Buying the Same Horse Twice: the .SU
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How Hitler and Stalin Made Modern Poland
The Wall Street Journal August 1, 2019 How Hitler and Stalin Made Modern Poland The neglected history of the Warsaw uprising helps explain the country’s nationalist politics today. by Sean McMeekin Members of the Polish resistance fight the Nazis in Warsaw, 1944. Photo: Photo 12/Universal Images Group via Getty Images Warsaw Thursday marks the 75th anniversary of the heroic yet doomed Warsaw Uprising against German occupation forces in Poland. Every Aug. 1 at 5 p.m., Poles mark the bitter occasion with a moment of silence for the fallen. Alarm sirens wail in a would-be call to arms that captures the defiant spirit of this proud, pugnacious nation. Warsaw’s stupendous Uprising Museum, one of the city’s few tourist attractions, illustrates the painful side of this defiance. For the battle of 1944 left behind almost nothing of old Warsaw for visitors to admire. The martyrs of the Polish Home Army lost not only their lives but also the city they loved. The fate of Warsaw—reduced to rubble by the vengeful cruelty of one dictator, Hitler, in unspoken connivance with his enemy doppelgänger, Stalin—epitomizes the catastrophe of World War II better than any other single event. Why, then, is this shattering episode in European history almost forgotten in the West? Perhaps because the battle for Warsaw does not have a happy ending. Germany’s eventual defeat did not mark the liberation of Poles but the beginning of another brutal occupation by the Communists. This unsettles the narrative of World War II as a “good war” and looms large over Polish and European politics to this day. -
The Phenomenon of Banished Soldiers in Polish Schools As an Example of the Politics of Memory
Journal of Social Science Education Volume 18 Issue 1 Fall 2019 Article DOI 10.4119/jsse-921 The phenomenon of banished soldiers in Polish schools as an example of the politics of memory Ewa Bacia Technische Universität Berlin – The new core curriculum for teaching history in Polish schools is an example of the implementation of the politics of memory. – The primary purpose of teaching history at schools has become to stir up patriotic emotions. – This goal is to be reached by promoting distinguished Polish figures, presented as morally impeccable heroes. – Patriotism is linked to war, the image of which is simplified and trivialised. – The promotion of a black and white vision of history is a threat to Polish democracy. Purpose: The article intends to analyse the manner in which banished soldiers are presented in the new history curriculum at schools in Poland as an example of the politics of memory. Design/methodology/approach: The analysis is a case study of the phenomenon of banished soldiers in the Polish public discourse. It includes the following issues: the history of banished soldiers, the core history curriculum after the education reform in Poland, its objectives and goals (with particular emphasis on banished soldiers), the manner of presenting the banished soldiers in educational, public and social environments in Poland today, the impact of new historical politics on the Polish society and democracy. Findings: The manner of presenting the issue of banished soldiers in the core curriculum for teaching history in Polish schools exemplifies the efforts to introduce a new political paradigm into the educational context. -
Scenario of the Exhibition: Tomasz Łabuszewski, Phd, in Cooperation with Anna Maria Adamus, Phd, Ewa Dyngosz, Edyta Gula and Michał Zarychta
STOLEN CHILDHOOD Scenario of the exhibition: Tomasz Łabuszewski, PhD, in cooperation with Anna Maria Adamus, PhD, Ewa Dyngosz, Edyta Gula and Michał Zarychta Graphic design: Katarzyna Dinwebel Reviewers: Bartosz Kuświk, PhD Waldemar Brenda, PhD Producer: Pracownia Plastyczna Andrzej Dąbrowski Photographs from the following archives: AKG images, Archive of the Institute of National Remembrance, Municipal Archive in Dzerzhinsk, State Archive in Warsaw, Archive of Polish Armenians, BE&W Foto, National Library, Bundesarchiv, Centre for Documentation of Deportations, Exile and Resettlements in Cracow, Foundation for Polish-German Reconciliation, Getty Images, Museum of the Second World War, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Polish Army Museum in Kołobrzeg, Warsaw Rising Museum, Regional Museum in Jarocin, Museum of the Castle of Górka Family in Szamotuły, National Digital Archive, Ośrodek Karta, Polish Photographers’ Agency Forum, Polish Press Agency, Underground Poland Studio, Documentary and Feature Film Studio, Association of Crimean Karaites in Poland. With special thanks to: Bogdan Bednarczyk, Janusz Bogdanowicz, Alina Głowacka-Szłapowa, Tomasz Karasiński, Kazimierz Krajewski, PhD, Ewa Siemaszko and Leszek Żebrowski, as well as the Institute of National Remembrance branch offices in Łódź and Poznań. Photograph on the front panel: Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance Despite their efforts, the authors of the exhibition did not manage to reach all authors of photographs used in the exhibition or holders of proprietary -
Media and the Sacralization of History
ORIGINAL A RTICLE Media and the sacralization of history Krzysztof Wasilewski REGIONAL AND MUNICIPAL PUBLIC LIBRARY IN GORZÓW WIELKOPOLSKI, POLAND DOI: 10.19195/1899-5101.9.1(16).8 ABSTRACT: is article presents an analysis of the process of sacralization of history in the media discourse. Certain events and gures from the past are incorporated into the sphere of sacrum which excludes any discussion and maintains the domination of one narration of history. e process of sacralization may take places directly or indirectly. e rst relies on direct inclusion to the dis- course of certain words, which are associated with religion. e indirect sacralization takes place when episodes from the past are changed into universal stories of ght between the good and the evil. e analysis is performed on printed media discourses concerning three events from Poland’s contemporary history: the 1920 Warsaw Battle of Warsaw, the 1944 Warsaw Uprising and the post- war armed underground. KEYWORDS: history, collective memory, discourse, religion, sacralization, media. INTRODUCTION is article aims at analyzing the process of sacralization of history in the media discourse. By this I understand the incorporation of certain past events into the sphere of sacrum (Stevenson, 2010). In this sense sacralization can be regarded as the nal phase of idealization or mythologization of history (Nowak, 2000, pp. 317–343). While the latter two latter do not exclude questioning or even rejec- tion, sacralization is absolute. As our perception of the past also in" uences our contemporary political choices, there is no surprise that the media grow more and more interested in reporting on history (Ponczek, 2013, p. -
Harry S. Truman As a Modern Cyrus
BYU Studies Quarterly Volume 34 Issue 1 Article 2 1-1-1994 Harry S. Truman as a Modern Cyrus Michael T. Benson Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/byusq Part of the Mormon Studies Commons, and the Religious Education Commons Recommended Citation Benson, Michael T. (1994) "Harry S. Truman as a Modern Cyrus," BYU Studies Quarterly: Vol. 34 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/byusq/vol34/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in BYU Studies Quarterly by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Benson: Harry S. Truman as a Modern Cyrus harry S truman with chaim weizmann truman officially received weizmann on may 25 1948 the first time the head of the new jewish state was received by a US president on that occasion weizmann acknowledged trumanstromansTrumans role in the recognition of israel by presenting him with a set oftorahof torah scrolls abba eban recalled that truman was not fully briefed by his staff not understanding what was within the purple velvet covering truman responded ive always wanted a set of these courtesy of the bettmann archive Published by BYU ScholarsArchive, 1994 1 BYU Studies Quarterly, Vol. 34, Iss. 1 [1994], Art. 2 harry S truman as a modern cyrus despite concerted opposition from his advisors who saw the move as strategically unwise truman ignored strategy and -
W. Averell Harriman Papers a Finding Aid to the Collection in the Library of Congress
W. Averell Harriman Papers A Finding Aid to the Collection in the Library of Congress Manuscript Division, Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 2016 Contact information: http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/mss.contact Catalog Record: https://lccn.loc.gov/mm85061911 Additional search options available at: https://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/eadmss.ms003012 Prepared by Allan Teichroew with the assistance of Haley Barnett, Connie L. Cartledge, Paul Colton, Marie Friendly, Patrick Holyfield, Allyson H. Jackson, Patrick Kerwin, Mary A. Lacy, Sherralyn McCoy, John R. Monagle, Susie H. Moody, Sheri Shepherd, and Thelma Queen Revised by Connie L. Cartledge with the assistance of Karen Stuart, 1999 Revised by Michael Folkerts, 2016 Finding aid encoded by Library of Congress Manuscript Division, 2003 Revised 2016 October Collection Summary Title: W. Averell Harriman Papers Span Dates: 1869-2008 Bulk Dates: (bulk 1895-1986) ID No.: MSS61911 Creator: Harriman, W. Averell (William Averell), 1891-1986 Extent: 346,760 items Extent: 1,041 containers plus 11 classified and 75 oversize Extent: 529.9 linear feet Extent: 54 microfilm reels Language: Collection material in English Location: Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. LC Catalog record: https://lccn.loc.gov/mm85061911 Summary: Diplomat, entrepreneur, philanthropist, and politician. Correspondence, memoranda, family papers, business records, diplomatic accounts, speeches, statements and writings, photographs, and other papers documenting Harriman's career in business, finance, politics, and public service, particularly during the Franklin Roosevelt, Truman, Kennedy, Johnson, and Carter presidential administrations. Online Content: A digital copy of the Alaska expedition album is available is available on the Library of Congress Web site at http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/eadmss.amrvm03. -
The Origins of George F. Kennan's Theory of Containment: Stalin's Russia and the Failure of U.S. Foreign Policy
Powell 1 The Origins of George F. Kennan’s Theory of Containment: Stalin’s Russia and the Failure of U.S. Foreign Policy Becky Powell Rice University’s History Department’s Honors Senior Thesis March 27, 2017 Powell 2 Introduction Kennan’s Containment Reconsidered: A New Context for Containment On a train headed to Moscow in 1933, a young, slightly naïve U.S. diplomat sat up all night, restless as he traveled through the once forbidden lands of the U.S.S.R. On the other side of the compartment, a Russian from the Soviet official news agency felt no such giddiness. Instead, he made himself at home in their tight quarters, stretching “himself out in his underwear” and sleeping “the sleep of the innocent.” George F. Kennan cared little though; he remained too excited at the prospect of setting up the new U.S. embassy in Moscow and living in the country he had learned to admire so much from afar. Reflecting back on the ride not long after, however, Kennan could only speak of it cynically. His compartment companion had almost certainly since that time “gone the way of most Soviet citizens who had contacts with foreigners in those days, and either…lost his head entirely or [was] laying it on a less comfortable pillow.” Years later, he would avoid conversation with everyday Russians he met while walking through Moscow, resigned to save them the trouble of explaining their actions to the Soviet secret police, who followed him everywhere.1 In time, the weight and ever present shadow of the Soviet regime in Stalin’s Russia, hardened Kennan as it had hardened the Soviet people. -
The Polish Resistance Movement in Second World
Bridgewater Review Volume 4 | Issue 1 Article 6 Apr-1986 The oliP sh Resistance Movement in Second World War Chester M. Nowak Bridgewater State College Recommended Citation Nowak, Chester M. (1986). The oP lish Resistance Movement in Second World War. Bridgewater Review, 4(1), 4-7. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/br_rev/vol4/iss1/6 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. The Polish Resistance Movem.ent in the Second World War Chester M. Nowak he European Resistance Movement duals formed clandestine groups which ing German property. Individually these T provides us with one of the more shaped their own goals and activities. It is activities may have seemed unimportant, engaging and captivating stories of the here within the nature and the dynamics of but in their totality they had a positive Second World War, and the Polish Resis these early secret organizations that we find impact upon the Poles and made the Ger tance Movement has a central place in that the source of the variety and complexity of mans feel unwelcomed and insecure. story. Yet, the history and the struggles of both the resistance organizations and their Political parties of all persuasions also the Polish Resistance are not well known. clandestine activities. In Poland this spon went underground. They published their Few people are aware, therefore, of the taneous aspect ofresistance in its scope and own presses and journals and formed their Polish Underground's reports about the intensity soon reached the level ofa revolu own military detachments. -
The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising
Andrey Finegersh Mission Viejo High School Jan Jurgemeyer (Counselor) High School Essay First Prize The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising Bravery and courage are measured by their merits and implications, and not by their successes. The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising had all of these merits and implications, all of those occurrences that turn events into history, and men into heroes. The Jews of Warsaw held out longer than the French against the Nazi attack and proved for the first time that the Third Reich was not invincible, but fallible. With the patience of Masada and the will of Jericho, the Jewish Fighting Organization resisted one of the world’s most superior armies, fighting Panzers and machine guns with smuggled pistols and homemade bombs. The horrors experienced by the Jews of Warsaw in their two years of confinement are almost too vile and inhuman to have been committed by the hands of men. Stories of Nazi guards shooting children as if they were pigeons, six-year-old boys crawling through barbed wire to steal a morsel of food from the “free” side, and the growing number of bodies piling up in funeral homes made the Warsaw ghetto a community of fear, rather than conscience. It is in this misery that resistance is fostered and grown. All things taken for granted now became sustenance and survival. In this atmosphere of constant threat, dignity and freedom became just as important as food and water. Mordechai Anielewicz, the leader of a group of some 750 loosely organized combatants known as the Jewish Fighting Organization (ZOB), became one of the first to strike out for a sense of retribution and honor. -
Confronting Soviet Power Confronting Soviet Paul C
Confronting Soviet Power Confronting Soviet Paul C. Avey Power U.S. Policy during the Early Cold War For many, the behav- ior of the United States in the early Cold War highlights the inºuence of ideas in foreign policy. According to this view, American liberalism directly faced off against Soviet Communism after World War II. This caused the United States to abandon collaboration, deªne the Soviet Union as an enemy, and implement a series of combative policies. In other words, Soviet power became a threat because the Soviet Union was a Communist dictatorship.1 To be sure, works in the realist tradition contend that balance of power concerns motivated U.S. policy. Yet these explanations often sidestep the role of ideas,2 blur the role of power and ideas,3 or incorporate ideas into their analysis.4 In short, many scholars accept that ideas were critical in pushing the United States to confront the Soviet Union and Communism. A close look at early Cold War history, however, suggests that U.S. policy was often inconsistent with the most prominent ideational explanations for U.S. behavior toward the Soviets. For instance, the United States genuinely at- tempted to engage the Soviet Union in the early postwar period despite aware- ness of the totalitarian nature of Soviet Communism. In addition, U.S. policy initially tolerated Communist groups beyond the Soviet Union and later tar- geted them to prevent Soviet expansion. Finally, the United States did not seri- Paul C. Avey is a Ph.D. candidate in political science at the University of Notre Dame. -
World War II
Comprehensive Info #5 Second World War 1938 March German annexation of Austria (Anschluss) April Start of systematic "Ayranization" of Jewish businesses Sept Munich Conference gives Sudentenland to Germany Nov Mass pogroms: "Night of Broken Glass" (Kristallnacht) against Jews 1939 March Germany annexes Czech lands (Bohemia & Moravia), sets up rump Slovakia Germany annexes the Memel region (Klaipeda) from Lithuania April Italian invasion and occupation of Albania Aug Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact Sept German invasion of Poland precipitates World War II Soviet occupation of eastern Poland (western Belorussia & Ukraine) Oct German decree subjects Poles to "compulsory public labor" Nov Soviet invasion of Finland initiates "Winter War" 1940 March Finnish surrender to Soviets at Vyborg after formidable resistance April German invasion & occupation of Denmark & Norway May Germans launch attack against France, enter Paris in June June Italy enters the war on Germany's side USSR annexes Baltic states, Bessarabia & Bukovina Aug Germans begin bombing Britain, initiating "Battle of Britain" (until Nov) Oct Unsuccessful Italian invasion of Greece Dec Hitler issues orders for preparation of Operation Barbarossa (against USSR) 1941 Jan Romanian General Antonescu crushes fascist Iron Guard; later joins attack on USSR March US initiates Lend-Lease (supply of materials to friendly nations) Creation of Einsatzgruppen for murder of communists, Jews, etc. April German invasion of the Balkans (Yugoslavia & Greece) to bail out Mussolini June German invasion -
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i i i Mass grave exhumations as i patriotic retreat: sacralisation and militarisation in the remembrance HUMAN of the ‘cursed soldiers’ REMAINS & VIOLENCE Marije Hristova Radboud University Nijmegen [email protected] Monika Zychli˙ nska´ University of Warsaw [email protected] Abstract Between 2012 and 2017, at the Ł-section of Warsaw’s Powa˛zki Military Ceme- tery, or ‘Ła˛czka’, the Polish Institute of National Remembrance exhumed a mass grave containing the remains of post-war anti-communist resistance ghters. Being referred to as the ‘cursed soldiers’, these ghters have become key gures in post- 2015 Polish memory politics. In this article we focus on the role of the volunteers at these exhumations in the production of the ‘cursed soldiers’ memory. Following the idea of community archaeology as a civil society-building practice, the observed processes of sacralisation and militarisation show how the exhumations create a community of memory that promotes the core values of the currently governing national-conservative PiS party. We found that tropes related to forensic research and typically identied with cosmopolitan memory paradigms are used within a generally nationalist and antagonistic memory framework. Key words: ‘cursed soldiers’, exhumation, volunteers, IPN, Poland, collective memory Introduction In May 2017, the Institute of National Remembrance (Instytut Pamie˛ci Narodowej, IPN) carried out exhumations at the Ł-section of Warsaw’s Powa˛zki Military Ceme- tery, popularly known as Ła˛czka (in Polish, literally: ‘little meadow’).1 It was the last stage of the uncovering of a large, post-war-era mass grave, which had served as a dumping ground for the bodies of numerous people who had been sentenced to death by the Polish state communist government in the period 1944–56.