of Religious Main as the day of its establishment.

US Zamakhsyai Dhofier, " K.H. Wahid Hasyim," p. 78.

' Decision No. 1432/ Kab. tanggal 20-1-1951 was issued by the Department of Education while the Department of Religious Anairs issued Decision No. K. 1/65 1 tanggai 20-1- 1951. Mahmud Yunus, Spmli Tendidin Ishm, p. 358; see also M. Hutasoit, Comphory iEdition th Iiuh&, p. 79. the cabinet that govemmental nile dated 21 was passed in January 1951, inciuding religious education in 'secular' schools studies."

For the improvement of madrasahs, Wahid Hasyim moved to provide governent subsidies to the private madrasah at the elementary, junior and high school levels. The arnount provided was only Rp. 1 per student, which was much less than the subsidies given by the Ministry of Education to private non-Muslim schools, which amounted to

Rp 4 per student~;~nevertheless it was a positive contribution to the development of the

institution. !l!J In terms of curriculum, Wahid Hasyim also issued a Peraturan Menteri

Agama (The Minister of Religious Main rule) no. 3, August 1 1, 1950 which stipulated

that secular sciences were to be taught in madrasahs.'

During his tenure as Minister of Religious Affain, Wahid Hasyim also initiated

plans to develop many other elements of the Indonesian educationd system, such as the

PGA (Pendidikan Gum Agama or Educational Training Course for Religious Teacher)

and the PTAIN (Pergunim Tinggi Agarna Islam NegedState institute for Islarnic

Studies). Wahid Hasyim realized that most of the teachers who taught at madrasahs were

graduated from HIS or even from pesantrens who were assumed incapable to handling

their duties, therefore the establishment of PGA in every province and then in every

-- " Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "K.H.A Wahid Hasyim: Rantai Penghubung Peradaban Pesantren dengan Peradaban Indonesia Modem, p. 79; see also Nurcholish Madjid, " Kita Kenang Pak Natsir," TanjîMyam@ ( 1993): p. 20-2 1.

Deliar Noer. adRtr'mktmtion uf Islia in Id& (Ithaca: Corne11 Modem indonesia Project Southeast Asia Program Comell University. 1978). p. 14.

The number of dru& ihihtjh (elementary schools) in 195 1. 1952 and 1953 was 6,393. 10.983, 11,756 respectively. For derailed information on the development of the dmd between 1951 and 1953 see Ihutin Wm& vol. 1, no. 1 (1954): 8.

90 ZamaLhsyari Dhofier, " K.H.A. Wahid Hasyim," p. 78. (hpaten (district) was a significant one9' so as to equip madrasah teachen with modem teachingllearning methods which wouid in turn result in the irnprovement of the quality of macùasah graduates.

He was also responsible for founding PTAIN (Perguruan Tinggi Agama Islam

Negeri or State Institute for Islamic Studies) on December 26, 195 1 in Jogjakarta, which later developed into the fourteen IAINs. one for each of the fourteen pro vin ces^ serving a total of thirty thousand students at pesent? The development of the tAINs in our day owes much to the development of madrasahs and PGAs in Indonesia at that time, because basicaily the IAINs serve as institutions of higher leaming for madrasahs and PGA graduates who wish to pursue their education at higher levels in the field of Islam. in this respect it became a university-level program for a sizeable element of the Muslim population who were largely shut out of the national univenity system. Although the creation of the higher institution was aimed. in Wahid Hasyim's view, at achieving such progress with stress on the development of an atmosphere of rational thought."

91 He founded this institution with the Ministry of Religious Affaia' decree No. 227c. cg. 15 August 1950.

* Recently, the th*-three branches of the fourteen iAINs have became STAINS (Sekolah Tmggi Agarna Islam Negeri/ the Institute for Islarnic Studies). Each manages itself under the direct contml of the Department of Religious Affain, as do the fourteen IAINs.

" Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "K.H.A Wahid Hasyim: Rantai Penghubung Peradaban Pesantnn dengan Peradaban Indonesia Modem, " p. 78.

Pl Wahid Hasyim, "Perguruan Tinggi Agama Islam Negeri." in Aboebakar Atjeh, Se$ad9fidïup KXA Waliid- p. 8 14. nevertheless, in its development this institution has faced many problems, pariicularly in the quality of the education offered."

Some people may conclude that what Wahid Hasyim accomplished in the field of education produced dualism in the Indonesian educational system. On the one hand the

Department of Education and Culture developed an educational system based on Western educational methods, whiie on the other, due to Wahid Hasyirn's efforts, the Department of Religious Affaùs set up an educational system based on the pesantren institution.

However, to draw such a conclusion, according to Dhofier. is to ignore certain facts in

Indonesian history, especially in the field of education. As was explained earlier, it was the Dutch who, through their introduction of a Western type of education, had aiready estabiished dualism in Indonesia. What Wahid Hasyim did. with the creation and the development of madrasah in particular, was to begin to bridge two different educationai systerns, the secular and pesantren schools. Mochtar Buchori remarks that "the Madrasah system is looked upon as a bridge that is a system which attempts to integrate the religious educational program of the pesantren with the didactical features of and the teaching methods employed in 'secular' system."" Looking at his efforts in the field, it is clear that Wahid Hasyim succeeded in making the Department of Religious Affairs just such a bridge between the pesantren tradition and the modem civilkation of newly

9~ For a thorough discussion of the problems currently faced by the IAINs see Margaret Gillett, " The IAïN in Indonesian Higher Education," MuhTIiitrinr ~~8 (1 990): 2 1-32.

'" Mociar Buchori, "Madrasah Bridge RI'S Educational System," Miam, vol. V, no. 1 (1992): p. 35. independent hdonesia. In Dhofier's words " Wahid Hasyim was the strongest iink in the chah which bound the pesantren tradition and modem civilization in hdonesia."'"

"Zamakhsyari Dhofier, " K. H. A. Wahid Hasyim," p. 79. CEiAPTER THREE

K. H. Abdul Wahid Hasyim's Political Activities

During bis lifetirne, Wahid Hasyim was an integrai part of many significant political events in the founding of the Indonesian nation. This chapter will provide a description of his involvement in political affairs under the Dutch colonial and Japanese military occupations, and in the years following independence, including his role in the withdrawal of the Nahdlatul Ularna fiom Masjurni and its establishment as an independent political Party. Our purpose in this chapter is to show how, in spite of being a product of the pesanuen system, Wahid Hasyim was able to play an effective role in the struggle for the independence and national development of uidonesia, a contribution which has been underestimated until now.

A. During the Dutch Colonial Period

As far as the growth of nationaiisrn in indonesia is concemed, some Westem scholars such as Wertheim, Mintz and Dahm have assumed that the most potent factor conuïbuting to the growth of nationalist consciousness in uidonesia consisted in the

Westem education provided by the Dutch to certain segments of the indonesian population during the early twentieth century.' This is, to some extent, true. Nevertheless,

' W. F. Wertheim mentioned that "Westem education had the effect of dynamite upon the colonial status system." See W. F. Wertheim Idnesrir 3- Ui Trn~~tion.A Sdy of&& Ubge (nie Hague, W. Van Hoeve: 1966), p. 46; See Jeanne S. Mine ï* X !h$& it is a position which fails to take into account the growth of nationalist sentiment among the baisand Muslim sunt16 who were definitely excluded from this educational program.

Indeed, we have already seen how the growth of nationalism in Indonesia was also inspired by these two groups, most of whom had gone to Arabia for purposes of pilgrimage and study; these later on became agents of change upon their retum to their homeland. as is clear from the cases of Haji Rasul. K.H. Ahmad Dahian and K. H.

Hasyim Asy'ari.

As a matter of fact, the pilgrirnage had a great impact on the creation of an

Indonesian national consciousness. From the tarly twentieth century onward, Arabia, and particularly Mecca and Medina, attracted prominent figures from al1 over the Muslim world, including reformers such as Jarna al-Din Al-Afghani, who promulgated the idea of pan-~slamism.'The pilgrimage served to instill in Muslims a sense of unity, including those living in the archipelago, and to motivate them to fight their colonid oppressors whom they identified as infidels. This is shown by the fact that many socio-religious as

(Princeton: D. Van Nostmd Company, 1961). p. 62; Bernhard Dahrn, Hinoy of indonesia in the IwaitiethCentury, translated by P.S.Falla (London: Praeger Publisher, 197 1), p. 20-21. Kahin is another scholar who has the same idea. Aithough in his book %tionalijm adReziofirbmc in Id- Kahin points out that the religious homogeneity that prevailed in Indonesia was one of the most important factors in creating nationalist awareness, he does not explain the nlationship or the impact of the Muslim smtRs who perfonned the pilgrimage and retumed to the archipelago bnnging ideas of mti-colonialism. See George McTuman Kahin, Nationallsm and~m~utionin fn

2 The idea of Pan-Islarnism was developed and spread by the Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II and Jamal al-Dln Al-Afghâni. Aithough it failed in reaiizing its original goal, that is to unite ail Muslims under the control of the Ottoman empire and to support their fGth, it played a significant role in the development of Muslim nationalism and raised the sentiment of anti- colonialism in the colonized Muslim lands. For detailed information on the issue see for example Udjang Tholib, "The Causes of the Growth of Pan-Islamism and its Impact on Indian Muslims." in Ihundept: A To&tz&* wonse (Montreal; Yogyakarta: Perrnika Montreal & LPMI, 1997), p. 143; NiR Keddie. "Pan-Islam as Roto-Nationdism," 3d494bh H11~41(1969):17-28. well as political movements developed in the Dutch East Indies while the Dutch were still in power. And these were led in tum by those who had perfomed the pilgrimage and studied in ~rabia.' It is therefore not sqrising that these developments caused the colonial government in Indonesia much apprehension over their influence, as indicated by

Raffles:

Every Arab fiom Mecca. as well as every Javan who had returned from a pilgrimage thither. assumed on Java the character of a saint. and the credulity of the common people was such. that they too ofien attributed to such persons supernatuml powers. Thus respected, it was not difficult for them to rouse the country to rebellion. and they became the most dangerous instruments in the hands of the native authorities opposed to the Dutch interest. The Mohamedan "pnests" have almost invariably been found most active in every case of insurrection. Numbers of them, generally a rnixed breed between the Arabs and the islanders, go about from state to state in the Eastern islands, and it is generdly by their intrigues and exhortation that the native chefs are stined up to attack or massacre the Europeans, as infidels and instruders.'

In line with this. Snouck Hurgronje also pointed out that the "Pan-Islamism movement was strong in the Iawah Cornmunity in Mekka; they were al1 touched by the sme

' Martin van Bminessen, "Mencari Ilmu dan Pahala di Tanah Suci," JudUliunrJ @Fan, vol. 2, no. 5, Jakarta (1984):p. 48; see also Fachry Ali, " Masses without Citizenship Islamic Protest Movements in Nineteenth Century Java,'* in Robert Cnbb, ed., ?lit htc CohniaC &zte ùt Idheshr, Poli'tùaf and 2bttomic kundirtùm of thé Netblitndi Idkr 1&Ubï942 (Leiden: KlTLV Press, 1994). p. 247. In the case of Shaikh Ahmad Rifa'i for example, he was a prominent figure who became the symbol of anti-colonialism in Kali Salak. See Mukhlisin Sabadt" Al-Nazbah ai-Khirijiyyah fi Afkiki wa Hiuakâti al-Shaikh Ahmad Rifabibi Kali Saiak," StudUr IswaIvol. 2, no. 2 (1995): p. 125- 145.

' Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, ?hc H&tory PfJaua, 2nd ed., vol. 2 (London: 1930). p. 2. Martin van Bminessen pointed out that by the end of the nineteenth century the Dutch were always suspicious of the Muslim srtntriiwho perfomed the pilgrimage. believing them io be anti- government agitators. This was due in part to the fact that once after retuming, the Muslim smtrrj often brought the Ottoman flag and proclaimeci their loyalty to the Sultan. See Martin van Bminessen, " Muslims of the Dutch East Indies and the Caliphate Question," SdiaIshz& vol. 2, no. 3 (1995): p. 122. hope,"' and "the rnost influenced people were those who at home had studied in Islec institutions, such as pesantrms and modr~~~ahs."

Wahid Hasyim was no different from the many other prominent Muslim santrir who performed the pilgrimage and became agents of change. He becarne involved in severai socio-religious and political organizations, sorne of which he came to lead. Wahid

Hasyim's deep concem for the stmggle for independence is also evident fiom his activities in these same organizations.

Wahid Hasyim's nationalist awareness had already begun to manifest itself before he set out on the pilgrimage or began snidying in Mecca, and grew stronger upon his retum to hdonesia in 1934. Although there is little information about the earliest stages of his nationalism, it cmbe assumed that once he was able to read the roman alphabet, he was exposed to the ideas of nationalisrn and the stniggle for independence found in the books, newspapers and magazines that he borrowed or subscribed to. As early as 1929, he wrote an article in which he stated: "Western counuies, which are already in disorder after the Fiat World] war are in no position to gant independence to the societies of

Asia if these societies are not prepared to seek independence themselves." '

His early feelings of nationalism can also be seen in his activities during his stay in Mecca. Although Wahid Hasyim had gone to Arabia for a specific purpose, namely to perform the pilgrimage and to study, he nevertheless devoted a part of his time, dong

Snouck Hurgronje, %fé&z in the Lotcr Part of the 9@neteentti Cartuy (Leyden: EJ. Brill, 193 1). p. 260-261

Snouck Hurgronje. Mé&a in tiic L

From these activities it can be concluded that Wahid Hasyim's nationdist awareness was influenced by both the ideas of anti-colonialism spreading throughout Arabia and by the statements of Ieading figures in the Indonesian national movement who had also adopted an anticoloniai stance.'

Although at fit Wahid Hasyim did not become directly involved in any organization. he only observed for four years after retuming from Mecca the development of Indonesian movernents led by nationdists, modemists and traditionalists. It was not until 1938 in fact that he finaily decided to affiliate himself with the Nahdlatul Ularna, led at that time by his father. K. H. Hasyim ~sy'ari.'~

' This staternent was quoted in Sukarno's speech to an Indonesische Studieclub's meeting on July 20. 1929. See Aboebakar Atjeh. Si$am/i Mdup KSAWdidHi &n Xprn~ar~ lenuir(Jakarta: Panitya Buku Peringatan Alm. K.H.A. Wahid Hasjirn. 1957). p. 147.

See Aboebakar Atjeh. &$ad HiX%IaW'a/iui Hihn Karayrtn Terstrrr, p. 150. Jawi. or the Jawah or Jawi mukim. as they were also known. were a community that had originally corne from the Malay-Indonesia Archipelago to Mecca for pilgrimage and study, and had then settled then pemanently. spending the rest or a large part of their lives there. See Nico Kaptein. "Meccan Fatwas from the End of the Nineteenth Century on indonesian Affain," Studii Isli&a, vol. 2, no. 4 (1995): p. 147

Since Sarekat Islam split into two variants. SI Putih and SI Merah, Sukarno was able to take over the syrnbolic leadership of the smiggle for independence in the 1920s. Islam did not become the centrai symbol. but became one of many. See Zamakhsyari Dhofier. "K. H. A. Wahid Hasyim Rantai Penghubung Peradaban Pesantren dengan Peradaban Indonesia Modem," Prisma, 8 (1984): p. 75.

IO The basic reasons for his decision to join the NU as a means to develop and to implement his ideas were the following. Fit, the result of the movement itself. Compared to other socio-religious organizations and political parties, the NU was the fastest growing organization in Indonesia in terms of mernbenhip. During the ten years after its establishment. the NU had successfully opened branches in almost 60% of the archipelago. Second, the successful growth and purposes of the organization were not determined by the number of educated people in it, but mostly by the mtali'tiet(ethics, in a broader sense) possessed by both leaders and membea. So the lack of educated people in the NU did not decrease its chances of becoming a successfüi organization. Third. human nlationships arnong the memben were strong, so the NU was a solid organization. Fourth. after king deeply concerned with the NU, he The Nahdlatul Ularna, founded by Hasyim Asy'ari in 1926, was then and is once again a non-politicai organization by definition. It devotes itself mainiy to socio-religious and educational matters." Nonetheless, conditions at that time demanded that every single

Indonesian organization, including the NU, be involved in political rnatten."

The traditionalist 'GJ who had joined the NU in great numben showed considerable opposition towards the Dutch colonial authorities. They launched a resistance movement known as " mental and cultural defense." l3 They forbade Indonesian

Muslims, particularly those living in mal areas, to Wear Dutch-style clothing, to imitate

Dutch behavior or even to study and speak in that language. Finally, at its 1936 congress held in Banjarniasin, the NU declared that al1 Indonesian Muslims were obliged to work towards liberating their homeland (Indonesia) from the threat of its enemies (the colonial authorities)." This decision, according to Abdurrahman Wahid, legitimized the

-- - concluded that @ak within the Mi did not rnonopolize the association; their position was the same as other rnembers. This statement was delivered by Wahid Hasyim in his speech to youths of Gerakan Pendidikan Politik Muslimin lndonesia (Political Education Movement for Indonesian Muslirns) from Indiamayu. See Wahid Hasyim, " Mengapa Saj[y ]a Memilih Nahdlanil-'Uiama?" in Aboebakar Atjeh. S$izmh Hidp ~$f3LWalidNii&n Xpmqan Iersiar, p. 739-741.

" As a socio-teligious and educational organization, the NU was acknowledged by the Dutch through a ~f~~moun(a letter of approval) issued by the Govemor General and signed by O. R. Erdbrink. a Secretary General on September 5. 1929. Saihiddin Zuhn, Sqad @ay@tan 1'hn Per(pc6a~amryodi Im(Bandung: Al-Ma'arif, 18 1), p. 6 1 1;

l2 See M. Masyhur Amin, NU dân Ij~~o&~~lutllfo~a,p. 55.

" Panitya Harlah 40 Tahun NU, TddW, %mbd Anrd Mjarufi ~@@ tfGma (Jakarta: Panitya Harlah 40 Tahun N.U., 1966), p. 46. For a brief account of the issue see for example TauBr Abdullah, " History, Political Images and Culnual Encounter The Dutch in the Indonesian Archipelago," Studka Ish~m&u,vol. L, no. 3 (1994): p. 1-24.

Ali Haidar, ~aliriitttdtfhma&n IJ:~LÛ Ihnesia T&atan TihGun Po&*(Jakarta: Gramedia, 1994), p. 3 19-320. involvement of NU figures in the struggle for independence in a very hi11 sense, and not from a religious perspective onIy."

Unlike other ?dumi'. however, Wahid Hasyim adopted an 'independent' attitude of his own. Almost unique among leading traditionalists, he boldly chose to Wear Dutch- style ~lothing,'~and to study Dutch as well as teach this language, in addition to English, to his santris in Pesantren Tebu Ireng between 1936 and 1938." Furthermore. in order to improve their administrative skills, he also provided his students with practical experience in operating an organization by estabiishing a local chapter of the IKPI (katan

Pelajar-Pelajar Islam or Union of Muslim Students), which stressed modem organizational principles.'u rom these examples it cm be seen that Wahid Hasyim was able to take advantage of many things intrinsic to the Dutch system and used them in his own educational approach. Wahid Hasyim's willingness to understand some aspects of

Dutch colonial culture represented a different approach when compared to other traditionalist Muslim sanhis who mostly tried to isolate themselves from colonial influence.

------

" ~bdurrahmanWahid. " Nahdlatul Ulama dan Khittah 1926," in Masy hur Amin and Ismail S. Ahmad. ed.. WgTm@-an Ish&IL 9@aktm %pi* (Yogyakarta: LKPSM, 1993) p. 151.

'"on '"on Anfin,, Xrpaimpimn Wi, X@us Todt Tesatttm 7è6u 1- (Malang: Kalimasahada Press. 1993)' p. 84. This independent attitude on the part of Wahid Hasyim, which his father never tried to dis~ourage,'~can be undentood in the context of his desire to enhance the intellectual quality of Muslim santrts by adopting whatever was useful in the colonial system, including its language and educational methods, as long as these did not contradict religious teachings. What Wahid Hasyim did, therefore, was attempt to prepare

Muslim sanari for living in a nationalistic environment and to implant in them a spirit of patriotism, which was essential to the stmggle for the independence and developrnent of

Indonesia. In other words, broad education, transcending the usual learrïing found in pesantrens, was the key to greater and more effective nationalism in W&id Hasyim's eyes.

As one of the NU'S leaders, Wahid Hasyim, in collaboration with his colleagues, and in reaction to the widespread unhappiness mong activist Musli.associations of the time, asked the colonid govemment to withdraw the Çuru ûrhnantk 1925 (Teacher

Ordinance 1925)." This ordinance had been relatively effective as a means for the Dutch govemment to control Islamic religious education. The regulation was seen by Muslims

'' Kyai Haji Hasyim Asy'ari. Wahid Hasyim's father, never forbade him to Wear Dutch- style clothing such as trousers, and even allowed him and other Muslims to Wear trousers, a hat, tie and coat as long as they did not intend to imitate the Dutch in belief and action. who were considered as infidels. See Swa9&hhhrCUliuna, no. 4 (1346 A.H.).

20 This regulation was actually preceded by the Teacher Ordinance L905 (Gum Ordbnlir 1905). In this regulation, it was stated that to deliver Islamic religious education, religious teachea had to get official permission from the regent or his equivalent. This ordinance Iater on was replaced by a new ordinance which was called guru ~rhntic1925. The new ordinance no longer required religious teachers to have written permission, but they had to infom the oficials of their intention to teach, to make a list of their students and the cumculum. Although the Fwu Ordi'mntie 1925 was not as strict as the Gunr Orditte 1905, Muslim leaders both from aaditionalist and modernist backgrounds still considered it a restriction that should be completely abolished. Panitya Harlah 40 Tahun N.U.. TamOd W, Idahanial; Se+mh !@q& ~&tufrflfma, p. 52. for what it was primarily intended, as an attempt to limit Islamic based education and to place controls on ihose teaching it. Not surprisingly Muslim protested, claiming that it was a violation of their status as a rnajority to have their own religious education.

Traditionalists in particular, regarded the law as an obstacle to teaching their faith."

However, Muslims came to a different conclusion regarding Article 177 of the

I&& ~rnamt@n~(hereinafter abbreviated as 1.S.) which restricted religious preaching in order to prevent clashes between Muslims and ~hristians,~precisely because the threat of the regulation wûs against Christian activity. The NU also refused any subsidies offered by the Dutch for the NU'S pesantrens and madrasahs. and continually called for the authorities to eliminate subsidies given to ail other religious organizations or missionary activities, whether Christian or Muslim. There are several possible interpretations of this refusal. The NU may not have liked the idea of being accountable to the Dutch authorities, which acceptance of such funds would have entailed. Further, the subsidies granted to other Muslim organizations were much smaller than those given to their Christian counterpart~~and NU may have wanted to stand on principle

" Deliar Noer, Gm@n IciohIshm di 1- (Jakarta: LRES, 1985). p. 337-338.

Article 177 -which states " it is obligatory for the priest and missionaries who intend to do their missionary work in an ana where the Islamic religion had predorninated. to get specid permission from the Govemor GeneralW-was an instrument to maintain peace. If the Dutch govemment withdrew it in answer to the nquest of Catholic and Protestant missionaries, a clash might occur between Muslims and Christians. Therefore the NU launched a policy to retain Article 177 1.S (Indische Staatsregetig) and was later on supported by other Muslim organizations in Indonesia, including MIAI. See Br& %f~abpnW, p. 11; see also Panitya Harlah 40 Thun N.U., ldoiiW, liardQg& ~&td'Uk, p. 52.

The following table shows the differences in subsidies aven by the Dutch to the religious cornmunities:

(status book) Protestant Catholic Muslim 1936/335, pp.25-26 f. 686,100 f. 286500 f. 7.500 concerning equality. Obviously this struck at the declared neutral policy of the government toward al1 religions? Cenainly the NU did not like the inferior position such inequality symbolized.

in a broader sense, Wahid Hasyim's commitrnent to the issues facing Indonesian

Muslims and to the struggle for independence can dso be seen in his involvement in the

MIAI (Majelis al-Islam al-A'la Indonesia. or the Supreme Islarnic Council of Lndonesia).

The MIAI, established in 1937, was a federative Islamic organization. It was founded to combat several chronic problems that a wide cross section of Muslim activists believed important to address at the time. Chief among them was the seeming interference of the colonial government in Islamic affain,'-' as epitornize by the +ni OrliOnantk, and the seeming preferential treatment shown Christims, particularly in the matter of subsidies, and the appearance of public comments from Christians and secular nationaiists who

" insulted" Islam and the prophet."

1937/4 10, pp.25-26 f. 683.200 f. 290.700 f. 7,500 1 11, pp.27-28 f. 696,100 f. 296,400 f. 7,500 1939/592, pp. 32 f. 844,000 f. 335,700 f. 7,600 See Nourouzarnan Shiddiqi, "The Role of the Ulamn during the Japanese Occupation of Indonesia" (MA thesis, McGill University, 1975). p. 62-63; Choirul Anam. Tertmhhn &n T~~~aqganY&tufUliuna (Solo: Jatayu, 1984), p. 108.

" This neuval attitude toward al1 religion was officially in effect since 1854. See A.K. Pringgodigdo, SqadTm~ena4an Ra@at Id& (Djakarta: Pustaka Rakjat, 1960), p. 108-109.

H. I. Benda, Ihc Cmmt drtirIp&igSun (The Hague: W. van Hoeve, 1983). p. 89.

Siti Soemandari, who wrote an article for the magazine qnIS October 1937, accused the Prophet Muhammad of king a jealous man, and the Islarnic law which allows a man tu marry more than one wife of king a means to legitimize the Pmphet's lust. See Bu.& T~utun0", p. 6; See dso Choirul Anam. Tettwhhn iliur Tn(embaqon NiEitdUlirmq p. 95; See also Siti Hadiroh Wardan, "Dari MIAi mendjadi Masjumi," (B.A. thesis, Falailtas Sastera dan Kebudayaan Gajah Mada, 1968), p. 13-14. Another article considered insulting by many Muslims appeared in the periodical Hoa signed by a Chinese Oei Bee Thai. See Aboebakar Atjeh. MjadHidup KHA. Waliid3101yDll &n Qqun Tir,p. 3 1 1. In the face of threats from outside the Muslim community, the tension and hostility that had divided rnodemists on the one hand and traditionalists on the other, which had persisted from the beginning of the twentieth century, began to subside considerably der 1937. Both sides seemed to understand that while they were occupie'd with arguing over religious issues, issues which were acnially only funl7yah (the branches of religion) and not its u@l(principles),n their own statu as a political force and their reputation as a major world religion was under attack from outside.

This awareness led to a series of consultations among Muslim leaders, and finally, at the initiative of Kyai Haji , Kyai Haji Ahmad Dahlan, Kyai

Haji Mas Mansur and W. ond do ami se no,'^ they held a meeting in Surabaya on 18-21

September 1937, which resulted in the establishment of the MIAI."

The establishment of the MIAI did meet with a favorable response from Muslim organizations in Indonesia. At the time of its founding, there were only seven

" Since the nse and development of the idea of refonnism spread by the modemists in Indonesia, the main subjects repeatedly debated among modemists and iraditionalists were ritual mattea such as niy& d@,LihliS zijid etc. For a good account of this matter see Howard M. Fedenpiel, "The Penatuan Islam (Islamic Union)" (Ph. D. Dissertation, McGiIl University. 1966). chapter 4.

" Kyai Haji Abdul Wahab Hasbullah and Kyai Haji Ahmad Dahlan were from the NU, Kyai Haji Mas Mansur from the Muharnmadiyah and W. Wondoamiseno from the Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia. See W. Wondoamiseno, " Riwajat Singkat Perdjalanan M.LA.1 1937- 194 1," in Bu@Z?~ahm~,p. 2.

29 The goal of this federation, as set forth in its constitution, were: one, to unite al1 Monesian Muslim organizations to work together; two. to solve conflicts arising among Indonesian Muslim groups, whether drrady members of MIAI or not; three, to strengthen the ties with overseas Muslims; four, to promote better conditions for Islam and Muslims; and five, to develop an Indonesian Muslirn Congress (Kongres Muslimin indonesia). Verslag Ringkas Majlis Islam A'la Indonesia (M.IA.1) September 1940-Juni 194 1, in &uiu T-ab~n mTp. 16. organizations which declared thernseives to be rnembers, but within th.ree years the membership had increased to twenty Islamic organizations."

It was not intended originally that the MIAI should be a political organization for its founders saw the organization promoting general communal concems. It soon became evident that the leadership would engage in politicai activity when its interests were involved." For example, when MIN was reorganized in 1940 and Wahid Hasyim appointed president of the centrai board of the federation, MIAI took an open stand opposing the continuation of the colonial regime."

At the various congresses that were held at about this time," MIN showed its intention to struggle both for Islamic interests and for Lndonesia's independence? Many problems bearing directly on the lives of Muslims. whether internai, extemal or related to

Islam, as well as the encounter with colonial authority, were discussed. With respect to

meywere Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia (PSII), Moehamrnadiyah, Persatoean Islam, Peaerekatan Oelama Indonesia, Al-Irsjad, Jong Islamieten Bond, Al-Islam, Al-Ittihadijatoel- Islarnijah, Partij Islam Indonesia, Partij Arab Indonesia. Persatoean Oelama Seloeroeh Atjeh di Sigli, Moesjawarah Thalibin, Nahdatoel Oeiama, Al-Hidajatul Islarnijah Banjwwangi, Madjlis Oelama Indonesia Toli-Toli, Penatoean Moeslimin Minahasa Menado. Al-Chainyah Soerabaja, Persatoean Poetra Borneo Soerabaja., H.B. Penatoean India Poetra Indonesia Semarang, and Perhirnpoenan Pemoeda Indonesia Malaja in Cairn. While H.B. Djamiah Waslijah di Medan, Ittihadoel Oelama in Palembang and Hg. Perhimpoenan Islam Bima were hoped to associated to the MIAI. Bu@ Pm*yatan94kUr p. 17. " TMigatan Mm, p. 16. See also Kacung Marijan, @a Vadi NU: S& Mai?4 mttd l926 (Jakarta: Erlangga, 1992), p. 54.

52 Mitsuo Nakamura, "Nahdatul Ulam&" in John L. Esposito ed., 'IrhE ~ord~ncycloped(in oftficMuh ~sfmtziWoa vol. 2 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991). p. 219.

" The first was held in Surabaya on February 26 to March 1, 1938. The second was held in Solo in May 1939, while the third was again held in Solo in July 1941. the interests of Islam. the MWformed a committee mandated to respond to " insults" to the Muslirn community." Consequently, it strongly opposed the Dutch regdations concerning matrimonial and inheritance matters, which it saw as departures from Islarnic law. MlAI requested that the Dutch transfer these affairs from the authority of the public court (kdrnrui) back to that of the Islamic court (RMdaglunrz) where Islamic law rather than aht would be the basis for mlings. MIAI also strengthened the objection made by

NU and other Islamic organizations against the colonial regime's decision to withdraw

Article 177 of the I.S. relating to restricted Christian proselytization.

With regard to the stniggle for independence, MIAI, under the leadership of

Wahid Hasyim, together with GAP1 (Gabungan Partai Politik Indonesiahdonesian

Political Parties ~ederation)'~and PVPN (Association of Govemment Employees) established the Kongres Rakyat Indonesia (Indonesian People's Congress) as super urnbrella nationalist committee, which demanded that the Dutch govemment establish an

Indonesian Parliament (~ndonrrio-at~émen).* In doing so, of course. MIAI as the representative of Indonesian Muslims asked the Kongres to pay particular attention to

Islamic interests. It recommended that the membership of the proposed parliament be composed of a majority of Muslim representatives, since Muslims made up the vast majority of the population. MIAI also called for the head of the state to be a Muslim. and

35 The cornmittee was managed by five people. The chairman was Zainal Arifin. Sjahboedin Latif the secretary, while the members were Mr. Kasman, Wiwoho and M. Natsir. They were representative of the NU. PSU, Muhammadiyah, PII and Penis respectively. See Br& Pedhptrzn~,p. 18.

36 GAPI was a federative organization which consisted of political organization, such as the PSSI, Parindra, Genndo, Pasundan, Partai Katholik. etc. Saifubfin Zuhri, *ad ~aq@knt fskhn Ter~em6angmutyudi Indmirrio, p. 625. urged that a ministry of nligious (Islamic) affairs be established." These demands were to become an important part of the debate on the formation of the Indonesian state that took place later in 1945, and again during the public debates prior to the meetings of the

Constituent Assembly in the mid-1950s." At this time, however, the Dutch administration responded that constitutional reform in Indonesia could be undertaken only after the liberation of the Netherlands from German occupation when, the statement claimed, the entire relationship between the Dutch state and the Indonesian region would be reviewed with the idea of instituting a federation of equd nations under the Dutch crown.

Surprisingly, the indonesian national movement seemed to accept this answer and yet, not so surprisingly, adopted a passive attitude towards defending the nation when Japan attacked the country in 1942." The latter stance reflected the hope of Lndonesians that should Japan defeat the Dutch, the nation's liberation would be achieved."

B. Under Japanese Occupation

Soon after the Dutch commander in-chief of dlied forces in Java, Lt. Gen. Teer

Porten. officially sunender on March 8, 1942 to the hpanese commander in the name of

" " K.H. Wahid Hasjim," in MPB. Manus, %(oh-%&fi -IV p. 95.

2Zu& Taingatnn W,p. 2 1; Harry J. Benda, aie C-t and t/t !@iqgSuq p. 97-98; M. C. Ricklefs, fl H'ofModm I- Sincl c. 1300. p. 194. See also Harun Nasution, "The Islamic State in Indonesia, the Rise of the Ideology, the Movement for its Creation and the Theory of the Masjumi" (M.A. thesis, McGill University, 1965), p. 90.

Deliar Noer, adnanLmation 4 IS~in Inhnmiz (Ithaca: Corne11 Modern Indonesia Project, 1978), p. 2.

40 Harun Nasution. "The Islamic State in Indonesia, the Rise of the Ideology, the Movement for its Creation and the Theory of the Masjumi," p. 45.

" George McTuman Kahin, Natino(imr and!&mhPnin IdttGCSit, p. 99. ail allied forces in ~ava,~Japanese military authority was established in ~ndonesia"The

Japanese were anxious to put an end to Dutch and Arab influences" which were considered to be " foreign" and hardi11 to Asian civilization as defined by the ~apanese.~

Decree No. 23, dated July 15. 1942 issued by the Japanese authorities also banned al1

Indonesian political and socio-religious organi~ations.~This was followed by the incarceration of several Indonesian leaders in the succeeding months, indicating that they wanted no debate on how the territory was to be govemed."

Instead, the Japanese pursued a policy of " Japanisation" throughout the archipelago. Part of this involved changing the narne of places, streets and squares from

Dutch into Japanese and Indonesian names. More significantly, Japanese authorities tried

" Soebagijo 1. N.. K:31 Mu&r: Sc6uali Biografi (Jakarta: Gunung Agung, 1982). p. 35; see also George McTuman Kahin. ~atiimkmand!Qmfution in Indbnrrin, p. 10 1- 102;

r3 The Iapanese armed forces began to land in Java on March 1. 1942. After fighting against the Allies (the Dutch Troops) for about one week, they were finally victorious. M. A. Aziz, Japan's CobninCrmr and ~nilonrria(The Hague: Martinus Nijhof. 1955), p. 141- 142; C. A. O. van Nieuwenhuijze. qectrof IS~in ~orr-~oumulC~~ (The Hague: W. van Hoeve, 1958). p. 109.

44 The idea of Pan-Islarnisrn that was brought from Arabia was replaced by the idea of a Pan-Asiatic Movement. See Nourouzzaman Shiddiqi, "The Role of the Ulama during the Japanese Occupation of Indonesia" (MA thesis. McGill University, 1975). p. 35.

" Willard H. Elsbree, Japan's Rob ùt ~outh-eastMn !l@iim& Morntment, 1940- 1945 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1953), p. 130.

46 Prior to this decree, there were two other decrees conceming the prohibition against all organization from pursuing their activities. Decree No. 2 of the Commander of the 16th army, dated 8 Macch 1942, banned dl meetings, associations, pubiication and listening to foreign broadcasts; and Decree No. 3 of March 20. 1942 forbade them to discuss, engage in activities, encourage or produce propaganda conceming the organization and structure of the government. Aziz, yapamr3 Cobriialijmund ~dnesia,p. 208 to re-organize the educational system, which was regarded as the chief means of achieving their goal of reorienting the society to " Man" values.48

The Japanese also tned to impose Japanese culture on the local population in other ways. The most controversial policy was saxer'tei, the custom of bowing to the

Iapanese Emperor, Tenno Heika, every moming as a show of imperhl respect. Some

Indonesian Muslims regarded this action as stUr~(polytheism),holding that the bow was too sMar to parts of the standard Muslim prayer (sa6t) and could be constnied as

praying to the emperor. It was not surprising therefore that saYeiim was resisted by some

Muslim leaders, who sometimes rebelled openly against the policy, for instance in the cases of singaparnawand Abdul Karim Amrullah (Haji ~asul)."

Among the leaders intemed for opposing this policy was Kyai Haji Hasyim

Asy'ari, who was jailed for four months, and his pesantren closed as well. The news of

his imprisonment spread throughout pesantren circles, leading to protests by Muslim

santrii against Japanese authority. Some sanm' Muslims, according to Saifùddin Zuhri,

-- - M. M. Aziz Japan's CobnUiGm and p. 177. The activities in the educational fields were concentrated on linguistic education. Teachers were neducated and reorganized; textbooks were revised and edited from a Japanese viewpoint, and even students were sent to Japan. For detailed information on this issue see U.S. Department of Commerce Office of Technical Se~ces,fapontse MI(tay adi&nzhitn in IdnrnB (Washington: Joint hblication Research Service, 1963). p. 2 14-22 1.

He was the NU member who fought against the Japanese policy, s&ni in particular. A. H. Nasution, S&'tnr Tmng 5Qmdé@zn 1- vol. 1 (Bandung: Angkasa, 1994), p. 112- 115. For a comprehensive picture see for example Sjarif Hidajat Danoemihardjo, lpwqat Terd@qart %$fiMj ZuidMifct,P#trUnp dm ~eg~pmr6nmi~n ,$ingapumo (n.~., 1970).

'O Choirui ham, Pahaoulum &n Pa(pn6angan ~afiriirtuiUk, p. 115- 1 16. For a good account of his biography see , ~~ 2@mjat Hidup I>r. ad. aim AmmfM &n Pd-m Kaum (Djakarta, n.p ., 1950); even went so far as to assault the ~apanese." Against this background of protest Wahid

Hasyirn, together with K. H. Wahab Hasbullah, worked for Asy'ari's release through contacts with the Japanese authorities in Jakarta. He was finally set fiee on August 18,

1942 and his pesantren allowed to resume its activities. Apparently, the Japanese authorities realized that the tremendous influence of religious leaders couid not be ignored." From then on they were more careh1 about incarcerating prominent Quari.

Mer initiai control was established, the Japanese began seeking ways to attract the support of particular indonesian groups, most notably the Muslim population and nationalist leaders, in order to strengthen their grip on the population. First, the Japanese established the "four-leaf clover" of the Indonesian leadership: Sukarno, M. Hatta, Ki

Hajar Dewantara and K.H. Mas Mansur," al1 prominent leaders in the earlier Dutch penod, who were given control of an administration which was ultimately to provide the foundation for the Republic of hdonesia's administration in 1945. In order to win the sympathy of Indonesian MusIims. the Japanese entered into direct contact with 'zrliuM7.

Thus, the '&m2emerged as a new element in Indonesian national political life?

The Japanese realized the value of having an ail-ernbracing and centralized organization in which dl Muslim leaders would be integnted and through which the

- -

" Saifùddin Zuhn, Gu@ ûra~-orn~Tmntmn(Bandung: Al-Makif, 1977). p. 169. On August 1, 1942, the NU consuls (coordinator of every district) held a meeting in Jakarta to defend the NU leaders captured by the lapanese. Choirul Anarn, Tertum6hn &n P~~a~an ~~UrtUcUuuM,~.114-115.

K.H.M. Hasyim Latief, h@rHizbuaaii &iputng Méqa&an @am Ipl (Surabaya: Lajnah Ta'lif wan Nasyr, 1995), p. 11

M. C. Ricklefs, A H&ry OfModm Id& ~icrc. 1300, p. 204. Muslim masses might more easily be moved in the desired direction. To meet this need the Japanese revived MIAl in 1942, but less than a year later it was disbanded and replaced by Masjumi (Madjelis Sjuro Muslimin Indonesia or Consultative Council of

Indonesian Muslim) on October 24, 1943.~The latter was a federation of Muslim non- political associations, most of which had supposedly belonged to MIAI. The top position was given to K. H. Hasyim Asy'ari, but this title of leader was only honorific as he remained at his pesantren in Jornbang, leaving as effective head his son K.H. Wahid

~asyim.' Wahid Hasyim undertook actions designed to strengthen the capacity of the

Muslim community and to improve its infrastructure.

Wahid Hasyim realized that the purpose behind the establishment of the Masjumi by the Japanese authorhies was so that it might serve as a means to hrther the latter's propaganda,n which aimed at mobilizing support for the Japanese occupation in tems of manpower and food supplies.YHence, Wahid Hasyim invited Muslirn youth. arnong them

M. Natsir. Harsono Tjokroaminoto, Prawoto Mangkusumo and , to use the

------. - - - '' The dissolution of the MIAI in October 1943 was probably considered necessary by the Japanese because this organization had been set up through the Muslirns' own initiative as a federation of lslamic organizations among whose leaders were men with a strongly anti-colonial and non-cooperative background. In the words of Aziz "MIN. which began in 1937 as anti- Dutch organization, might tum out anti-foreip again a nsk the new mien were not prepared to accept." M. A. Aziz, Japan3 Colimialijm nndlnrionesrà, p. 205.

Wrn %UN, vol. 1. no. 1 (December 2603) p. 18.

n Zamakhsyari Dhofier. "11 K. A. Wahid Hasyim." p. 79; see also M. M. Sharief, A Hino?,of MflsItmPMsopfi~~vol. 2 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1966). p. 1646. opportunity to help prepare the Indonesian people physically aud mentally for the task of eventuaily dnving out the lapanese." As he stated himselfi

In the Japanese era, both secular and Islamic nationalist leaders surrendered and were willing to follow the Japanese plans. Fortunately, a young Muslim generation appeared and took over the leadership, including that of the Masjumi. Since that time, Masjumi no longer supported the Japanese propaganda, and even minimized the Japanese plans which caused people much s~ffering.~

Wahid Hasyim also published a magazine Soeam Moesfimrn lndormia as a tool to spread the stmggle for independence." He also proposed the establishment of BPI (Badan

Propaganda Islam or Islarnic Propaganda Cornmittee) whose goal was to train its membea to be able to deliver public speeches, spread Islamic teachings and raise feelings of nationalism as well." At a major congress of indonesian Muslims held in Jakarta,

Wahid Hasyim stated:

the colonial rulers never even think of humanitarianism. justice and pity. They leave our children ignorant and cause them to forget their own history, the grandeur of their ancestors, their destiny for the future and even their own God as well as the direction in which they have to pray. Under colonial oppression, our econornic condition is very tragic. We must not act like children, but rather as a mature nation that cm act on its own. As long as we act childishly, we will be easily decieved by sweet promises offered by the colonial who never intend to nalize them?

'' Aboebakar Atjeh, adHidp IIC. 3C. A. Wrrlud9fkfm p. 332.

" Aboebakar Atjeh, ~i@zrafiHiup fi A WaliidHqUn p.33 1.

" "[CH.Abdul Wahid Hasyim," in wbpdi IsGznr, vol. 5, (Jakarta: Ichtiar Bani Van Hoeve, 1993), p. 164.

" Aboebakar Atjeh, WamhHidup % X A Waliid- p. 340. At this juncture Peta (Pembela Tanah Air or Protectors of the Fatherland) and

Heiho (Auxiliary Forces) were established in Jawa and Madura in order to serve as an auxiliary guerrilla force to resist an Allied invasion, not only in Indonesia, but also in

Bunna and other countrie~.~This body later contributed trained cadres to the Indonesian army during the revolution. Seizing on the desire of the Japanese to mobilize local forces,

Wahid Hasyim, instead of accepting Abdul Hamid Ono's request for santri youth to join

Peu and Heiho, asked the Japanese authorities for permission to raise a Musiim auxiliary to be cdled the ~izbullah.~Wahid Hasyim insisted that Muslim sanhic not be sent overseas, but that they dong with the 'dm?,"received military training and political indoctrination. His request to set up the Hizbullah was granted by the ~apanese."This opportunity was acnially used to prepare Muslim santrir to fight against the Sapanese, for, as pointed out by Saifbddin Wui, "Wahid Hasyim kept in mind the idea that this military training for sontric would be a part of the preparation for an insurrection against

~apan."'

" Soean MIAI, no. 20, October 15, 2603; K.H. M. Hasyirn Latief, b&ur HizM *yj Menega&an @am RI, p* 16.

Harry J. Benda, Cnrmit and& IpiriqSun, p. 179. R. de Bruin. Ishm m nationulijme in rkwr Japan 6- i942-1945(Gravenhage: Staatsuitgeverij, 1Wî), p. 102.

" The fUlirmiïlwere also getting liitilimt (training) during the Japanese authority. For a comprehensive account see Soeara MIAI, vol 1. no. 17 (1 Ramadan 136211 September 2603); See also Nourouzzaman Shiddiqi, "The RoIe of the Ulma During the Japanese Occupation of Indonesia ( 1942- 1975) ."

" nie Hizbullah was officially established on October 14, 1944. KH. M. Hasyim Latief, Lastar Hizd& 9ùqùq Mqa&zn %am RI, p. 16-17: Benedict R.O'G. Anderson. Jam in A lm ofRevolution (Ithaca: Corne11 University Press, 1972), p. 26. After receiving training for several rnonths under Japanese cornanders, the five hundred or so Muslim youths selected for Hizbullah were sent out to organize and train local units al1 over Java. Masjumi financed their activities, dthough the members of the corps were not paid any salary.@This force gave a new structure to the Muslim cause and constituted a means for the community to contribute to the rnilitary efforts of the independence movement after the Japmese departed in 1945. Of course. throughout the

Japanese period itself the force was an evidence of Japanese-Muslim cooperation.

However. the close relationship between Japanese and Muslims cannot be seen as a 'mutuai' one. Many Muslim leaders reaiized the purpose behind a 'gift' or 'promise' offered by the Japanese. They therefore employed a strategy called yhnm

(manipulation) in their struggle against the Japanese, which included cooperation. When

Saifuddin Zuhri asked Wahid Hasyim about his collaboration with lapan, Wahid Hasyim explained it as follows:

In any struggle mutual deception goes on ....Among sanvis Nippon which is the Japanese pronounciation, must be pronounced Nippong. It means nqu wuy (in Javanese: to deceive a person). They Say they want CO liberate us from Dutch colonialism. Probably it's true we shall not be colonized by Holland again, but they don? tell us whether we will become independent or if they will colonize us after we are freed from Holland. This is just a deception. Why don't we deceive them? ...Our principle is to help ourselves through oppominities which they give us. Possibly they will make use of us as their tooi. But we are not silent tools. What is important is to use oppomuiities which they give us as much as pos~ible.~

'W Benda, Ciwmt and the Sm,p. 280; see also Boland. ZhStm&e of Ish in %dém I~A,p. 13. n SaiMdin Zuhri. (ium Ory-~fl~Tacnr~p. 173. Another strategy applied by the Japanese to win support from Indonesian Muslims was the establishment of the ~humubu."or the Religious Affairs Office. Its task was to handle Islarnic affairs and the Muslim community more effectively. This office was chaired by Colonel Horie Chozo, the preeminent Japanese architect of the Indonesian goveniing effort in lava? For several months Shumubu was completely staffed by the

Japanese officiais, untii the indonesian and Arab members of the former Bureau for

Indonesian Affairs (under the Dutch) were allowed to resume their work there. Although

K. H. Hasyim Asy'ari was offcially placed in charge of the office, in practice however. he once again transferred his daily duties to his son K. H. Wahid ~asyirn."It was Wahid

Hasyim, according to Boland. who laid the foundations for the future Ministry of

Religious Affairs, such as by taking over al1 the duties formerly divided arnongst the

Department of Home Affairs, of Justice and of Education. and by establishing regional offices for religious affairs in every residency (one of the administrative districts within a province)." As he stated himselE

Hadiratus Syaikh (Hasjim Asy'ari) and 1 have ken asked to form Kantor Iawatan Agama Pusat (the Centrai Office for Religious Affairs, Shumubu). 1 have already offered my opinion to Saiko-Shikikan (the Supreme

71 Shumubu was an office or department which continued the work of the Dutch colonial Xpntwr mor Inlirdh Zu& (Office for Native Affairs). For a good account on !&antuor yoor Inliindiclie Zia& See H. Aqib Surninto. PoIttiEfsl4mHi& 2?eGzn&z Hit Xpntur mor Inlandrdk ro& (Jakarta: MES, 1986).

72 U.S. Department of Commerce Office of Technicai Services, Japonese Mili'trry acrminr'strrrtion in Idep. 226.

' Boland, ZhStm& ufisfam in Mbrient Im,p. 10; Deliar Noer, adminirtmtia of Is(irm in Ikhmh, p. 14. Commander) that this is impossible if local branches of that office are not created throughout Java and Madura. My opinion was accepted by lapan."

When BPUPKI (Badan Penyelidik Usaha-usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan hdonesia or Investigating Committee for Prepatory Work for Indonesian independence) was e~tablished,~~Wahid Hasyim was appointed as one of its members. Inaugurated on

May 29, 1945, this body consisted of 62 members" and held two meetings in short succession.7BAt these two meetings the discussion left no doubt that there existed within

BPClPKI two distinct positions, Islamic nationalism on the one hand and secular nationalism on the other. As Supomo remarked at the time: "on the one hand there is the opinion of the religious experts who are proposing to establish Indonesia as an Islamic state, while on the other is another proposal, put forward by Mr. , that is, a national unitary state which will separate the state from religious affairs." *>

As soon as the first session of the investigating committee ended, the rnembers stayed behind to continue the discussion. They formed a srnail committee consisting of

" P.M. Saikoo Shikikan ordered the establishment of "Badan Oentoek Menjelidiki Oesaha-oesaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan. For further information see Somm Moeslimur vol 3, no. 6 (30 Rabi'ul Awal 1364115 March 2605). p. 2-6; idem. vol 3, no. 10 (2 Djumadil Akhir l364/ 15 May 2605), p. 3-6. n The Committee consisted of a chairman. two viceshahen and sixty memben. See Sixam Moulunin no. 2. tahun 3 (2 Djumadil Akhir 1364i15 May 2605). p. 7-9.; Saafroedin Bahr et& !@alit/i Su18ng gpiiitn Tenzjeluiï'ILc&-u& Perdpan Ktmer&@an fnrlonrMn (-1; (-1; Tanitùz Tmkpun 9jmdé&n Iniiimcno (Jakarta: Sekretariat Negara Republik indonesia. 1999, p.xxv-xxvi.

la The fmt meeting was held on May 29-June 1. 1945 and the second on Iuly 10-16, 1945.

" M. Yamin. Nakt Pmiepan Uhy-dyWar 2@pu6& Id- vol. 1 (Jakarta: Penerbit Djambatan, 1959). p. 115; Saifiiddin Anshari, "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945: A nine appointed members: Soekarno, Mohammad Hatta, A. A. Mararnis, Abikoesno

Tjokrosoejoso, Abdul Kahar Muzakb, Haji , Ahmad Soebardja, Muhammad

Yamin and Abdul Wahid ~asyim.' The choice of Wahid Hasyim to serve on this committee, according to Zamakhsyari Dhofier, was made in recognition of the fact that he was an influentid figure arnong the members; that he had the potentid to bridge pesantren civilization with the modem Indonesian society that they hoped to establish. and that he was open to compromise so as to unify the two concepts of nationalism."

Evidently, this committee, after rnuch discussion, achieved a modus zn'vendi between the

Muslim nationalists and secular nationalists. They agreed on a draft preamble which was signed by al1 nine committee memben in Jakarta on June 22, 1945. This agreement was known as the Jakarta Charter (Piagam Jakarta)."

The issue which became the focus of discussion at the second meeting was the deletion from the charter of seven words: " dengan kewajiban menjalankan syari'at Islam bagi pemeluk-pemeluknya" (with the obligation to carry out the Islamic SM'&for its adherents). Laniharhary, a Protestant member of the Investigating Cornmittee, on July Il,

History of the Gentleman's Agreement Beiween the lslamic and the Secular Nationalists in Modem indonesia," (MA thesis, McGilI University, 1976), p. 23.

aa The nine signatories of the Jakarta Charter were representative of the mainstrearns and principal trends in Indonesian society: Soekarno, M. Hatta, and Muhammad Yamin were representatives of secular Muslim nationaiist, A. A. Maramis was secular Christian nationalist and Abikoeno Tjokrosoejoso, Abdul Kabar Muzakir, Aps Salim, Wahid Hasyim were representatives of Islarnic nationalists. Saihiddin Anshari, "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p. 24 and 38; B. J. Boland, ZhSbyg~fé41sGzm MO& Iw,p. 26.

" Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "K. H. A. Wahid Hasyirn Rantai Penghubung Peradaban Pesantren dengan Peradaban indonesia Modem," p. 76.

L2 M. Yamin was the fint member of the committee to name the agreement the " Jalraaa Charter" (Piagarn Jakarta). M. Yamin. Naskah, 1, p. 228; See also Saifbddin Anshari, "The Jakarta Charter of .lune 1945," p. 25. 1945. expressed an objection to this formula, stating: " Its consequence is probably great, especiaily regarding other religions. The sentence also could lead to difficulties in connection with adat-iniadat (custornary law), such as in the case of Minangkabau and

Mal~ku."~Haji Agus Salim, an erninent Islamic leader from Minangkabau, responded:

The difference in opinion conceming hu&m wma (religious law) and Minangkabau's h+ adat (adat Law) is not a new one ... and in generai. it has already been solved. Moreover, the adherents of other religions do not need to worry about it, for their security does not depend upon the power of the state, but on the dat (tradition) of the Islarnic community. which constitutes 90% of the population.'

Soekarno, who chaired the second meeting, reminded dl members that the pnamble was a compromise between the sotalled Islarnic and nationalist factions. "If the sentence is not included, it will not be accepted by the Islamic group, and the dispute will continuewuhe warned. Wongsonegoro proposed adding to it the phrase "for other religious adherents. they cany out their own ways according to their religions." Hoesein

Djajadiningrat also disagreed with the seven words mentioned in the preamble, arguing

as According to Latuharhary. if the clause is applied, the Muslim adherents in Minangkabau have to leave their customary law, while in the case of Maluku. the sentence will lead to conflict in tems of inheritance matten. In Maluku tne customary Iaw (ah-L*ioilirt) niles that everybody will receive the same inheritance whether he is Muslim or Christian. Saafrwdin Bahar etbal.,Ip~sa&fi ~iifiang &r

Muhammad Yarnin. 9&&h Timîzpun ~~~-U~ng*ar IW5 vol. 1, p. 259; B. S. Boland, ZhSt7yg& of lshin Moh~nrli- p. 28-29. that "If this clause is included it will probably create fanaticism, for it seems to force

Islamic adherents to cany out the shri'ah." "

Faced with the likelihood of an extended debate between secular and religious leaders, Wahid Hasyim tned to bridge the different opinions raised at the meeting. He responded by reminding them of the principle of pemuyawcranrtan (mutuai deliberation), which was preferable to the use of force. He stated:

This ail depends on the process [of the application of the preamble] since we have frequently emphasized arnong us that the governmental structure is based on perwa&n (representation) and permucynworatnn (mutual deliberation). Therefore, if there is any force, this case can be put fornard and be resolved. In this matter I need to give some explmation. As Sanoesi said yesterday, the sentence is oot strong enough. I have announced that this is the result of our compromise/agreement, and if we make it stronger, it cui cause us trouble. We don? need to wony since 1 think we can still make every effort to prevent the occurrence of the things we are womed about. and 1 even believe that nothing bad will happen. As a person who more or less has a connection with Muslim Society, 1 can Say that it will never happen as long as there is a committee of representatives (6danpewa@n). 1 bring this up in order that we don? prolong the discussion about the matter which can bnng about unnecessary anxiety. And if there are some who are not satisfied with this, 1 will Say that there are others who think to the contrary ... So, again, I hope discussion on the matter will not be p~longed.~

Soekarno rerninded them for the second time that the clause was the result of a compromise between the two main groups, which had been attained with great difficulty.

The session of that day ended with his rernark: " 1 think the clause 'with the obligation to carry out the Islarnic shrir'nli for its adherents' was accepted by this committee.

" Saihiddin Anshari. "The Jakarta Charter of hne 1945," p. 27; Furthemore. since there is no other objection. al1 fundamental matters rnentioned in the preamble have been corrected and rnight be taken as accepted by this c~mmittee."~

With regard to the discussion on the body of the constitution. especialiy on the

office of President and the state's officiai religion, Wahid Hasyim, who is descnbed by

Boland as having been "the most radical Mu~lirn,"~instantly put Forward two proposais:

that the President must be a Muslim, and that the religion of the state be ~slarn.~'

Accordingly, Aaicle 4 of the draft constitution. according to Wahid Hasyim, ought to

have read: "The President shall be a native-bom Indonesian, an adhennt of Islam."" He

argued that "for any Islamic community the relationship between the governrnent and

society is a very important one. [f the President is a Muslim. the regulation will bear the

mark of Islam and that will have a great influen~e."~'Likewise, according to him, Article

28 ought to have read, "The religion of the state is Islam, which guarantees the fieedom

for adherents of other religions to profess their own beliefs."" Wahid Hasyim argued that

"this matter was very important with regard to the defense of the state. Generally

" Saihddin Anshari. "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945." p. 28. What Wahid Hasyim pmposed was similar to other Muslim leading figures in Muslim countries. such as AbÜ ai-Abla Mawdüdi who also promulgated the idea of Islarnic State with the Islomic &rib as the bais of the state. See Achmad Zaini. "Mawdüsi's Conception of the Islamic State," in Ish and ~pmmt:a~o(i'w~~~sp~f~~~p. 163-199.

s? Saifuddin Anshari. "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p. 28.

Saifuddin Anshari. "The Jakarta Charter of Juae 1945," p. 29. speaking, the defense based upon faith is a very great one, for according to Islamic teaching one's sou1 may only be given for religious ide~logy."~'After a long discussion, the committee unanimously accepted Article 28 which ran as follow:

1. The State shali be based on the Ketuhanan (God) with the obligation to carry out the Islamic Shari'ah for its adherents; 2. The State shall guarantee freedom for every resident to adhere to his respective religion and to perform his religious duties in conformity with that religion and the faith?

The debate on whether or not the President should be a Muslim continued until Soekarno asked the members of the committee, particularly those fiom the Nationalist group, to make a sacrifice, i.e., to accept the proposai offered by Muslim nationalists."

The same proposal. if put forward today, would be seen as a backward step. And yet, for its time, i.e., a period of revolution and turmoil, it represented a reasonable offer," constituting, in the eyes of some a great means of inspiring Indonesian Muslims to work for and uphold hdonesiaTsindependence. Soekarno seems to have realized this, for he stated:

1 would say, ihat there is greatness in sacrificing, fer rk~otfkidin offi.' ... 1 propose that we accept in the Constitution the worlds 'the President of the Repubüc of Indonesia should be a native-bom Indonesian, an adherent of Islam.' 1 know that for some of the nationaiist faction this means a matter of sacrifice of their conviction. Al1 of us present at this meeting are 100% convinced that because the population of Indonesia consists of 9096 adherents

" Saihiddin Anshari. "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p. 29; Saafroedin Bahar, et.& xb& ~idirrg%dan ~enzje&d~~a/ia-wctlia-@an ~nrlimwut(-IJ p. 224.

9" Saifuddin Anshari. "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p. 32.

" Saifuddin Anshari, "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p. 36.

9~ Zamakhsyari Dhofier, " K. H. A. Wahid Hasyim; p. 76. of Islam, the President of Indonesia must be an adherent of Islam, however it rnay be formulated." "

Soekarno went on to Say that he reaiized the sacrifice that patriots like

Latuharhary and Maramis were making, given that they were not Muslim. "1 ask you, as if in tears, again: as if in tears, would you be so kind as to make this sacrifice for the country and people. 1 hope that Mr. Honourable Chaimian would like to try his utmost, so that as soon as possible we may reach manimous agreement on this proposal." Lm

After it was clear that there were no objections in the meeting, it was adjoumed by

Radjiman, the General Chairman, who asked those in favour to stand up, after which he finally declared offlcially: "The Constitution has been accepted unanimously." The closing words of the Generai Chairman met with a round of applause.'("

The day after the declaration of Lndonesia's independence, Soekarno and M. Hatta set up the PPKI (Panitia Peniapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia of the Preparatory Cornmittee for indonesian independence). After deliberating for only 2 hours and 15 minutes, the committee decided not ody to omit the seven words of the dnfted preamble. but also to change the word " Mukaddimah" in the preamble to " Pembukaan." Even though these words have the same meaning, it seems that Muslim nationalists preferred the use of the word M&dUdali which was derived from Arabic and might have ken seen as a symbol of the " blamic" element in the state, whereas Temhfgan wu derived fiom a native

Indonesian word- Furthemore the words "and an adherent of Islam" in Article 6 of the

------" M. Yamin, IVa@iTenidpan, p. 392-393; Saifuddin Anshari, "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p. 36-37.

lm M. Yamin, Naskah Persiapan, p. 393; Saefuddin Ansbari. "nie Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p. 37. body of the Constitution were removed. Thus Article 6 came to read "The President of the Republic of Indonesia should be native-boni." lm In line with this the Committee also decided that Article 29, paragraph 1 should read "The State is based on " Ketuhanan

Yang Maha Esa (God,the Only One)," instead of " Based on Ketuhanan, with the obligation to cary out the Islamic Shmi'ali for its adherents." lm

The decision of the uivestigating Coinmittee became, years later. a controversiai issue in the history of the development of an Indonesian ideology.lm The fact remains however that an agreement to change the seven words was reached, and Wahid Hasyim, one of the signatories of the Jakarta Charter, agreed with this alteration. However, the question has been mised whether he actually attended the meeting or not. Hatta, for one. confm his presence, refemng to his invitation to Wahid Hasyim to discuss matters be fore Ihe meeting started:

Since it seemed to be very serious, the next moming August 18, 1945, before the meeting [of the Prepatory Committee began], 1 invited Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, Wahid Hasyim. Mr. Kasman Singodimedjo and Mr. Teuku Hasan from Sumatera to have a preliminary meeting to discuss the aforementioned problem. In order that we as a nation not be divided, we agreed to remove the aforementioned sentences which will hurt the feelings of the Christian group and replaced it with Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa (Belief in one ~od).lm

------"' Saefuddin Anshari. " The Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p. 37.

'" Saafroedin Bahar, et.& Ip,kaIafi Sulitng &tditn TettyelUi* Ura/irr-w& $@nerdé@an I&tlQSCiZ (m'p. 4 15; Saihiddin Anshaci. "The Jakarta Charter of June L 945," p. 40.

lWSee Deliar Noer, adminimiltion ofIslian iiz indû&, p. 2.

'" M. Hatta, MW%(@mi 17 -5 (Jakarta: Tintamas, 1969), p. 57-59. According to Hatta, a Iapanese officer of the Kzz@ (the Javanese Navy) carne to him informing him that the representative of the Protestants and the Catholics in the area under the objected strenuously to the clause " Ke-Tuhanan, with the obligation to carry out the Shari'ah However, according to Prawoto, Wahid Hasyim was not even in Jakarta on August 18,

1945, but was deron the road to east Java at that tirne?

It is dinicult, according to Dhofier, to resolve the contradiction raised by the accounts of Hatta and Prawoto. The two sources were both men of high integrity and credibility, which makes it hard to believe that one of them could have been wrong.

However, there are two things that are very clear about the controversy. Fint, both Hatta and Prawoto regarded Wahid Hasyim as one of the decision makers in changing the wording of the Jakarta Charter. For Hatta, the success of the agreement reached at the meeting of Augost 18, 1945 was due, at least in part, to Wahid Hasyim's approval, which must have been secured before the meeting started. For Prawoto, however, the agreement was only reached because Wahid Hasyim was at the time in East Java and unable to attend the meeting. Second, Wahid Hasyim never reacted in any way to the change in the

Jakarta Charter, which was officially declared on August 18, 1945. Moreover, as he passed away on April 15, 1953 he could not have witnessed the later controveny over the matter which arase in the Constituent Assembly sessions.'*

Islam for its adherents." They saw it as discriminatory against al1 the minonty groups. if the clause was not abolished. they preferred to withdraw from the Republic of Indonesia. Saefuddin Anshari, "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945," p. 43

ID Prawoto Mangkusasmito. Terturn6uhn 3hicton3 ~~ Dasur @ara hn S.IPruz&gi (Jakarta: Huàaya, 1970). p. 38-39.

" Zamakhsyari Dhofier. "K. H. A. Wahid Hasyim Rami Penghubung Peradaban Pesantren dengan Peradaban Indonesia Moderen." p. 77. C. Afkr Independence

Some months later after Soekarno and Hatta, on behalf the Indonesian people, proclaimed Indonesia's independence on August 17, 1945, the Dutch, in the name of the

NICA (Netherlands Indies Civil Administration), retumed to restore colonial govemment, by force if necessary. They were resisted and hostility ensued. The fiercest battle to maintain Indonesia's independence occmd in Surabaya on November 10, 194~.'~

Known as the Battle of Surabaya, Ricklefs points out that "it becarne a national symbol of resistance."'" It is aiso said by Reid to have served as a mode1 and inspiration in motivating the Indonesian people throughout the archipelago to resist Dutch and Allied efforts to reimpose c~lonialisrn."~

In spite of the fact that nationalist leaders, such as Resident (a leader of residency)

Sudirman and Bung Tomo called for a general upnsing against the British, one of the most important factors that inspired the Indonesian people, and especially Muslim sanhic, to fight the Netherlands Indies Civil Administration (MCA) and the British uoops, was in the influence of Wahid Hasyim. As Minister of State (without portfolio)"' and as leader of the Nahdlatul Ulama at that time, Wahid Hasyim who was known to have a close relations with many prominent ~~m"and was in a position to gather information

- - - - " Rear Admiral Commanding, Fifth Cruiser Squadron certifies that Captain P. J. G. was ordered " to pmceed Soerabaya in order to prepare the re-occupation of Soerabaya." David Wehl, ZhBi& of Indonesia (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1948), p. 5 1.

" M. C. Ricklefs, aHi3qofM0riérnIdkhSi~c.1300, p. 217.

"O Anthony Reid, ait Id& 9&i1niil Ip,mhtion 1945495ü (Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1974). p. f 35

"' He was appointed to be a Minister of State (without portfolio) in the first Cabinet of the Republic of Indonesia between August 3 1.1945 and November 14, 1945). George McTurnan Kahin, 9&huh Md~~~UI Id-, p. 139. and mobilize manpower through the pcsantren network,"' took the initiative of inviting all branches of the NU in Java and Madura to hold a meeting to discuss a strategy to fight against the Japanese, Dutch and British troops.li3 The meeting led by Wahid Hasyim findy decided to issue a fam which was legitimized by K.H. Hasyim Asy'ari. the great leader of the NU. This fatwa was to becorne known as the Rfiofi JM(Holy War

Revolution) which consists of the following points:

(1) The independence of Indonesia which was proclaimed on August 17, 1945 must be (w@ defended; (2)The Republic of hdonesia as the dé fi governrnent must be (wqib) protected and rescued alihough property and souls wiil be sacrified; (3) The enemies of the Republic of Indonesia, namely, the Dutch who have corne back with the help of the Allies (the British) will certainly use political and rnilitary means to recolonize hdonesia; (4) Indonesian Muslirns, particularly those in the Nahdlatul Ulama must raise their arms against the Dutch and their allies who want to re-colonize Indonesia: (5) This obligation is a form of J&ZX (holy war) and it is the obligation of every Muslim (fard 'ah) within a radius of 94 kilometres, while those outside this area must help their brothers."'

The !@solirsi ~tculdwasaccepted and disserninated throughout al1 pmnm in East

Java, leading @a& and their santnk to begin pouring into Surabaya. It also became a starting point for inspiring sanm' Muslims, including Hizbullah and ~abilillah."' and not

L 12 Kobayashi Yasuko, " Kyai and Japanese Military." Studio Islarnika, 4, no. 3 (1997): p. 92.

"'The meeting was held in the NU consul in Bubutan Street, Surabaya. Choirul Anarn. P-n P-n itin Per&ndayun Y&tuC Ubmu, p. 124; Imron Arifin, wemimp*mnKiuk Xpnrr Td(Ttsan~Th Iq,p. 85.

'" The creation of Sabilillah was a result of the Kongress Oemmat Islam in Jogjakarta on 7-8 of November 1945. The Sabilillah, known also as Barisan Sabilillah, was established in three provinces (West Java, Cenual Java and East Java) and every XpLFidmpn Its headquarten was in Malang. Markas Tectinggi Bacisan Sabiliiiah Indonesia, "Makioemat Sabil ke-1," am Icii7esGnin I&- vol. 3, no. 20 (1945): p. 6. only from Surabaya but also from its surroundings, to join with other nationaiists to defend their homeland against British and Dutch attempts to reassert Dutch colonial control. When General Mansergh, the Commander of Ailied Land Forces in East Java, issued an ultimatum to Indonesians to surrender their arms to the British, failhg which armed action would be taken against them,'I6 Mansergh's orden were ignored. The

British general responded by attacking Surabaya using infantry, with naval artiuery and air support in the early morning on the 10th of ~ovember."'Their order was " if you have to shoot, then shoot to kill.""' It was not surprising, therefore, that in the course of three days, thousands of Indonesian people died and half of the city was occupied. Wehl has tried to describe the Battie of Surabaya as follows:

On the horizon the smoke of a buming building. Straddling the road were barbed wire entanglements. From the distance came the sound of desultory firing. In the centre of the city fighting was more severe, streets had to be occupied one by one, doorway by dooway. Bodies of men, horses, cats and dogs lay in the gutters, broken glass, fumiture, tangled telephone lines. clutiered the roads and the noise of battle echoed among the empty office buildingsHY

The Battie of Surabaya, the anniversary of which is celebnted today as Heroes

Day (Hian Taliliwan) in indonesia. was a heroic one, for as Wehl States, "the fanaticism and fus, of Surabaya, however, were never repeated, and even when open war began

Ilb Osman Raiiby, Domta HGturico (Djakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1953), p. 85. For a detailed account on the ultimatum issued by General Mansergh see Republik Indonesia Ropinsi Djawa Timur, (niiuran lartirro Wt (Surabaya: Djawauui Penerangan Republik indonesia Propinsi Djawa Timur: 1953), p. 924-925.

"'David Wehl, Zhici& oflnrlimrria, p. 65.

11s Republik indonesia Propinsi Djawa Timur, " Melawan Tentara Serikat" p. 92 1.

"'David Wehl, ZkBi& cf If& p. 66. between the Dutch and the Republicans there was no fighting in the Republican ranks to compare with Surabaya, either in courage or in tenacity." lm The Battle of Surabaya was also an obvious example of the involvement of the tdhü' and Musiim santric in the revolutionary war in an effort to maintain Indonesia's independence. Again, it was due to a cal1 for holy war (~esu&~&d) issued by Nahdlatui ülarna, led by Wahid Hasyim, that the and their sanhir volunteered in the fifit place to attack the British and even Iay down their lives for their country.

Wahid Hasyim also played a major role in the founding of the Ministry of

Religious Affairs (today known as the Department of Religious Affairs). Its genesis a long one, taking severai years from the first debates over it in the PPKI until the parliarnent meetings in 1950s. There were some objections offered by some memben of parliarnent concerning the establishment of the Ministry, among them, first of ail, that the cost of maintairing it was too expensive; second, the fact that many of its responsibilities could easily be handled by other existing ministries such as Justice, Social Anairs, information and Education; third, that the Ministry would pay undue attention to Islamic

Affairs; and the Iast but not least, that religion ought to be kept separate from poli tic^."^

In response to these objections, Wahid Hasyim, who was appointed the times as

Minister of Religious ~airs,'"tried to explain:

'31 David Wehl, ZhBi& ofl~p. 67.

'*' Deliar Noer, adhùmtion tffh h 1% p. 14.

'" First, in Haita's Cabinet (December 20, 1949-September 6.1950); second, in Natsir Cabinet (September 6, 1950-April27, 1951) and third, In Sukiman Cabinet (Apnl27, 1952-April 3, 1953). Susan Finch and Daniel S. Lev, Republic of fndonesiun Cabinets 1945-1965 (Ithaca: Comell University, Modem Indonesia Roject, 1965); Aboebakar Atjeh, Sediad Xidip !&SA Vlhhiif~ntrlim Karungann Tasior,p. 6 11. The govenunent agreed in principle with the separation of Church and State in the sense that it did not interfere with the interna1 affairs of a particular religion. However, the govenunent felt compelled to serve the religious needs of the people in accordance with Pancasila. Separation of Church and State was in fact only theoretical and had never been realized completely in any state except an "atheistic" one. Although the Minister considered that the Ministry of Religion actually could be abolished if its functions were perfomed by the various other ministries, abolishing it would hurt the feelings of Indonesian ~uslims'~

He Merargued that it was not me that the Ministry paid more attention to

Muslims than to other religious groups. He rejected the daim that there was discrimination in the Ministry. As a proof he showed that subsidies going to private

Islamic religious schools amounted to 1 rupiah per pupil, while those to private non-

Muslim schools through the Ministry of Education came to 4 rupiahs per p~pi1.I'~

During the revolution, Wahid Hasyim gave substance and direction to the

Ministry. At the beginning after Indonesia consisted of a collection of federal states in which some temtories (dm&) developed into "states" or parts of "states," Wahid

Hasyim made an effort to unite ail departrnents of the Ministry of Religious Affairs, including its sub-divisions under the overall control of the Republic of ~ndonesia?

When al1 states had been meided into the Republic of Indonesia in 1950, he invited the chairmen of the Ministry throughout Indonesia to corne to discuss and fomalize the work

'ZJ Deliar Noer, Mm~nishatimi4Ish in Idneszâ, p. 14. It was Vue when PPKI held a meeting on August 19, 1945 to fom a number of Departmeni, Latuharhary, a Christian, objected to the creation of such Ministry. He argued ihat "if, for instance. a Christian became Minister of Religion, the Muslim would consider it unpleasant. and vice versa." This increased the dissatisfaction among Musiim people who were already disappointed by the decision conceming the basis of the state. namely Pancasila and no< Islam or even the Jakarta Charter were to be the bais of state doctrine. B. J. Boland, aicStqgfé of Ishin Mü&m I- p. 37.

'" Deliar Noer, Rdnunirrmtion of LdMi in InriOttCSia, p. 14-15. and the scope of the Ministry. After a senes of long discussions, the meetings resulted in

Govemment Regulation No. 8, 1950 which consisted of the following points:

1. To realize to the greatest extent possible the principle of the Oneness of God; 2. To ensure that every inhabitant enjoys the fieedom to choose his own religion and to perform services according to his own religion and convictions; 3. To guide, support, maintain and develop sound religious currents; 4. To provide, guide and supervise religious education in state schools; 5. To guide, support and supervise educational training at madras& (religious schools) and other religious schools: 6. To organize training for religious teachers and religious judges; 7. To take care of everything related to the spirinial teaching of members of the armed forces, and those in hostels, pnsons and other necessary places; 8. To arrange, perform and supervise al1 questions related to the rnarriage, divorce and reconciliation of Muslims; 9. To give material support for repair and maintenance of places of woahip (mosques. churches, etc.) 10. To organize and supervise religious courts and the Supreme Islamic corn; 11. To carry out investigations into rnatters related to waqf(property donated for religious or community use), to register w~ institutions and supervise their management; 12. To promote people's intelligence and skills in social and religious life.lB

Wahid Hasyim's accomplishment in re-uniting dl the Minisuy branches that had becorne separated. indicated his willingness to maintain unity among the Indonesian people, especially Indonesian Muslims, for as he stated, " what we need most of al1 at this time is the indissoluble unity of the nation." In

Wahid Hasyim is aiso considered as one of the pioneer founden of Masjumi.

Together with M. Natsir, Sukirnan, Abikusno, and others, Wahid Hasyim took the initiative of holding a Muslirn congress in the fmt week of November, 1945 in

'" Quoted in Muhammad Asy'ari, "The Rise of Masjumi Party in indonesia and the Role of the 'üiama' in Its Early Development (1945-1952)." (MA thesis, McGill University, 1976), p. 46. Jogjakarta. This congress resulted in the creation of Masjumi, whose stated goals were:

(1) to support the sovenignty of the Republic of Tndonesia and Islam. and (2) to put into practice the ideals of Istam in state flairs.'= Masjumi was officiaiiy established on

November 7. 1945 with the intention of operating as a united in politics for al1 Muslim interests, consequently ali existing Muslim political parties and socio-nligious organizations choose to merge within it.

Unfortunately, after three years, Masjumi could no longer maintain an equilibrium between modernists and traditionalists factions within its membership. It seems that the dispute between the two factions. which had calmed down after the establishment of

MIN in 1937, had reappeared. In large part this wu caused by the enlarged role of intellectual and political cadre who challenged 'uliidfor the leadership of the Party. The

Madjelis Sywo (the Council of 'UIarni') as the highest decision-making body deputed

"to review the Leadership Council's decision and policies against Muslim legal standards," had its power reduced by Muslim intellectuals who held positions on the

Dewan Pimpinan Partai (Party leadership Council). This led to dissatisfaction among the traditionalists, primarily 'iil;lmÜ' who dominated the Madjelis Syuro; these wanted to empower the Madjelis Syuro instead. However, the majority of the party leadership refused to recognize any special position for the %hd.This dispute intensified by a resolution passed at the 1949 Masjumi congress" wwhich provided for a party

'" Aboebakar Atjeh, .S@àrah Hiup UAW&w ahraragan lasio p. 352-353; see also K. Taufiqurrahman. "Masjumi di Masa Lampau (Lima Tahun Partai Politik Islam Masjumi)," in Iniloncsio Pd- (Djakarta.. Panitya Muktamar Masjumi ke V, 195 1). p. II.

129 This resolution was a result of Masjumi congress held in December 1949. reorganization, resulting in the status of the Madjelis Syuro changing from its legislative role to a kind of advisory one. This was interpreted by the f&miB as "a subordination of religion to politics." la

The Masjumi congress also debated the issue of replacing the Masjumi's older leaders with younger ones. Wahid Hasyim, who sat on the Dewan Pimpinan Partai (Party

Leadership Board) had a personal disapement with Natsir and ~jafruddin,"' and supportcd the older group on the Dewan led by Sukiman. This situation worsened when the Sukiman Cabinet resigned in Febmary, 1952? While the formation of the new

Cabinet was still in progress, the NU leader, K. H. Wahab Chasbuilah. declared that his organization would withdraw from Masjumi if Sukiman were not renimed as the next

Prime Minister and Wahid Hasyim was not appointed as the next Minister of Religious

Affairs. When the next Cabinet was formed with Wilopo as Prime Minister and K. H.

Fakih Usman. a modemist member, as Minister of Religious ~ffairs,"'the NU leadership expressed its disappointment over the absence of NU representation. When the NU held its 19th congress in Palembang between 26 April-1 May 1952, Wahid Hasyim, as

'" Herbert Feith, nteclrnt ofCowdutiomC~cmoancy in irrCii,n&sia, p. 234.

'" Wahid Hasyim. while Minister of Religious Affain, had failed to resolve the pilgrîmage problem. for which he was strongly cnticized by Natsir and Sjafiddin. Herbeith Feith, ZhDdhe ofCdtuti0nrrlhapcy ui 1- p. 235.

ln According to Feith. in spite of a major political cnsis. the fall of the Sukiman Cabinet was because of American Mutual Security Agreement aid to Indonesia. For a detailed information see Herbeith Feith, Z?k IUril;lpo Cah,1952-1953: A TiPoint in Tmt-!QmGtiomy inilimLM (Ithaca: Modem ïndonesia Project Comell University. L958), p. 57-75.

13' The composition of Wilopo's Cabinet see Herbert Feith, 27k WpoCadùtet, i99-fi#: A Ti*ngPoint in Post-~~(irrioMryIn@ p. 75-76. chairman of the meeting, decided to withdraw the NU fiom the Masjumi and to proclaim its status as an autonomous, independent political ~arty.'~

Many scholars, among them Herbert Feith and Howard M. Federspiel point out that the actual NU decision to withdraw from the Masjurni was due to the appointment of the Muharnrnadiyah 'ih K. H. Fakih Usman to the post of Minister of Religious

Affairs.'" According to Wertheim. however. it is dificuit to determine the real cause behind the secession by the NU. On the surface the split was the result of discontent among the orthodox NU leaders, provoked by the dominant position of reformists both within the Masjumi party organization and in the successive Cabinets. But behind this jockeying for power and prominent positions there were. within Indonesian Islamic society, basic convasts for which the usuai distinction between onhodox and refonnist was only a symbolic e~~ression."~However, according to Wahid Hasyim. the withdrawd of the NU from Masjumi was because the latter did not want reorganize its structure, as had been requested by the NU. There were four points at issue: 1) dualism in terms of membership in Masjumi of both individual and organization; 3) unequai rights given to different mernbers; 3) the establishment of a new central board of indonesian Muslims; and 4) how the stmggle in parliament did not indicate very strong Isliunic principles on the part of ~asjumi.'~

IY H. A. Basit Adnan, flinicut di NU antam $ai hnPO& p. 18; See also Pengurus Nahdlatoel Oelama, Iisfittrsan Mu'mmar No. (p.-i9 di Talém6an@mta: Pengurus NU, 1952).

IU Herbert Feith. %e Deeli'ne OfConstiWimd2)entou?zq in InilimrM, p. 235-236. Howard M. Federspiel, "Penatuan Islam," p. 238.

ln Pengurus Nahdlatoet Oelama, Ti I?

" Ali Munhanif, "The Khittah of 1926 Reexamined: Views of the NU in Post-Cipasung Congress," 5& fsGm&, vol. 3, no. 2 (1996): 92. As far as the study of Wahid Hasyim's contribution to Muslim educationd reform and Indonesian aationalism is concerned. we can conclude the foilowing on the basis of what we have discussed.

It is clear that although his background was traditional in nature. Wahid Hasyim showed by his beliefs and activities an advanced and modem approach that was comparable to that of his secular and modemist Muslim counterparts, and of equal value in awakening the national consciousness to fight for and win independence. His background as a traditionalist who is considered by Van Bruinessen quite flexible and his long expenence of studying at many pesantrens and in hbia seems to have contributed to a more dynamic outlook on his pan and a greater adaptibility to new ideas, rather than opposite.

In the field of education, Wahid Hasyim's direct involvement in the teachingl learning process and his contacts with his counterparts, both modernist and secular, hefped him to redize that the NU a that time was Iacking in intellectual talent; as he later on remarked: "finding an academic [in the field of non religious sciences] in the

Nahdatul Ulama circles is Like finding an ice-seller at one o'clock in the moming." ' This was because the traditional educational (pesantren) system provided instruction in the religious sciences only. This inspired him to improve the system by introducing for example, a systematic tutonal method which was considered to be more effective,

' AboebaLar Atjeh, Scdjad Hiup ly%A %?diid 9îhsym d4n Karnyun lmim (Jakarta: Panitya Buku Pe~gatanAlm. K.H.A. Wahid Hasjim, 1957). p. 740. instruction in secular sciences and a new educational system called the madrasah. The purpose of such changes was to enhance the quality of pesantren graduates in order that they might be able to cornpete with secular school graduates.

His pilot project for the modernization of the pesantren educational system was

Macirasah Nizamiyah in Tebu Ireng, where both religious and secular sciences were taught. Its success was a starhg point in the development of trdditional institutions ail over Indonesia. Wahid Hasyim was aware of the dificulties which he faced to spreading his ideas, due primarily to the resistance of kyais who had complete authotity over the pesantrens. He realized therefore that he had to make them aware of the value of such changes, and as proof, he held up the success of his madrasah in equipping i!s students with such abilities. The most important aspect of his implementation of his ideas was that

Wahid Hasyim did not stamp out the existence of the pesantren, but attempted to maintain it and to modernize the system in ways which felt could improve students' ability .'

Wahid Hasyim also initiated the creation of a professional training program for religious teachers and institution of Islamic higher education. The establishment of these two bodies was very significant since the former was to equip its students to be able to teach using modem methods, while the latter was an institution in which the graduates of the madrasah could pursue their further education. By the same token, he sought to provide religious instruction to 'secular' students so that they codd develop not only their intellectual but dso theu spiritual abiiities. By the creation of such educational systems, it

' See Saifudin Zuhri, Gu& Ora~-o~Twantren (Bandung: Al-Mavari€, L977), p. 88; idem, Qîéidk(op Poli'% vol. 3 (Jakarta: Gunung Agung, 1982). p. 206. can be said that Wahid Hasyim bridged two different educational systems, pesuntrm and school, in order that both would be of maximum use for the development of Indonesia.

Concerning his political activities, Wahid Hasyim contributed significantly to the struggle for independence and the creation of the Republic of Indonesia. Recognized by both fnends and opponents as a capable leader, he was able to build a pesantren network which could be used as a means, joined with the secular nationalists. to attack the colonial government. During the colonial period, particularly during the Japanese occupation, he cleverly out-rnanoeuvred the Japanese authorities in preparing facilities which could be used for the independence movement and Iater on against the Dutch when they tried to restore their power in the archipelago.

His appointment as a member of BPUPKI (Badan Penyelidik Usaha-usaha

Peniapan Kemerdekaan Indonesiahvestigating Cornmittee for Prepatory Work for

Indonesian Independence), which resulted in the Jakarta Charter (Piagarn Jakarta), was evidence of the ability of Wahid Hasyim to convince people of the need for compromise.

Even though he cm be described as "fùndamentalist" due to his proposal that the words

"with the obligation to carry out the Isiamic shafi'ah for its adherents," should be included in the preamble and that the proviso "the president must be a Muslim and that the religion of the state be Islam," be included in article 6 of the body of constitution, it can be argued that he did not force his own ideas on others. In fact he was still open to accept any change, particularly when the committee amended and finaily dropped these formulas in order to be more accornrnodative towards Indonesians who adhered to different religions and other views regarding Islam. Seen in this light, the scholarly prejudices of both modernist and Western scholars, who see the traditionai 'dm?as orthodox. conservative figures resistant to accepting anything new, and their dismissal of the NU as having contributed nothing to the nationalist movement. must be questioned. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abduilah, Taufik. "History, Political Images and Cultural Encounter The Dutch in the Indonesian Archipelago." Strcdia Is&Ûnu&a1, no. 3 (1994): 1-24.

Abdulgani, Roeslan. NatbUht, R&Cution and +idid Democracy in Inrio& Victoria: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies Monash University, 1973.

Abdussami, Hurnaidy and Ridwan Fakia AS. Bwpmfi 5 !&ab % 3@hfkzd UIama. Yogyakarta: LTn-NU & Pustaka Pelajar, 1995.

Adnan, A. Basit. -fut di 9(U, arintnra Qai hn %fitid(Crijic in die NU: &~eenKyais and p~(i'tziians).Solo: CV Mayasari, 1982.

Affandi, Bisri. "Shaikh Ahmad Syurkati: His Role in the Al-Irsyad Movement in Java in the Early Twentieth Century." M.A. thesis. McGill University, 1976.

Ai fian. Mhmm~ldiyh*the Toli'tiralI(uuIvtourof a Mwlrm Moriérnist Oyanication u& Cohnutiism. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 1989.

-- . "Islamic Modemism in indonesia Politics: The Muhammadiyah Movement during the Dutch Colonial Period ( 19 12- 1942)." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1969.

Ali, Fachry. "Masses without Citizenship: Islarnic Protest Movements in Nineteenth Century Java," in Robert Cribb, ed., Lote CubniaCState in Idunrcia, Tufiticafand mwmic Foudation cf the qetfkhndi indies 188~1942Leiden: KITLV Press, 1994.

Aii, Mukti. " The Muhammadiyah Movement." M. A. thesis, McGill University, 1957.

Amin, M. Masyhur. Shm960s ~o~oamimto&ü.h !&e6a~nan ïslom dan N&& di Inrionesia, Yogyakarta: Nur Cahaya, 1983.

Anam, Choinil ed. m.%'d~yrmLFtcC~>n, 9@wayat Hidïuup dkn Tajuaymufya (m.%*ad ~~ad~~tt=Hic Bw~apfiyand~tygh)). Surabaya: Sahabat Ilmu, 1994. Anderson, Benedict R. OF. Java in a lune of Retrohtion, Occupation and !@ktmtcr, 1944- 1946. Ithaca & London: Comell University Press, 1972.

Anshari, Endang Saifuddin. "The Jakarta Charter of June 1945 A History of the Gentleman's Agreement Between the Islamic And the Secular Nationalists in Modem Indonesia." M.A. thesis, McGill University, 1976.

Antlov, Hans and Sven Cedenoth. hdnsfip on3uva Surrey: Cunon Press, 1994.

Ari fin, hon. Kepanimpinan Kyai: Kw%do@esantren ~é6uireng Kyai Learush~p:?lie Cmof Ttsantrm le6uirq). Malang: Kalimashada Press, 1993.

Asyari, M. "The Rise of the Masyumi Party in hdonesia and the Role of the 'Ulama' in Its Early Development (1945-1952)." M.A. thesis, McGill University, 1976.

Atjeh, Abu Bakar. Squrah Hkiiup K31. A. 'M)& Hâsyzin clan Il@ra~anlmim (KA. WUlalUd Hi.s~@n'sBwrupfiy and fi R-d Wtiws).Jakarta: Panitia Buku Peringatan Alrnarhum K.H. A. Wahid Hasyim (Committee for a Mernorial Publication on the Late K.H.A. Wahid Hasjim). 1957.

Aziz, M.A. Japan's CobnialÜm and Indo&. The Hague: Netherlands Institute of Intemationai Affh, 1955,

Ana, Azyumardi, "The Transmission of Islamic Reformism to Indonesia: Networks Eastern and Miûay-Indonesian Ulama in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries." Ph. D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1992.

--- . JanVngan Uhmu TirIqd rien !Qnh;?uan Nwantnra a6ad XVII dan NIII (?lie NetzumC of Middk Wtem and fdonriian (Ar&peGyo) fi&tma in tfic 17th and 18th Centurier).Bandung: Mizan, 1995. -- . "The Indies Chinese and the Sarekat Islam: An Account of the Anti-Chinese Riots in Colonial Indonesia" Stdia Is&zn&a 1, no. 1 ( 1994): 25-53.

-. "The Surau and the Early Reform Movement in Minangkabau." Mbn 3, no. 2 (1990):68-84.

Bahar, Saafioedin, ed. 2&s& Sidoqg Badin TentjelUii Ur&-cwha Tersiapan Kemerd&mn hdïmaùz (m.);Pani'tiù Tersiapan Kemerdé@un indoliLNI (m).Jlakana: Sekretariat Negara Republik Indonesia, 1995. Barton, Greg. "Indonesia's Nurcholish Madjid and Abdurrahman Wahid as Inteiiectual 'Ulama': The Meeting of Islamic Traditionalism and Modemism in neo- Modemism Thought." Studia Isiim&u4, no. 1 ( 1997): 29-74.

Benda, Harry J. ?lit Crecunt and the Swc IndoneSiQn Ishm udér dic Japanes~Occupation 1942-1945.The Hague: W. Van Hoeve, 1983.

Berg, C. C. "The Islamisation of Java" StudUl ~sli&a 4 (1950): 11 1-142.

Boland, B. J. liic 5-& of fhm in Moh Id& Leiden: The Hague-Martinus Nijhoff. 1982.

Bradjanagara. Sutedjo. .Sed$rah Tendiidian Ishrn Yogyakarta: n. p., 1956.

Bruin, R. de. fslam en nalionah in duor fapan buet Incioiresie 1942-1945 Gravenhage: S taatsuitgeverij, 1982.

Bruinessen, Martin van. Xjkafi mning, Puantsen hn Tarecar (YehBookJ isslmik 2?uurdiy Scholr, adlçiys~).Bandung: Mizan. 1995.

--- . "Kitab Kuning: Books in Arabic Script Used in the Pesantren Mileu." 23@r'f~entot de IdJLand- m VoRende 146, no. 1-3 ( 1990): 226-269.

_USI__ . "Kitab Kuning and Pesantren: Maintenance and Continuation of A Tradition of Religious Leaming." Mitan 5, no. 2 (1992): 2748.

--- . " Mencari Ilmu dan Pahala di Tanah Suci." JudUiwndQlrr'a~2, no. 5, Jakarta ( 1990): 42-49.

---. " Muslims of the Dutch East Indies and the Caliphate Question," $dut IS&~@ 2, no. 3 (1995): 1 15- 140.

Buchori, Mochtar. "Madrasah Bridge RI'S Educational System," Mh5, no. 1 (1992): 34-37.

Buku Peringataa MIAI Chumaidy, Farichin. "The larn'iyah Nahdlatul Ulama: Its Rise and Early Development(1926-1945)." M. A. thesis, McGiIl University, 1977.

Dahm, Bernhard. S&amu addic Sfyglé fm Idonrrian Indëpendetrce, Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 1969.

-- Hbtq If ~ndonesiain tlic Twmtktfï Cmtury. London: Pal1 Mal1 Press, 197 1.

Der, Peter cm. Rebgwu Natisnalimr. Hindi and Mwh in ~di.Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994.

Depastemen Agama M. Nama diin Data Potensi Tondo4poniio~Puantren Seiîurufï Idunesia 1984i1985 (The Name and Data of the Potentid of Pesantren in hdonesia 1984i1985). Jakarta. Departemen Agama Ri. 1985.

Dhofier, Zamakhsari. "KH.A. Wahid Hasyim Rantai Penghubung Peradaban Pesantren dengan Peradaban indonesia Moderen (KH.A. Wahid Hasyim Figure Linking the Civilization of Pesantren to Indonesian Modem)." Ifino 8 ( 1984): 73-8 1.

---- a "Kinship and Marriage among the Javanese Kyai." huibnriU129 (1980): 47-58.

-. "The Pesantren Tradition, A Study of the Role of the Kyai in the Maintenance of the Traditional Ideology in lava." Ph.D. dissertation, Monash University, 1980.

--- . "Santri-Abangan dalam Kehidupan Orang Jawa: Teropong dari Pesantren." Phta 5 (1978): 64-72. -. "The Role of Qur'anic Schools in the Universalization of Basic Education in indonesia." Mizctn 5, no. 2 ( 1992): 12-23.

--- O " Lembaga Pendidikan Islam dalam Perspektif Nasional" Prha9 (1983): 13-20.

-."Contemporary Features of Javanese Pesantren." fMium 1, no. 2 (1984): 26-3 1.

Drake, Christine. *ionaCInteptio~ %mm andTuûcics. Honolulu: University of Hawaiî Press, 1989.

Dun& Madrwp/l 1. no. 1 (September 1954): 8. Elsbree, Willard H. Japan's Ipoh in ~outliwtasUzn Natiomlijt Mmmr, 1940-1945. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1953.

Federspiel, Howard M. Terutuan Irlirm. Ishmic KCfm in lvmtierii Cmtunj IndoneSiR Iihaca: Comell University Modem Indonesia Project, 1970.

-- . " Persatuan Islam (Islamic Union)." Ph. D. dissertation, McGill University, 1966.

-. "Muslim Inteliectual in Southeast Asia: Tendencies toward Parailel Development." Unpublished paper. 1995.

Feith, Herbeith. aie Tl&&po Ca6inet, 1952- 1953 : 2 lumiy Point in Tost-~molutionary fnruineM. Ithaca: Modern indonesia Project Comell University, 1958.

Finch, Susan and Daniel S. Lev. !Qepub(ic offdonesirZnCabinets 1945-1965. tthaca: Modem Indonesia Project. Comell University. 1965.

Fox ,James J. "Ziarah visits to the Tombs of the Wali, the Founders of Islam on lava." In fshih thc ~doncsian~o&R'onw. Ed. MC. Rickiefs, 19-3 1. Clayton, Victoria: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies Monash University, 199 1.

Geertz, Clifford. Ipe@n flavo Illinois: Free Press of Glencw, 1960.

. "The Javanese Kijaji: The Changing Role of a Cultural Broker." Comparative Studii in Suuèty nndHIjtoy 2 (n.d.): 228-249.

Gillett, Margaret. "The IAIN in lndonesian Higher Education." !Mb.dh %kation Quarterb 8 (1990): 2 1-32.

Hamim, Toha. "Moenawar Chalil's Reformist Thought: A Study of an Indonesian Religious Scholar ( 1908- 196 l)." Ph. D. dissertation, McGill University, 1996.

Hajati, Chusnul. "The Tragedy of Chareme." StudUI 1sîum&a3, no. 2 (1996): 58-84.

Hatta, Muhammad. S&&r ~o~/ianasi17~1945.lakarta: Tintamas, 1969. Hurnaidy, Achmad Farichin. "The Jam'iyyah Nahdlatul Ularna." M.A. thesis, McGill University, 1957.

Hurgronje. C. Snouck. Me&a in th tliettérTart of the 19th Centwy. Leyden: E.J. Brill, 193 1.

Husein, Mahmum. Tdidi[an Ishdidm Lintasan sqad Yogyakarta: Nur Cahaya, 1983

Husson, Laurence. "Indonesians in Saudi Arabia: Wonhip an Work." tud dia I&II&U 4, no. 4 (1997): 109-136.

Hutasoit, M. CompuCunj IEditton in hbncsia. Netherlands: UNESCO, 1954.

Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. gencsic of Pimer +zed Sudirman and th IndÔnrsUin Mihy in Toli'tics, 1945-49. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 199 1.

Ismail, Teungku Yakub. Icun&e liiji &%ru. Medan: Poestaka Antara, 1945. lainuri. Achmad. "The Muhammadiyah Movement in Twentieth Century Indonesia: A Socio-Religious Study ." M. A. thesis, McGill University, 1992.

Jaylani, Anton Timur. "The Sarekat Islam Movement: Its Contribution to indonesian Nationalism." M.A. thesis, McGill University, 1959.

"K. H. Abdul Wahid Hasyim." In ~(bpediI&m Vol. 5. Jakarta: Ictiar Bani van Hoeve, 1993.

Kahn, George McTuman. Nationah adRmhtion in Indone& Ithaca, London: Corne11 University Press, 1952.

Kaptein, Nico, "Meccan Fatwas from the End of the Nineteenth Century on indonseian GEfair." Studia Ishda 2, no. 4 (1995): 141-160.

Kartodirdjo, Sartono. Tqantar Sqard rndonesirt Banc Sejamli Tm~er4anqasiomC diri 1yIibnialrmre sampai ~asiotccllijme,Vol. 2. Jakarta: Gramedia, 1990.

Keddie, Nikki R. " Pan-Islam as Proto-Nationalism." ~mdof Modm Hittoiy 4 1, no. 1 (March 1969): 17-28.

Khuluq, Lathiful. "Kyai Haji Hasyim Asy'ari's Religious Thoughts and Political Activities (1 87 1- 1947)." M. A. thesis, McGiil University. 1997.

" Kongres Rakjat Indonesia dan Aksi Parlemen." In 20 (1940): 4-7.

Korver, APE. "Sarekat Islam." Ph. D. dissertation, University of Amsterdam, 1982. Kroef, M. van der. "Prince Diponegoro: Progenitor of Indonesian Nationalism." llic Fizr ~lurttmij8, no. 4 ( 1949): 424-450.

" Kyai Wahid Hasyim." in Le&i(on ~shJakarta: Pustazet Perkasa, 1988.

Labrousse, Pierre. "The Second Life of Bung Kamo: Analysis of the Myth." ~ndomzk57 (1994): 175-196.

Latief, M Hasyim. Lastar ~izbu~2kguug Mqa(@n Nya~aKI. Surabaya: Lajnah Ta'lif wan Nasyr, 1995.

Madjid, Nurcholish. " Kita Kenang Pak Natsir." %n. Mm~ara(at ( 1993): 20-2 1.

"Makloemat Sabil ke-1." in Somra Mioesliinin IdunesUr 3, no. 20 (1945): 6.

Mangkusasmito, Prawoto. ~ertutn6hn%torii Dasar Ngam dan Sebuiili *qe&. Jakarta: Hudaya, 1970.

Manus, MPB, et ai. lokoft-tokofi &idan Tmyrldi( Us&-us& Tersiapan ~emerde(mn ~ndoncnP(a @pres of biic IdonesiPn Independkace Conunittee). Vol. 2. Jakarta: Depdikbud, 1993.

Marijan, Kacung. QuVadu NU !Qm6li' (e %&& 1926 Jakarta: Erlangga, 1992.

Mehden, Fred R. von der. "Sarekat Islam." in John L. Esposito. ed. O@rd Emjclirpedia 6th Modm ishmiic UlorliL New York: Oxford University Press, 1995.

--- . *@a and Natiunah in Soudieart Ask 2nd edition. Madison, Milwaukee and London: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1968.

Meulen, D. van der. "The Mecca Pilgrimage and its Importance to the Netherlands East indies." aU Mtic R-36 (1940): 588-597.

Mintz, Jeanne S. ~ndo&:A Profi Princeton: D. Van Nostrand Company, 196 1.

Munhanif, Ali. "The Khinah of 1926 Reexamined: Views of the NU in Post-Cipasung Congress." $diafsGmi&rr, 3, no. 2 (1996): 85-1 19.

Mustoko, Sumarsono. TendUi411ndi IndoneSYf ci8n Jaman (g Jamn Jakarta: Baiai Pustaka, 1986.

N, Soebagijo 1. K~ !Mq@r Se6dBiografi Jakarta: Gunung Agung, 1982.

Nakamura, Mitsuo. " Nahdatul Ulama." In John L. Esposito ed., aU ~.rfmdEkycli,pediatf fiic Moh~slMiC WM~ vol. 2 New York: Oxford University Press, 1991. Nakamura, Mitsuo and Setsuo Nishino. " Islamic Higher Education in Indonesia." H@k Wucation ~olicy,6, no. 2 (1993): 5 1-54.

Nagazumi, Akira. "The Origin and Earlier Years of the Budi Utorno." Ph.D. dissertation, Coneii University. 1967.

" Nahdlatul Ulama" In le&(tun Isbm,. vol. 2. Jakarta: Pustazet Perkasa, 1988.

Nashabe. Hisham. M'lim ~~~l~tionu~Institutiotl~.Beimt: Libraire du Liban, 1989.

Nasution, Hmn. "The Islarnic State in Indonesia, the Rise of the Ideology, the Movement for its Creation and the Theory of the Masjurni," M.A. thesis, McGill University, 1965.

Nasution, S. Sqarah Pedidikan IndotreSi[L Jakarta: Bumi Aksara, 1995.

Nasution, A. H. Se@arTeray Qmerde&un idonerùr Vol. 1. Bandung: Angkasa, 1994.

Niel, Robert van. ZIk Wjemofth Mudm Indonrrian !EGttz The Hague: W. van Hoeve. 1970.

Nieuwenhuijze, C.A.O. van. Aspects of ~&m in Tost-Cobniid ~ndonerùrThe Hague: W. van Hoeve, 1967.

Noer, Deliar. Geratart Mudm 1'.di IdonrsUt. Jakarta: LP3ES, 1985.

-. ?lit Motiim&t MwhM'ementt in Indonab lW1942 Singapore: Oxford University Press. 1973. --. "lslam dan Politik di Indonesia" m,8, no. 8 (1979): 3-16.

-- . ?lit ~odk& ~1csiînt~~z,ement in Indonesia 19C1KI-1942 Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. 1973.

--- . adiation 4 Ish vi Indones1a Ithaca: Comell Modem Indonesia Project Southeast Asia Program, 1978.

Panitya Harlah 40 Thun N.U. lIUIL6d Witz liafi Sdjmah ~y&sY#idilittui u18ma (Mm%e Mme DMdj, Syimt Hijtor y of yafiditd UIama). Jakarta: Panitya Harlah 40 Tahun N.U.. 1966.

Penders, C. L. Maria. "Colonial Education Poiicy and Practice in Indonesia: 1900-1942." Ph. D. dissertation, Austmlian National University, 1968. Pengurus Nahdlatoel Oelama. Ttfputrrsan Mu'tmar Ir(p. 6-13 di' Talém6uy Jakarta: Pengurus NU, 1952.

Pnnggodigdo, A.K. Se&rufz Petgemkan R4at IndOtiLria. Djakarta: Pustaka Rakjat, 1960.

Puar, Yusuf Abdullah. ~mdnalSudiman, Painbt %Man (QmdSudiman us a Mo& %tnbt). Jakarta: Yayasan Panglima Besar Suhan, 198 1.

Pusat Penelitian dan Pengembangan Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. Sqardi TendidYan $wusta di ~ndomiiz(LemGya ~endidikanMa'm$l. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebuday aan, 1976.

Rahardjo, Dawam. "The Kyai, the Pesantren. and the Village: A Preiiminary Sketch." in Ahmad Ibrahim et al., ReLlLii~son Islam in ~mr&ust M. Singapore: hstitute of Southeast Asim Studies, 1985.

Rahman, Faziur. "Revivai and Reform in Islam." in P.M. Holt, Ann K.S. Lambton, Bernard Lewis, eds., ?iie Cambn'@e H'iortj of fsbm vol. 2: 636-640.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970.

Raffles, Sir Thomas Stamford. ?lir History +va. 2nd ed. Vol. 2. London: Murray, 1930.

Raiiby, Osman. 'Dotwnenta Hktorica, Djakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1953.

Rasyad. Aminiddin, et ai. Sqard Pendiii@n ish di' ~ndonesia. Jakarta: Departemen Agarna, 1986.

Reid, Anthony. ?lit IhdnNaarionuf !@~ohrion,1945-1950. Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1974,

Republik Indonesia Propinsi Djawa Timur. Mehwan tTmtnru ~mxat.Surabaya: Djawatan Penerangan Republik Indonesia Propinsi Djawa Timur, 1953.

Ricklefs, M.C. A Hirq offModmid& Sinu c. Dm. 2nd edition. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1993.

-. "Islarnization in Java: Fourteenth to Eighteenth Centuries." In Ahmad Ibrahim, et ai., on hihm in $oukt %tiz. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1985.

Sa'ad, Mukhlisin. "Al-Naz'ah ai-Kharijiyyah fi Afkk wa HarakZti al-Shaikh Ahmad RifaLibi Kali Salak," Sttcdia Ishn&a 2, no. 2 (1995): 125- 145. Sharief, M. M. ed. A Hitory oflclcush TMsop/;y.Vol. 2. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1966

Shiddiqi, Nourouzzaman. "The Role of 'ülarni during the Japanese Occupation of Indonesia (1942- 1945)."M.A. thesis, McGill University, 1975.

Soeum M.1, no. 1 (Desember 1, 1941).

~oeurnMoeslunin Indom 3, no. 6 (Mach 15, 1943).

--- ,3, no. 10 (May 15. 1943)

Sostroamidjojo, Arso. " Pendidikan Islam." Unpublished paper. 1974.

Steenbrink, Karel A. ~eberapa%pe( tmtring Ishm di Id& abad ke-B (Som aspects of Islam in Indonah in dic 19th cent un^). Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1984.

-- . "Recapturing The Past: Historical Studies by INN-Staff." in Mark R. Woodward, ed.. Iiard A New Tarad* Rmt r~evel;,pent in Indonesion ~slamic?iiouglit. Arizona: ASU Program for Southeast Asian Studies, 1996.

Suminto, Aqib. T'oC~Ishm gindia Blirndf Jakarta: LPîES, 1986).

Sutjiatiningsih, Kg W&H(acyYn Jakarta: Depdikbud, 1984.

Sutomo, Sulistina. Bung lotnu: Srni@ (Bury Tom: My Hubund). Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan, 1995.

Swara 3@idkdUhmno. 4 (1346 A.H.).

Tauchid, Moch. ~wtzfidiPendid4an [email protected]: Dewan Partai-partai Sosialis Indonesia Bagian Oendidikan dan Penerangan, 1954.

Taylor, Jean Gelman. %ie ~odWMU of Batavia, Eutopean and Euradan in Dut& Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press. 1983.

Tholib, Udjang. "The Causes of the Growth of Pan-Islamism and its impact on Indian Muslims," in Islh and P&pmenf= Toûtùe~~Ipgspottse, Montreal, Yogyakarta: Permika Montreal & LPMI, 1997. U.S. Department of Commerce Office of Technical Services, Japame M"tanj MkWtrotion in Indoncsio. Washington: Joint Publication Research Service, 1963.

Veur, Paul W. van Der. "The Eurasians of Indonesia: A Problem and Challenge in Colonial Histoly ." JoudofSouthuutaFUrn 31rSt-t~9, no. 9 (1967): 19 1-207.

--- . With and Social Chntge in Cobniid Inclonesia. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Center for International Studies Southeast Asia Program, 1969.

Vlekke, Bernard H.M. %usantaru, A 3Listq of diL fEast Indinn ArdU'pe@o* Cambridge. Massachusetss: Harvard University he&, 1943.

-- . ZhStmy 4 tfze Inltrli Zart IndiL. Cambridge, Massachusetss: Harvard University Press, 1945.

Vredenberg J. "The Haddj: Some of its Features and Functions in Indonesia." WLV 1 18 (1962): 9 1- 154.

Wahid, Abdurrahman. "Nahdlatul Ularna dan Khittah 1926,"in Masyhur Amin and Ismail S. Ahmad, ed., tDialitg Pemi&an Ishm dan R~iititosWink Yogyakarta: LKPSM, 1993,

-___ . "KH. Bisri Syansuri: Pecinta Fiqh Sepanjmg Hayat (W.Bisri Syansuri: Long Life Fiqh Devotee)." In Bw~afi5 Kaz3 'Am Uh, ed. Humaidy Abdussami and Ridwan Fakla AS., 59-104. Yogyakarta: LTN and Pustaka Pelajar, 1995.

Wahyudi, Yudian. "Lntroduction." in Yudian Wahyudi, ed.. Wb Qur'an andPGli,sopkf ~#&&ns. Yogyakarta: indonesian Academic Society XM, 1998.

_U_I_ "Hasbi's Theory of ph2 in the Context of Indonesian Tqh" M. A. thesis, McGill University, 1993.

Wardan, Siti Hadiroh. "Dari MIAI mendjadi Masjumi." B.A. thesis, Fakultas Sastera dan Kebudayaan Gajah Mada, 1968

Wertheim,W.F. Ih& Society in Imnsïtzbn=2 Stdy of~ocirt[ffiye.The Hague: W.Van Hoeve, 1966.

Woodman, Dorothy. cnic Repub1Lc ufindohLondon: Crescent Press, 1957.

Woodward, Mark R. "Conversation with Abdurrahman Wahid." In Mark R. Woodward, ed. Taurd A Nm Paradi Ipmt nevebpment in Idnesian IsIanric augfit. Arizona: Arizona University Press, 1996. Yamin, M. Pcrsipn Unhng-undaty Duar Kqu6fik ~nrionesict. Vol. 1. Jakarta: Penerbit Djambatan, 1959.

Yasuko, Kobayashi. " Kyai and Japanese Military." Studia ISGZ~Z& 4, no. 3 ( 1997): 65-98.

Yunus, Mahmud. ~qnrd~dGkan Ishm di Indonesia. lakana: Mustaka Mahmudah, 1980.

Zaini, Achmad. "Mawdudi's Conception of the Islamic State." in ~sbmandDarh~t: A ~ofitica-~e@wRtmr Montreal, Yogyakarta: Permika Montreal 8r LPMI, 1997.

Zainud'ddin, Ailza. ~doliLrUi.Melbourne: Longman, n.d.

Zuhn, KH. Saifuddin. GU& Oniy-oruy IPeantm (My le&s are the Tmntren Teoplé). Bandung: PT. Al Ma'arif, 1977.

--- . ~abidos~opToi&< di fndoncsia (A~&ibscope of%ûtirr in Indonest'a) .3 vols. Jakarta: Gunung Agung, 1982.

---- . Sqruh %6an&tan Ish hn Ter&c6ayan~ di: Idonesia Bandung: Al-Ma'arif, 1981.