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Die Eroberung Von Nisibis Und Karrhai Durch Die Sasaniden in Der Zeit Kaiser Maximins (235/236 N

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Die Eroberung Von Nisibis Und Karrhai Durch Die Sasaniden in Der Zeit Kaiser Maximins (235/236 N Iranica Antiqua, vol. XXX, 1995 DIE EROBERUNG VON NISIBIS UND KARRHAI DURCH DIE SASANIDEN IN DER ZEIT KAISER MAXIMINS (235/236 N. CHR.) VON Erich KETTENHOFEN Dem Jubilar, dem diese Festschrift gewidmet ist, verdanken wir Grundzüge der Geschichte des sasanischen Reiches, die vor wenigen Jahren publiziert wurden1. Er hat dort einen wertvollen Überblick über den gegenwärtigen Forschungsstand gegeben2. Im ersten Kapitel, das die Anfänge des Säsänidenreiches schildert, beruft sich der Jubilar auf mein 1982 erschienenes Beiheft zum Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients und datiert eine mögliche Einnahme von Nisibis und Karrhai (Carrhae) in die Zeit 235/363. Das Quellenmaterial zur Einnahme der beiden Städte soll hier vorgestellt und interpretiert werden. Unstrittig ist, daß die beiden nordmesopotamischen Städte Nisibis und Karrhai, heute im Grenzgebiet der Türkei zu Syrien gelegen (Nusaybin bzw. Altınba≥ak), in der Regierungszeit des Kaisers C. Iulius Verus Maximinus (Febr./März 235 — Mitte April [?] 2384 von den Sasaniden eingenommen wurden5. In der Chronographie des Georgios Synkellos (681) aus dem frühen 9. Jh. lesen wir, daß Gordian (III.) auf seinem Zug 1 Darmstadt 1990. 2 Zur Zielsetzung der Grundzüge vgl. Schippmann 2 Anm. 1. 3 E. Kettenhofen. Die römisch-persischen Kriege de 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. nach der Inschrift Sahpuhrs I. an der Ka{be-ye Zartost (SKZ), B TAVO B 55, Wiesbaden 1982, 132; vgl. Schippmann 18 mit Anm. 38: K. hält es für möglich, daß die Sasaniden in der Zeit 235/36 die wichtigen Städte Nisibis und Karrhae eroberten. 4 Vgl. D. Kienast. Römische Kaisertabelle. Grundzüge einer römischen Kaiser- chronologie, Darmstadt 1990, 183-185. 5 Vgl. E. Kettenhofen, Einige Überlegungen zur sasanidischen Politik gegenüber Rom im 3. Jhr. n. Chr. The Roman and Byzantine Army in the East, Proceedings of a colloqium held at the Jagiellonian University, Kraków in September 1992. Edited by E. Dabrowa, Kraków 1994, 99-108. Aus den Texten bei Synkellos und Zonaras allein läßt sich das Datum des Frühjahrs 238 nicht erschließen, wie dies bei J. Wiesehöfer zu lesen ist (Die Anfänge sassanidischer Westpolitik und der Untergang Hatras. Klio 64. 1982 [437-447], 447 Anm. 87). Korrekt hingegen: J. Sturm, Nisibis (1), RE XVII 1, 1936 [714-757], 738. 160 E. KETTENHOFEN die Städte Nisibis und Karrhai für Rom zurückgewann, die von den Persern unter Maximinus, dem »Moesier«, erobert worden waren6; der Wortlaut bei Ioannes Zonaras in seinen Annalen (XII 18 [P I 623]) weicht davon nicht stark ab7. Die weitgehende Übereinstimmung8 im Wortlaut legt eine gemeinsame Quelle nahe, und Loriot hat in seinem vorzüglichen Forschungsbericht mit Recht Dexippos in ihr gesehen9. Der Autor der Vita der Gordiani tres im Corpus der Scriptores Historiae Augustae sagt dage- gen lediglich, daß die Städte Carrae und Nisibis (in dieser Reihenfolge) sub Persarum imperio waren, als Gordian sie zurückeroberte (SHA, Gd. 26,6)10. Erlaubt die Quellenlage eine präzisere Datierung? Die Textemendation Bellezzas, die die Geschehnisse in die Zeit des Kaisers M. Clodius Pupienus Maximus (238) datierte11 (êpì Mazimínou → êpì Mazímou), hat in der modernen Forschung — mit Recht — keinen Anklang gefunden12. Überprüft man die moderne Literatur, so hat sich 6 kaì Nísibin kaì Kárrav ârqeísav üpò Pers¬n êpì Mazimínou toÕ MusoÕ ¨Rwmaíoiv üpétazen (A.A. Mosshammer, Georgii Syncelli Ecloga Chronographica, BT, Leipzig 1984, 443, Z. 5-6). Ohne Erwähnung in dem materialreichen Beitrag von S. Lloyd/W. Brice, Harran, AnatStud 1, 1951, 77-111 sowie bei W. Cramer, Harran, RAC XIII, 1985, 634- 650. Die Datierung in die Regierungszeit des Maximinus hat J.B. Segal, Edessa, »The Blessed City«, Oxford 1970, 110 nicht beachtet (Ardashir captured Nisibis and Harran in 233). 7 kaì Nísibin kaì Kárav ¨Rwmaíoiv aŒqiv êpanesÉsato, üpò Pers¬n êpì Mazimínou üfarpasqeísav: Ioanni Zonarae annales ex rec. M. Pinderi, II, CSHB, Bonn 1844, S. 581, Z. 21-22. 8 Schon bemerkt bei C. de Boor, Römische Kaisergeschichte in byzantinischer Fassung, ByzZ 1, 1892 [13-33], 27. Die Schlußfolgerungen de Boors teile ich hingegen nicht. 9 X. Loriot, Les premières années de la grande crise du IIIe siècle: De l’avènement de Maximin le Thrace (235) à la mort de Gordien III (244), ANRW II 2, Berlin/New York 1975 [657-787], 717 Anm. 471. Vgl. auch mein Beiheft (hier Anm. 3) 21 Anm. 14. 10 Die Diskussion um die nur in der Historia Augusta (Gd. 26, 5-6) vorausgesetzte Einnahme von Antiocheia durch die Sasaniden muß hier unterbleiben. Vgl. dazu mein Beiheft (hier Anm. 3) 22 Anm. 16. Weitere Literatur nennt E. Merten: Stellen- bibliographie zur Historia Augusta, Antiquitas IV 2, 3, Bonn 1986, 73. 11 Vgl. Kienast (hier Anm. 4) 190-191. Die bis heute nicht abgeschlossene Kontroverse um die präzisen Daten des Sechskaiserjahres 238 soll hier nicht behandelt werden: die mir zuletzt bekannte Studie stammt von M. Peachin. Once More A.D. 238, Athenaeum 57, 1989, 594-604 [noch nicht bei Kienast berücksichtigt]: Proklamierung im Spätapril/Anfang Mai: Ermordung Anfang August. Peachin nennt auch die frühere Literatur. 12 Vgl. A. Bellezza, Massimino il Trace, Istituto di Storia antica dell’Univ. di Genova 5, Genova 1964, 52 Anm. o. Dagegen vor allem: S. Mazzarino, La tradizione sulle guerre tra Shabuhr I e l’Impero romano: »prospettiva« e »deformazione storica«, AAntHung 19, 1971 [59-82], 70 mit Anm. 55 (mit problematischer Interpretation des Reliefs von Darabgird). Auf Bellezza (und Bersanetti) stützt sich wiederum M.G. Angeli Bertinelli, Roma e l’Oriente, Problemi e Ricerche di Storia antica 7, Roma 1979, 109 mit. Anm. 240. EROBERUNG VON NISIBIS 161 dennoch eine communis opinio für das Jahr 238 herausgebildet13. Die text- liche Grundlage bieten zwei Stellen aus dem Werk des griechischen Historikers Herodian, der um 250 sein acht Bücher umfassendes Werk Metà Márkon basileíav ïstoríai verfaßte14. Prüfen wir zuerst die bei- den Textstellen: Als Beleg für die Verluste, die Ardasir I. im Kampf gegen das römische Heer während des Feldzuges des Severus Alexander erlitt, dient der Hinweis, daß die Barbaren drei oder vier Jahre lang Ruhe hielten und nicht zu den Waffen griffen (Hdn. VI 6,6)15. Als weiterer Beleg dient eine Bemerkung in einer Rede, in der Kaiser Maximinus seine Truppen zum Kampf gegen die Gordiane anstachelte, und die Herodian in wörtlicher Rede wiedergibt (VII 8,4 — 8). Die Perser, so vernehmen wir dort, ver- halten sich nach ihren früheren Invasionen16 Mesopotamiens ruhig und sind zufrieden, wenn sie ihr Land in Frieden behalten können (VII 8,4)17. Die klassisch gewordene Argumentation bot Ensslin, für den nur das Jahr 238 in Frage kam, da im ersten Frühling 238 ... noch keine alarmierenden Nachrichten nach Sirmium gelangt waren18. Der Sasanidenkönig muß also im Frühjahr 238 den Feldzug begonnen haben. Terminus ad quem ist 13 Eines der jüngsten Beispiele: D.S. Potter, Prophecy and History in the Crisis of the Roman Empire. A Historical Commentary on the Thirteenth Sibylline Oracle, Oxford 1990, 35 sowie 191. 14 Erstmals erwogen von G. Alföldy, Herodians Person, AncSoc 2, 1971, 204-233, jetzt (mit Nachträgen) in: Die Krise des Römischen Reiches. Geschichte, Geschichtsschreibung und Geschichtsbetrachtung, HABES 5, Stuttgart 1989, 240-272. Viele stimmten ihm in der Folge zu, so F. Gasco la Calle, La patria de Herodiano, Habis 13, 1982 [165-170], 165 Anm. 2, zuletzt A. Lippold, Kommentar zur Vita Maximini Duo der Historia Augusta, Antiquitas IV 3,1, Bonn 1991, 59. 15 de⁄gma dè toÕto oû mikròn t±v t¬n barbárwn kakÉsewv êt¬n goÕn tri¬n Æ tettárwn ™súxasan oûdˆ ên ºploiv êgénonto. Den griechischen Text zitiere ich nach: Herodian in two Volumes, II. Books V-VIII with an English Translation by C.R. Whittaker, LCL 455, London/Cambridge (Mass.) 1970. Deutsche Übersetzung: Herodian’s Geschichte des römischen Kaiserthums seit Marc Aurel. Deutsch von A. Stahr, Stuttgart 1858, 173. 16 Vgl. hier Anm. 51. 17 Pérsai te oï pálai Mesopotamían katatréxontev nÕn ™suxáhousin, âgapjt¬v ∂xontev tà ëaut¬n. Zu beachten ist als literarischer Kontrapunkt VI 2,1 ([Ardasir] oûx ™suxáhei... Mesopotamían te katatréxei) im Brief der »Statthalter von Syrien und Mesopotamien«, in dem sie Alexander Severus über die »Einforderung des Achämenidenerbes durch Ardasir« informieren. 18 W. Ensslin, Zu den Kriegen des Sassaniden Schapur I., SBAW. Phil.-hist. Kl. 1947,5, München 1949, 9 Anm. 3. 162 E. KETTENHOFEN selbstredend der Tod des Kaisers, den Ensslin in den Mai 238 datierte19. Auf die Interpretation Ensslins haben sich in der Folgezeit viele Forscher berufen, so etwa Maricq und Chaumont20. Für Felix bietet auch die Notiz aus dem sechsten Buch Herodians keine Probleme: Die Perser hielten drei oder vier Jahre Ruhe — d.h. bis 23821. Überprüft man die verfügbaren Daten, so wird man stutzig: nach Hdn. VI 6,2 verbrachte Severus Alexander den Winter 232/233 bereits wieder in Antiochien, bevor er nach Rom zurückkehrte22. Wenn nun die Kampfhandlungen bereits im Jahre 232 ihr Ende fanden und addiert man die von Hdn. VI 6,6 genannten »drei oder vier Jahre«, so errechnet man 235 oder 236! Selbst wenn die Kämpfe sich bis ins Jahr 233 hingezogen haben sollten oder der Waffenstillstand erst im Jahre 233 erfolgt sein sollte23, ergäbe dies 236 oder 237, nicht jedoch 23824! Man könnte nun einwenden, daß nach Hdn. VI 2,1 die Briefe der Statthalter von Syrien und Mesopotamien den Kaiser erst im 14. Regierungsjahr, also 235, erreichten mit der inzwischen heftig diskutierten »Einforderung des Achämenidenerbes durch Ardasir«25; das hieße, daß 19 Ensslin 9. In seinem Beitrag in der Cambridge Ancient History XII (1939) 130 datierte Ensslin noch »im letzten Jahr des Maximinus Thrax«. Auch dies wurde oft wie- derholt, so von G. Pugliese Carratelli, Res Gestae Divi Saporis, ParPAss 2.1947 [209- 239.356-362], 218 und A. Balil, C. Iulius Verus Maximus [sic] »Thrax«, BolRealAcadHist 157, 1965 [83-171], 104. 20 A. Maricq, Les dernières années de Hatra: L’alliance romaine, Syria 34, 1957 [288- 296] 295 Anm.
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