The image of the rulers and the role of the military costume in the Near East from the Hellenistic to the Roman Age

MATTEO CADARIO

Università degli Studi di Udine

Abstract

This paper analyzes the role of the military costume in the portrait of the Hellenistic and Roman rulers in the Near East from Alexander to the third century AD. Even if there is little contemporary evidence, two important monuments as the so-called Sarcophagus of Alexander and the Nemrut Dağ, the portraits of the Near Eastern rulers in other media as coins or gems, the so-called ‘cuirassed gods’ and the later imperial images of Alexander and Seleucus allowed to highlight the major role of the cuirassed image in the iconography of the Hellenistic sovereigns in the Near East. Alexander brought in the region a new military habitus that was immediately and consciously used to emphasize both the Greek identity and the authority of the king. The cuirassed statue, with a few exceptions, prevailed also in the portraiture of the Roman Emperors. However, the Imperial Age gradually introduced also a ‘new’ element, the fully decorated cuirassed statue that had been elaborated in the Augustan Rome. This ‘Roman’ model was not immediately accepted, but in the second century the statuary- types used in the Near East were often the same used in the western provinces as well. In this way, the fully decorated breastplate became a true symbol of the power of the Roman emperors.

Keywords

Alexander, Cuirassed statue, Portrait, Roman emperors, Military image, Augustus, Near East

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1. Introduction

Between 42 and 43 AD, two members of the Herodian dynasty, the brothers Herod of Chalkis and Agrippa I, minted a coin representing them crowning with wreaths Claudius who is holding a patera1 (fig. 1). This picture encapsulates the different dressing codes of a Hellenistic king and a Roman Emperor: Herod and Agrippa wear diadem, chlamys and the Hellenistic cuirass, while Claudius wears the Roman toga capite velato. As I am going Figure 1 to demonstrate, the cuirassed costume had a very Bronze coin minted by Herod Agrippa I and Herod of strong role in the image making of the ruler in the Chalkis (license CC-BY-SA 4.0) Near East, both in the Hellenistic and Roman world, while the toga was an exception. It was therefore the need to portray side by side the local kings and the sacrificing Emperor that imposed it in the coin.2 The aim of this paper is to focus on the portraiture of the rulers from the regions of the Seleucid kingdom that later became part of the Roman Empire, and to address some specific points relevant to the changes and continuities between the Hellenistic and Roman iconography. Finally, I am going to examine the ruler’s body more closely than his head. In fact, the statuary types and the costume allow for a better understanding of the visual strategies locally used to build a coherent self-image of power. If the meaning of a monument representing the monarch resulted from the combination of the head and the body (obviously considered together by the viewer), the portrait-type was usually developed in the center Figure 2 of the reign (later in Rome), and subsequently Detail of Alexander in the so called Porus medaillon disseminated everywhere. Therefore, the dedicator (Cadario 2004) of an honorary or cultic statue of a Hellenistic King or a Roman Emperor in a Syrian town cannot change the ruler’s portrait and its meaning, but he might choose the most effective statuary type, i.e. the costume, to link the statue to the purposes of the honor, and to the location of the monument. a deeper knowledge of the intersections between the Consequently, the statuary types offer, in this regard, cultures involved in the area. The choice of the cuirassed image in the Hero­ 1 The image is on the obverse. The gesture of crowning dian coin perfectly embodies the royal Hellenistic the Emperor is unusual but clearly honorific (cf. Agrippina and ideology.3 Its long history in the portraiture of the Nero in the famous Aphrodisias Sebasteion’s relief). The reverse Hellenistic Near East ruler begins with Alexander shows a symbol of fides, the dextrarum iunctio, and the legend recalls a treaty signed by Agrippa I and Augustus. Cf. Kropp 2013a, pp. 38-39, 2013c, 2013e, pp. 46-47. 3 See Kropp 2013a, pp. 88-89 on the meaning of the 2 See Kropp 2013a, p. 89; 173. choice of the Hellenistic and not Roman cuirassed image.

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the Great himself and his famous so-called ‘Porus medaillon’, minted in Susa between 326 and 323 BC as a commemorative issue of the victory over the Indian king Porus. In fact, on its reverse a flying Nike crowns a standing Alexander who wears the Hellenistic strip cuirass and a crested battle helmet very similar to the Phrygian type (fig. 2).4 He holds a spear (or a scepter) in his left hand, and a thunderbolt in the right, probably as a memory of the stormy weather that helped the Macedonian army at the battle of Hydaspes. Not only does the Figure 3 picture show an armored version of the famous Tetradrachm depicting Seleucus riding on a horned Alexander keraunophoros by Apelles, but it is also horse (Hoover 2002) the only standing (not equestrian) cuirassed image of Alexander certainly created during his lifetime.5 A later bad omen proves the quick spread of this iconography: before the battle of Ipsus in 301, Demetrius dreamed of an armored Alexander announcing him that he was joining his enemies to address both the Greek and the indigenous (Plut. Dem. 29.2).6 Therefore, within a few years, audience. It was a long-term phenomenon, but my the image of Alexander bringing victory on the intention is firstly to show its origins and continuity battlefield would become the cuirassed one.7 in the Hellenistic Age, underlining which costumes were actually chosen to represent the ‘Greek’ rulers. Alexander was the first who became an admirer 2. Costume and identity of the ‘Persian ways’ and adopted some Persian fashions, trying to transform the earliest gap After such an exciting start, the lack of documents between enemies into a distinction among different 9 makes very hard to follow the iconography of the costumes that could merge with one another. For ruler in the Near East in contemporary full-size example, in some coins dated in his lifetime he seems 10 portraits. So, what I would like to address first is to wear a regal tiara, and in the famous Pompeian highlighting the importance that the ethnic, ‘Greek’ painting representing his marriage with Roxane his 11 or ‘oriental’, origin of clothes and regalia had in bodyguard is dressed in Persian costume. However, the image-making of the Hellenistic ruler. In fact, the first strong evidence of the importance of the which dress code to use in a monument was always dress code in an image of a Hellenistic king is an a crucial choice to convey identity in the Near East,8 important tetradrachm that Seleucus issued in and, as a result, the costumes were often mixed about 304 BC in Ecbatana. It shows an equestrian image of the king himself riding a horned horse and 12 4 According to many scholars (cf. e.g. Olbrycht 2011, wearing a bull-horned helmet (fig. 3). In the coin p. 19) Alexander wears composite headgear mixing a Persian tiara and a Macedonian crested helmet, but the discovery 9 On the iranization of Alexanders’s court and of a similar helmet in the so-called Philip Tomb in Verghina ceremonial, cf. Olbrycht 2010. Cf. Stewart 1993, reinforced its identification as a helmet of the Phrygian Type: pp. 352-357. see Holt 2003, pp. 117-120. 10 The coinage from Sardes shows a tiaraed and diademed 5 Stewart 1993, pp. 201-203 e 433. See also Cadario ruler, cf. Olbrycht 2007/2008, 2010, p. 356, 2011, pp. 14-15. 2004, p. 39. 11 See Stewart 1993, pp. 186-188. 6 Cf. Ogden 2017, p. 65. 12 For Seleucus: Hadley 1974; Hoover 2002; 7 On the iconography of the cuirassed Alexander in the Erickson 2009, pp. 71-77, 2013, pp. 121-125; skepticism Hellenistic Age, cf. Laube 2006, pp. 72-75. in Ogden 2017, pp. 62-63. The horned horse and the bull- 8 Cf. Butcher 2003, pp. 327-331. horned helmet allow to identify Seleucus I, who celebrated his

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Seleucus wears a strange combination of Eastern with the king of Sidon Abdalonymos,17 but other and Greek garments: helmet, weapons, chlamys and names have been suggested too.18 chitoniskos are undoubtedly Greek/Macedonian For a proper understanding of the sarcophagus’ but the trousers and boots are clearly identifiable ‘historical’ decorative program,19 we must start as Persian garments. Even if the design of the image by stating that the selection of the episodes had is Greek, the coin, depicting a mixobarbaros King, to be in some way connected to the biography of appeals to both Greek and Eastern (Babylonian and the deceased, and had to convey a message that Persian) audiences. In fact, the addition of bullhorns was obviously pleasant to him. In this sense, the to suggest the divine power of the king also played need to show the arête of the warriors or a kind of with both Greek and Near Eastern traditions13. This collaboration between ‘Asians’ and ‘Macedonians’, image was probably part of Seleucus’ conciliatory i.e. ‘the message’, prevailed over the accurate repre­ politics by which he tried to legitimize himself after sentation­ of a specific historical event. On the one his eastern anabasis and before coming back to hand, it was probably enough for the patron to Syria,14 and the costume had a very important role insert the ‘narrative’ in the context of Alexander’s in this design. Therefore, Seleucus was able to select victory over the Persians (cf. the frieze representing an image that could show the continuity between the Macedonian king riding against them) and also him and Alexander.15 of the new struggles between his heirs that involved A similar attention to dress code is evident Phoenicia in the last decades of the fourth century in the so-called Alexander Sarcophagus from (cf. the left pediment and a short side). On the other Sidon, a true masterpiece that has been dated to hand, specific details such as costume (including the last third of the fourth century BC exactly for colors) or individual paraphernalia acquired a more its evident allusions to a political melting pot and precise meaning. The diadem has been deliberately reconciliation between Greeks and Persians.16 Made used as royal insignia only for two Greeks: the younger of marble by a Greek sculptor, the sarcophagus was diademed Macedonian rider, who is following the the resting place of a man of the Eastern élite, who deceased on the left side of the lion-hunt and is not was dressed in Persian clothes. This can be seen identifiable with Alexander because his features and in the long frieze representing an eloquent scene hairstyle are clearly dif­erent­ (fig. 4: a);20 and the older of cooperation between Greeks and Persians in (i.e. bearded) dia­demed and cuirassed man standing hunting a lion (and a stag), in which the Oriental at the right of the slaughtering scene that is depicted trouser-wearing deceased is the central character. in the middle of the left pediment (fig. 4: b).21 The There is a general agreement on his identification presence of two diademed fighters suggests a link with the introduction of the diadem as a symbol of kingship by all the Diadochoi between 306 and 304 horse in a famous monument representing a horned horse head 17 According to Curtius (4.1.15-26), Abdalonymos and a golden helmet (Malalas 202.17-19; cf. Amm. 21.15.2; became king of Sydon thanks to Alexander and Hephaestion. Ogden 2017, pp. 85-87). The horned horse became one of His power ended after the battle of Gaza or, better, in 306/5 the most important Seleucid symbols. For the identification BC, cf. Palagia 2000, p. 186; Cadario 2004, p. 47. of Alexander riding Bucephalus, cf. Houghton, Stewart 18 Cf. Heckel 2006. 1999, pp. 27-28. 19 See Queyrel 2011. 13 Miller, Walters 2004, p. 51. Cf. Dirven 2015a. 20 For Demetrius and the rejection of Alexander’s On the aition of the portrait of Seleucus with the bullhorns identification: Stewart 1993, p. 306. For Alexander, see on his head, cf. App. Syr. 65; Suid. s.v. Seleukos; Ogden 2017, Palagia 2000, p. 188. According to Queyrel 2011, p. 39, pp. 59-63. On the statue of Seleucus in Antigoneia/Antioch: Alexander was assimilated to Demetrius. Lib. Or. 11.92, and infra. 21 The identification of the bearded man with Philip 14 Cf. Erickson 2009, pp. 73-77, 2013, pp. 121-125. Arridaeus and of the scene (the only one in which just Greek 15 Erickson 2013, pp. 124-125. fighters are involved) with the murder of Perdiccas is highly 16 On the sarcophagus, see von Graeve 1970; speculative, cf. Heckel 2006, pp. 387-388. Philip had died Stewart 1993, pp. 294-306; Palagia 2000; Cohen 2010, in 317 BC and his death had no connections with the Syro- pp. 119-123; Queyrel 2011. Palestinian region.

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Figure 4 a. Alexander’s sarcophagus Detail of the hunt scene depicting a diademed ‘Greek’ rider following the deceased (von Graeve 1970) b. Alexander’s sarcophagus Detail of the pediment depicting a murder scene. The ‘Greek’ warrior on the right wears the diadem.

BC.22 In this case, the sarcophagus would be really However, this character identification is not very close to the coin minted at Susa by Seleucus, and entirely relevant to the purpose of my paper. It part of a similar revival of Alexander’s reconciliatory is more important that we can see here a great policy towards the Orientals that could have concern for Persian and Greek different dress- influenced (and pleased) the member of the local élite codes in a monument of a member of the Eastern who commissioned the monument. In the years of local élite, who evidently collaborated with the the final struggle for the control of Syria the support new Macedonian power and commissioned the of the ancient local élites was in fact important for sarcophagus to a Greek sculptor; all this with the all the competitors. In this context, Demetrius and idea of showing his adherence to shared values with Antigonus, the opponents of Seleucus and masters the Macedonian leadership, juxtaposing them with of Phoenicia before the battle of Ipsos in 301 BC, the memory of the Persian tradition, which the are the best candidates for this role of young and old Phoenician aristocracy had appropriated long time ruler.23 before.24 So, the sculptor consciously reproduced the Persepolitan ‘audience’ iconography in the painted­ 22 Cf. Waterfield 2011, pp. 140-154. 23 Cf. Cadario 2004, pp. 46-49. Contra Palagia 24 The same juxtaposition of Greek and Near-Eastern 2000, p. 188. According to Charbonneaux 1952 Antigonus Culture is seen in the Mausoleum at Alicarnassus, cf. Versluys and Demetrius were portrayed on the sarcophagus. 2017, pp. 160-161.

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decoration of the interior of a Persian shield,25 and Hellenistic and Near Eastern tradition,29 adopted represented the Eastern and Western garments­ very different dress-codes to carefully differentiate in his visual language, even mixing them in some the Macedonian progonoi from the Persian and figures, as in the ‘Asian’ warriors, who are often using Armenian ancestors. The Achaemenids are dressed hybrid military equipment (though, remarkably, in Persian clothes, the Armenian satraps and kings not in the battle between ‘Greek’ and ‘Persians’).26 wear the tiara,30 while Alexander the Great and his Finally, in the sarcophagus we can identify as ‘Greek’ Seleucid successors wear the same ‘Greek’ costume, the cuirassed image, which was also coherent with which consisted of diadem, chlamys, krepides, a the fighting context, and a characteristic­ equestrian Hellenistic strip cuirass, with one or two rows of Macedonian costume that consists of a chlamys pteryges and shoulder-straps decorated with winged carried over a double girdled chitoniskos.27 This thunderbolts (cf. Alexander in the Mosaic from costume was used for Alexander himself and for the Casa del Fauno). Thus, a sword hanging from the younger diademed rider in the lion hunt, while the belt was fastened with a big brooch in which a divine cuirassed one was employed for the older diademed bust emerged. Finally every king, as a daimon, holds warrior on the left pediment. Those outfits survived a spear in the left hand and a rhyton in the right. in the image of the Hellenistic rulers until the In fact, every portrait was also worshipped as a cult Imperial Age. image in a small altar in front of each stele (fig. 5).31 Only a later monument, the Nemrut Dağ, shows The so-called nomos inscription extensively cla­ an equal consciousness of the symbolic meaning of rifies the meaning of thehierothesion , and proves the different dress codes,28 and it cannot be a coin­ that Antiochus had cleverly thought of how to cidence that a ‘non-Greek’ commissioned it in this represent his divine protectors and heroic ancestors case as well. Antiochus I of Commagene (69‑34 BC) in his ‘encyclopedic’ monument.32 He claims to have opportunistically affirmed his legitimacy­ as both depicted their images (eikones) using different visual ‘Hellenistic’ King and ‘Eastern’ ruler by underlining languages ​​(pantoia techne) according to the palaios his Seleucid and Persian ancestors and displaying logos of the Greeks and the Persians. This passage a real mass production of his and their images. would indicate that Antiochus was consciously So, he adorned the East and West terrace of his using two different figurative traditions.33 As a result, hierothesion with two series of colossal stone stelae in the monument we can see both a juxtaposition representing his royal Eastern (paternal) and Greek of the Greek and Persian nature of the deities (maternal) ancestors. These figures, sculpted in currently protecting Antiochus, and a systematic a fascinating mixed visual style, halfway between and intentional dress code discrepancy between the Graeco-Macedonian side and the Eastern or Persian 25 Cf. Allen 2005, pp. 60-62. side of the king's ancestry. Thus, in inventing his 26 Stewart 1993, p. 303. new ‘Commagenean’ canon, Antiochus staged both 27 The chitons worn by mounted Macedonians have been his image, based on the Armenian fashion of his interpreted as Persian clothes too, cf. Olbrycht 2010, p. 357; tiara,34 and his present Pantheon as syncretic; but, Sekunda 2010, p. 469, but here I agree with Stewart 1993, p. 305. If this garment was ‘Persian’, then it was imported from looking back, he wisely distinguished the different the East before Alexander was born. So, in the age of Alexander it was seen as a true ‘Macedonian’ dress, whose use, in fact, was frequent in the Hellenistic Age, as we can see in the votive relief 29 Cf. Versluys 2017, p. 19. representing Hephaestion as a hero in Thessalonike, in the rider 30 The costume of the Commagenean ancestors is very from the Kinch Tomb, and in many other later equestrian and similar to the Armenian type, cf. Brijder 2014, p. 101. standing images of Macedonian officials, cf. Stewart 1993, 31 Cf. Cadario 2004, pp. 66-69; Brijder 2014, p. 305. See Cadario 2004, p. 37 on the statue of an equestrian pp. 99-107, 324-344 (East Terrace), 368-381 (West Terrace); rider from Lanuvium. Versluys 2017, pp. 120-124, 160-164. 28 About the use of the costume as an ethnic indicator 32 See now Versluys 2017. Cf. Rose 2013. in the Hellenistic Near East, see the construction of the 33 iconography of the so-called Parthian Archer on the schema of Cf. Versluys 2017, p. 127. the Seleucid Apollo, however dressed in Eastern clothes, in the 34 On the symbolic importance of the Armenian tiara in Arsacid coinage, cf. Lerner 2017. the image of Antiochos I, cf. Kropp 2013a, p. 85.

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Figure 5 Relief and reconstruction of the stele depicting King Seleucus IV, Nemrut Dağ Western side of the West terrace (picture from Cadario 2004; reconstruction from Brijder 2014)

past traditions of which he claimed inheritance,35 charisma in claiming his ‘Greek’ legacy. Thirdly, and confirmed the importance of the costume as this preference is a reminder that the assumption of identity marker in the Near East. 36 kingship for a Macedonian king was strongly linked Finally, the visual language of the hierothesion to the appeal granted by a military success.37 deserves some remarks about the iconography of the Hellenistic King: firstly, the strip cuirass/corselet was now the only true ‘Greek’ garment, and its adoption 2. The cuirassed image of the Hellenistic in the monument immediately identifies a progonos Ruler as ‘Greek’. Secondly, opting to portray the Seleucid kings as cuirassed, Antiochus strongly emphasized The choice of the military image to portray the their military role just to give himself more ancestral Seleucid ancestors indirectly testifies to the strength of an iconographic tradition depicting them with 35 Versluys 2014, pp. 600-602. He deliberately connected ‘Greek’ and ‘Persian’ traditions also by assigning the strip cuirass. This brings us to the question of Greek and Persian names to the deities represented in the which statuary types Seleucid rulers really used. In hierothesion, cf. Brijder 2014, p. 167. fact, the Hellenistic cities of Syria and Palestine 36 A different syncretic strategy can be seen in a very surely cultivated stone and bronze statues, but actual interesting marble seated statue of a local ruler dressed in 38 Eastern garments, but with the Schulterbausch on the left finds of portraits are sporadic and often unexplored. shoulder and a leather balteus with the sword on the left side, Therefore, the marble sculpture culture became cf. Wielgosz 2012, pp. 15-17 (Tartus Museum). This statue, in Pentelic marble, presents elements of both oriental/Persian 37 (caftan, trousers) and Greek (mantle, balteus) dress-codes, but, Cf. Waterfield 2011, pp. 147-148. although the allusion to the Persian heritage prevails in the 38 Cf. Weber 2015, p. 571. For a general view, see also garments, the style was clearly Greek. Foerster 2008.

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stronger only in the Roman Age, and almost all and it suggests that these rulers needed to emphasize across the Syro-Phoenician coast and in its close their warlike skills during a period of crisis and hinterland or in cities with easy connections with erosion of their real power.41 the Mediterranean coast, because the marble need After the fall of the Seleucid Kingdom and to be imported.39 Having no actual proven evidence during the period between the establishment of of surviving bodies of honorary Hellenistic statues,40 the first Roman province in Syria and the Trajanic we need to find some more information in other conquest of Arabia in 106 AD, the monuments of contemporary or later images images (cf. the Nemrut the Roman client kings, as Hasmoneans, Idumeans Dağ), and in different media or themes, like statues and Nabataeans became the best evidence of the depicting later local dynasts or the indigenous image of the ruler.42 The diadem, as royal insignia, deities. Therefore, I am going to consider first the and the cuirassed Hellenistic costume, as the habitus contemporary images of Seleucid sovereigns in other of the monarch, were still considered suitable to media and those of the Near Eastern rulers in charge underline the power of those client kings, as we after the beginning of the Roman conquest; secondly, have seen in the above-mentioned coin representing the cuirassed images of the oriental deities inspired by Agrippa I and Herod of Chalkis.43 Then, for these those of the rulers, and finally, in the next chapter, the rulers, who fought wars only sporadically in Roman portraits of Hellenistic kings produced or reproduced times, the need to show their charisma as military in the Imperial Age. These different categories will commanders adopting the cuirassed image survived then enable us to reconstruct the importance of the the actual exhibition of bravery on the battlefield.44 military image in the portraits of the Hellenistic near- In this way they paid a debt to the prestige of the eastern rulers. Seleucid legacy, as in the case of the bronze coin The contemporaneous gems and cretulae repre­ minted in 16 AD by the Nabataean King Aretas senting the Seleucid kings suggest that the cuirassed IV, who wears the Hellenistic strip cuirass, with image prevailed in the Hellenistic Age. The so- the spear in his right hand and the left hand on the called Soldier-King type often attested on gems and hilt of his sword (fig. 6a).45 However, Hellenistic cameos corresponds to a bust of an inspired young and Roman influences could often merge with and bareheaded man with long hair, who is wearing local elements too. A torso wearing a lamellar strip the diadem and the chlamys over the strip corselet. corselet of Hellenistic type from the Temple of The specific identity of these portraits is often Allat in Palmyra has been correctly identified as elusive, but they belong to the weaker phases of the a portrait statue of a Syrian ruler.46 The separate Seleucid and Ptolemaic dynasties. The reference to working of the head suggests the identification of a the image of Alexander on the battlefield is evident, local dynast rather than a god also in a colossal basalt statue found on the acropolis of Chalcis du Bélus, 39 On the findspots of marble statues in the Hellenistic and dressed in ‘nude’ breastplate with a Gorgoneion and Roman Near East, cf. Weber 2015, pp. 572-581. On and in ‘Eastern’ trousers (fig. 7a).47 the portraits discovered in the region, cf. Foerster 2008, An exception to the predominance of the pp. 77‑78. For the Hellenistic Age, I mention here e.g. a helmeted head of Seleucus I acquired at Beirut and now displayed in the cuirassed image is the impressive basalt equestrian Louvre Museum (Houghton, Perry 1986, p. 60), a portrait of Alexander Balas from Sidon now in Basel (Mørkholm 41 1981), two heads of Seleucid Kings from Iskenderun now Plantzos 1999, pp. 58-59; Cadario 2004, in Antakya (La Rocca 1985; Houghton, Perry 1986; pp. 54‑57; Laube 2006, pp. 75-76. Meischner 2003, nrr. 25-26, pp. 323-326, Antioch V 42 On the image of those client-kings, cf. Kropp 2013a. or IX and Antioch X), a portrait of a Kommagenian ruler 43 Kropp 2013a, pp. 88-89. (Antiochus IV?) from Samosata (Kropp 2013a, pp. 84‑85), a 44 Kropp 2013a, pp. 90-91. later portrait of a Roman client king (Agrippa the Great?) of 45 the first century BC from Byblos Kropp( 2013a, pp. 74-75), See Kropp 2013a, pp. 64-65 e 88-89; 2013b, p. 192; and a portrait of a Hellenistic ruler from Jerusalem recently 2013e, pp. 48-49. published as Ptolemy II (Dell’Acqua 2016, pp. 453-456). 46 See Kropp 2013a, p. 89. 40 According to Libanius (Or. 11.93) a famous statue of 47 Seyrig 1970, pp. 94-95; Vermeule 1978, no. 23A, Seleucus stood in Antioch. See Ogden 2017, p. 156 e 163-164. pp. 8-9; Laube 2006, p. 228, no. 11.

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Figure 6 a. Bronze coin minted by the Nabataean King Aretas IV (Kropp 2013a) b. Bronze coin minted by Ptolemy Mennaios, tetrarch of Chalkis (Cadario 2004)

Figure 7 a. Cuirassed statue from Chalkis du Bélus (Laube 2006) b. Statue of an archer god from Beqah Valley (Cadario 2004)

group depicting a member of the Herodian dynasty as equestrian image, but the king and his ‘bodyguards’ a colossal rider with a parade of six smaller horsemen were dressed in local garments,49 and a Roman in the middle of the Syrian tribal sanctuary of Sahr al Emperor would never be portrayed with his equites Ledja (fig. 8).48 The Roman model surely influenced singulares in a public monument like this. Therefore, both the monument-type and the schema of the despite the difference from one monument/costume to another, the visual strategies are similar: the local 48 Weber 2002, pp. 123-125, 2003, 2008a, pp. 366‑368: the dedicator of the equestrian group was probably Herod Agrippa I or II. Further equestrian statues have been discovered 49 Cf. Joseph. Ant. 18.29-30; B.J. 2.421; 556. Cf. Weber in other sites of the Southern Syria, cf. Weber 2006, pp. 55-57. 2003, pp. 263-264.

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Figure 8 Basalt equestrian group from the Syrian tribal sanctuary of Sahr al Ledja (Weber 2008)

rulers tried to emphasize their power and military Nabatean area,53 Bel in Palmyra,54 the god Aphlad role, adopting the cuirassed image of the Greek kings in Dura Europos,55 Jupiter Dolichenus in a small or the imperial equestrian statue, and to remark their bronze from Syria,56 as­sumed all the cuirassed ‘ethnic’ origin at the same time, integrating native costume, integrating it with their typical attributes. garments in the ‘Hellenistic’ or ‘Roman’ model. The statue of an archer god from Beqah Valley in The third implicit proof of the common adop­ Lebanon (fig. 7: b) and the coins minted by Ptolemy tion of the cuirassed image by the Seleucid kings Mennaios, tetrarch of Chalkis in the first quarter of is evident in the cross-cultural interactions the first century BC (fig. 6: b),57 are probably the between Western and Eastern cult images. From most ancient examples of the use of the cuirassed the reign of Antiochus IV, almost everyone from costume for cult images of these Eastern gods.58 the Seleucid dynasty was usually very receptive to Because they preceded the Roman conquest, only the native deities, and actively patronized them to the iconography of the Hellenistic ruler could have strengthen his control over Syria and Phoenicia. influenced them. There­ ­fore, in these images, the Therefore, the indigenous gods often adopted 53 Kropp 2011, pp. 189-190. a hybrid icono­­graphy, mixing Greek and local 54 Cf. Dirven, Kaizer 2013, pp. 394-395. elements, as we can see in the emerging iconography 55 Dirven 2015b, p. 263. of the cuirassed god in a few regions of the Near 56 Cf. Gatier 2017.The god wears a Hellenistic cuirass 50 East. Nabu or the “Hierapolitan Apollo” in with two rows of fringed pteryges. 51 52 Hatra, the ‘Smiting God’ of Tell Khaltan, the so- 57 On the statue: Vermeule 1974, n. 8A, pp. 7-8; called Shadrapa in Southern Syria, Dushārā in the Cadario 2004, p. 79; Laube 2006, pp.70-71, no. 5. The coin depicts a rare military version of the twin gods, very similar to the pair of oriental gods identified with the Megaloi Theoi, Dioskouroi, Kabiroi, worshipped at the end of the second century 50 See Seyrig 1970; Laube 2006, pp. 70-72. BC in the Monument of Mithridates in the Samothrakeion of 51 Kropp 2013b. On the visual culture of Hatra see also the island of Delos, cf. Cadario 2004, pp. 79-80. Anderson 2017. 58 Ptolemy minted the coin in 73 BC, see Kropp 2013a, 52 Dirven 2011, pp. 168-169; Dirven 2015a, p. 250. pp. 233-236, 2013b, p. 193.

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Figure 9 Votive relief dedicated by the priest Hairan in Dura Europos (Cadario 2004)

choice of the strip (sometimes lamellar) cuirass in the Near East, despite the paucity of contemporary was not a fashion, nor had it simply the purpose of documents.60 This hypothesis can be confirmed highlighting the warlike talents of these local gods, by also taking into consideration the images of but it expressed a specific meaning, that is the use Alexander and Seleucid rulers produced ex novo of the contemporary royal self-representation to during the Imperial Age, when they were honored as emphasize the dignity and the role of these local local founders of many cities of the region.61 divinities. In fact, in the Roman Age, the same local The best-known monument is the votive deities usually continued to wear the cuirass, but limestone relief that the Palmyrene priest Hairan often changed the traditional strip-corselet for the dedicated in 158 AD in Dura Europos, six years imperial breastplate, an important upgrade that put before the conquest of the town by the Romans. their images on the same level of the new rulers, the It represents Hairan himself, dressed in a Greek Roman Emperors.59 himation, in front of the Gad of Doura, enthroned as Zeus Olympios, and crowned by Seleucus Nicator (fig. 9).62 Depicted as deified founder of 3. Monuments and memories of the Dura, the Diadoch holds the spear, and wears a Hellenistic rulers in the Roman Age Hellenistic strip cuirass and a triumphal Roman 60 Kropp 2013a, pp. 88-89. The evidence examined in the previous section allows 61 On this revival of Seleucid portraits in Asia Minor, cf. us to assume that the cuirassed image played a major Romeo 2017. On the equestrian image of Alexander ktistes role in the iconography of the Hellenistic sovereigns in Alexandria, cf. Stewart 1993, pp. 397-400 and Ps. Lib. (Nikolaos of Myra), Progymnasmata, 27. 62 Meyer 2003; Cadario 2004, p. 69; Kropp 2013e, 59 Cf. Dirven 2011, p.168, 2015a, p. 255. See also pp. 53-54. See also Noreña 2015, pp. 89-90. A papyrus from Kropp 2011, p. 190, 2013a, p. 89, 2013b, pp. 192, 195, 2013e, 180 AD proves that at Doura there existed an active cult of p. 52. It should be noted that the same phenomenon does not Seleukos Nikator, in whose honor a statue was also erected in concern Hatra, probably because the city was on the outer side Hellenistic Age, as proved by its base, see Cohen 2006, pp. 157 of the Roman borders. and 164.

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crown, but his dress code is also influenced by the A recently discovered and immediately sto­ ‘Palmyrene/Syrian’ costume, because he wears a len Roman mosaic from Apamea offers new proof sleeved tunic under the cuirass and even a pair of of the later dissemination of a different ‘histo­ earrings.63 Thus the relief gives perfect evidence of ri­cal’ representation of the Seleucid Kings as lo­ the Syrian melting pot,64 of the survival/revival of cal founders. The mosaic shows Seleucus I and the Seleucid dynastic cult in the Imperial Age, and Antiochos I sacrificing at Antigoneia before the of the symbolic importance of the cuirassed image foun­dation of Antioch.69 Antiochos seems to wear in the ruler’s portraiture.65 The iconography of the the old Macedonian costume, id est a chlamys relief from Dura could also be partially inspired by over the chitoniskos, while Seleucus wears the a famous gilded statue group erected by Trajan after krepides and a cuirass with a row of small semicir­ ­ the terrible earthquake of 115 in the middle of the cular (imperial) pteryges and two rows of fringed columnatio of the frons scaenae of Antioch’s theater. (Hellenistic) pteryges. The mosaic probably was According to Malalas (11.9) the group represented a copy of an ancient painting, which has been Seleucus and Antiochus I crowning a statue of reproduced as an important memorial of Antioch’s Kalliope, a girl whom Trajan had sacrificed to pu­ past. Only the cuirassed image of Seleucus was rify the city (!), represented in the same schema partially upgraded to the new Roman model. of the famous Tyche of Eutychides.66 Therefore, Even in this case the iconography of the sacrificing an AES coin minted by Severus Alexander and King circulated in the region. In fact, in Bourg es- a series of gems represent a very similar scene: a Sleyb, not far from Laodicea, a third-century AD cuiras­sed and diademed ruler crowns a statue of figured capital represents a similar foundation’s the Tyche of Antioch, seated over the Orontes myth: Seleucus, this time probably wearing the and accompanied to his right by a second standing Macedonian costume, has a trophy behind him and Tyche (Antigoneia?).67 In this case the ruler, is going to sacrifice a bull to the Tyche of Antioch wearing a Roman anatomical breastplate, might (Daphne) at an altar, while a Nike crowns him be again Seleucus or Severus Alexander himself, (fig. 10).70 who embodied the ‘founder’ role.68 In the light of These images followed an increasing trend to­ the above-mentioned iconographic and literary wards the use of new (generally cuirassed) images of testi­monies, it can be deduced that the cuirassed the Hellenistic kings to claim a prestigious past,71 a image of a Seleucid ‘founder’ king crowning a local phenomenon that in the Near East became stronger deity (Tyche) was very popular in the region, but with the Second Sophistic, and was also most likely sometimes the portrait of a contem­ ­porary Roman influenced by the Alexander-mania of the Severan Emperor could intersect or replace the ancient Emperors. In fact, between the second and third ‘Greek’ ruler, also switching the old Hellenistic century AD, many cities of the Decapolis, claiming cuirass for the new imperial one. Alexander as founder, depicted his cuirassed image on their bronze civic coinage to celebrate their origins.72 During the empire of Septimius Severus, 63 Baird 2016, p. 46. 64 On the importance of the dress code in Dura, cf. 69 Cf. Olszewski, Saad 2017. On the story: Lib. Baird 2016. On the ‘Syrian’ point of view and the sharing Or. 11.85-93; Mal. 198-203 Dindorf and cf. Ogden 2017, of the Greek culture by a Palmyrene, see Andrade 2013, pp. 100-107. On Antigoneia, see Cohen 2006, pp. 76-79. pp. 226-228. 70 Seyrig 1940; De Giorgi 2016, pp. 43-44; Ogden 65 Downey 1977, pp. 14-17, 200-210, no. 4; Dirven 2017, p. 109. The Tyche is identified by a little statue of Apollo, 1999, pp. 112-114; Cadario 2004, p. 69; Erickson 2013, an allusion to Daphne. The image is clearly influenced by the pp. 119-120; Noreña 2015, pp. 89-90. Roman imperial iconography (cf. trophy and Nike), but the 66 Saliou 2006, pp. 80-81; Moffatt 2006, pp. 105- dress code of Seleucus refers to the Macedonian tradition. 106; Cohen 2006, p. 81; La Rocca 2015, pp. 82-87. 71 On Alexander’s cult: Stewart 1993, pp. 309-312. Obviously, Trajan never sacrificed a girl as a foundation rite. On the cult of the kings after the end of Hellenistic Age: 67 De Giorgi 2016, pp. 52-53. Chankowski 2010. 68 For Seleucus I, cf. Kropp 2013e, p. 51. See also Cohen 72 Cf. Butcher 2003, pp. 218-219, 279-280. In the 2006, p. 88. same period, the Phoenician past was displayed on the coins of

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Figure 10 Figured capital from Bourg es-Sleyb representing the foundation of a Hellenistic city (Seyrig 1940)

Caracalla and Helagabalus, Gerasa minted coin Seleucus,75 and an intriguing bronze statue of types showing a bust of Alexander as ktistes of Antiochus III taming a bull stood from the city’s the city and a scene again representing a standing foundation;76 and where, according to Malalas, cuirassed general flanking the local Tyche.73 On Trajan set up the above-mentioned Tyche’s group a Severan coin-type issued in the Decapolis, two representing the first two Seleucid kings. Thus, cuirassed kings shaking their hands were identified Herodian (3.4.3) locates at Nicopolis a bronze by the inscriptions as Alexander and Seleucus I, who agalma of Alexander erected to celebrate the battle were the ktistai respectively of Kapitolias and Abila, of Issos, which was fought nearby; and in the city and the image probably publicized the friendship a statue base of Alexander, son of Philip, has been between the two towns through their claimed indeed discovered, dating to the second century founders (fig. 11).74 AD (IGLS 163).77 According to the Historia Those coin types could reflect real monuments, Augusta, in the Phoenician city of Arca (Caesarea erected in Hellenistic or Imperial Age, as in the ad Libanum), there was a temple dedicated to its case of Antioch, where, according to Libanius’ founder Alexander the Great.78 In Gerasa it has Antiochikos, a famous statue with bull horns of 75 Lib. Or. 11.92; Ogden 2017, p. 107. Phoenician cities, like Tyre, as a reminder of their ‘not Greek’ 76 The bull was the symbol of the Taurus Mountain, origins. where the king had defeated a band of robbers: Lib. Or. 11.123, 73 Stewart 1993, pp. 309-310; Cohen 2006, p. 248 and cf. Ogden 2017, p. 63. Libanius tried to explain the and 404; Dahmen 2007, pp. 29-30. See also Seyrig 1965, iconography to his audience. pp. 25-28 on Gerasa and Kapitolias. 77 Cohen 2006, pp. 120-121. 74 Butcher 2003, p. 280; Cohen 2006, p. 404; 78 SHA, Sev. Alex. 5.1. Cf. Dahmen 2007, p. 135. Dahmen 2007, p. 29. Severus Alexander was born there.

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Figure 11 Severan bronze coin attributed to Kapitolias and Abila (Dahmen 2007)

Figure 12 Portrait of Alexander the Great (?) from Scythopolis/Nysa (Tsafrir 2008)

been unearthed a pedestal of a third century AD suspect, because the use of marble was really a rarity statue of Perdiccas, the Alexander’s general who before the Imperial Age, and a Roman chronology most likely founded the city.79 Thus, the superb would be more convincing, as suggested by the colossal Dionysus-like portrait of Alexander the use of the drill in the hair.81 So, in Roman times, Great that was unearthed in Scythopolis/Nysa the city of Scythopolis had offered (or moved) a (the modern Bet She’an) probably offers the most very important statue of the Macedonian King concrete evidence of this spreading of the imperial in its most important cult building,82 and this cult of the Hellenistic rulers (fig. 12). The head was honor perfectly matched both the emphasis on the discovered on the Acropolis of Scythopolis in the Greekness (also proclaimed in local inscriptions)83 south cistern close to the Roman imperial temple and the representation of Alexander on the coins dedicated to Zeus Akraios. Many finger marble minted by the cities of the Decapolis. Occasionally fragments of a colossal acrolithic cult statue found even ordinary people offered new images of in the same context suggest that the Alexander 81 Cf. Stewart 1993, p. 338, note 46. A chronology portrait had been set up in the Roman imperial in the third century AD would be the best option. The head is temple.80 The traditional Hellenistic chronology usually dated to the third or second century BC, when the town of this remarkable example of marble portraiture is gained the status of polis under the Seleucids, cf. Smith 1998, p. 181, no. 16. Alexander was probably assimilated to Dionysus, the mythical founder of the city. 79 Stewart 1993, pp. 309-310; Cohen 2006, p. 248. 82 If the head of Alexander is really Hellenistic, it must Aurelios Serenos dedicated the statue of Perdiccas to Agathe be moved from its original location to the Roman temple, most Tyche, cf. Kraeling 1938, p. 423, no. 137. likely as an important memorial of the history of the city. 80 On the colossal acrolithic statue, cf. Romano 2006, 83 I am referring to the inscription on the base of the local no. 93, pp. 191-193; Romano, Fischer 2009, p. 397. statue of Marcus Aurelius, cf. Foerster, Tsafrir 1986.

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Alexander, as in the case of Sadareios, who 4. The image of the Roman Emperors dedicated a basalt altar to the ancestors at Dmeir, the ancient Thelsae. Among such images it’s easy It is time to come back to the coin representing the to identify again a bust of Alexander on one side, Emperor Claudius with two Asmonean princes. It a Roman client King (Aretas IV?) on the second differentiates the image of the cuirassed local ruler side, a bust of a bearded priest of the imperial cult from that of the emperor, dressed in toga during on the third side, and a Roman (Trajan?) on the a sacrifice88. Hence, one would think that in the fourth side.84 Imperial Age the need to honor the Roman emper- These images and monuments are a crucial ors prompted an extraordinary dissemination of expression of the civic life in their urban commu­ the statues wearing the toga, as it was the only ‘true’ nities. Thus, they attest to the very important and garment of a Roman citizen. That is not what hap- active role of the cult of the Hellenistic kings, who pened: the winning costume was still the cuirassed were often honored as founders together with the one, usually only updated in the new ‘imperial’ local Tychai, in diffusing the memory of the past breastplate version. A few togate statues, perhaps a and in generating the local identities.85 Of course, dozen, have been discovered in the Near East,89 and the preservation or the erection of new monuments only a colossal seated porphyry statue from Caesarea served to transmit the memory of their images, Maritima surely belongs to an Emperor, usually while reinforcing the idea that the cuirassed one identified with Hadrian who probably visited the (sometimes contaminated with the new imperial town in 130 AD.90 The so-called Jupiter-costume models) was the usual schema of the ‘Hellenistic was also an exception (see infra). Thus, the military ruler’. The choice of the iconography could also image was considered the more effective marker of help answer the question whether these cults are a the monarch’s authority and legitimacy. survival from the Hellenistic city life or later Roman The importance of the emperor’s image as a sub­ inventions.86 For example, the revival of the ancient stitute of his real presence helped the dissemi­na­ ‘Macedonian’ custom could suggest a dependence tion of the imperial portraits in the Roman world, on still extant Hellenistic monuments,­ in which a phenomenon that quickly developed from the the ancient sovereigns wore it. Then, if there was a Augustan Age. However, in the Near East the convergence in the second and third century AD surviving imperial portraits, although more nume­ between the renewal (or the invention)­ of the cult of rous than those of the Hellenistic rulers, are really the Hellenistic rulers and the evolution of the figure few, mostly when compared with the neighboring­ of the emperor towards the role of an universal provinces such as Asia, Cyprus, Creta et Cyrenaica benefactor, it is true that the iconographies of the or Egypt.91 This could be a result of the problematic ancient and new rulers often differed in choosing marble supply in the Near East, together with the the ‘Macedonian’ custom or the ‘Hellenistic’ complete disappearance of the bronze sculpture. corselet or the ‘nude’ breastplate (cf. the coins) for In fact, the epigraphical and literary evidence of the Hellenistic kings, and the fully decorated cuirass honorific and cultic imperial statues in public spaces for the Roman emperors (see infra). This distinction or in temples is more abundant.92 Only if we look had to be useful to simultaneously amalgamate and subordinate the ancient sovereigns to the new ones.87 88 Kropp 2013a, pp. 88-89. 89 A list in Weber 2015, p. 577. See also Friedland 2003, pp. 442-445 on two marble togate statues from the East Baths at Gerasa. 90 Goette 1990, p. 155; Skupińska-Løvset 1999, pp. 63-64. Cf. Mor 2013, p. 87 on the link with a dedicatory 84 Weber 2006, n. 12, p. 32. On a basalt cuirassed bust of inscription to Hadrian. a Seleukos from Bosra, cf. Weber 2007, p. 49. 91 Foerster 2008, p. 77. 85 See Noreña 2015. 92 Cf. Bru 2011, pp. 204-206. On the Roman portraiture 86 On this point, cf. Noreña 2015, p. 95. in Syria: Skupińska-Løvset 1999. On the Roman imperial 87 Cf. Millar 1996. cult in the Near East, see also Kropp 2009. I mention here e.g.

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at the surviving portraits, the evidence decreases.93 One of the oldest imperial portraits in the Near There is only a Julio-Claudian head, found at East was remarkable for its iconography. According Berytus and perhaps representing Germanicus.94 to Josephus Flavius (Bell.Iud. 1.21.7), between 22 No portrait of the Flavian dynasty survives.95 Only and 9 BC, Herod the Great erected a temple of in the second century there are more extant official Augustus and Rome at Caesarea Maritima. Inside portraits: the famous bronze torso of Hadrian from it, he set up a colossal seated statue of Augustus, who Tel Shalem and the cuirassed statue of Lucius Verus was portrayed in the same schema of Phidias’ Zeus from Seleukeia Pieria, a debated portrait of Hadrian Olympius, and a colossal statue of Rome inspired from Shuweifat in Lebanon,96 a fragmentary bronze by the Hera Argiva of Polyclitus. The common portrait of Antoninus Pious from Arsameia,97 two classical suggestion is consistent with the artistic portraits of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus from taste of the Augustan Age, but it is likely that the Qasr al-Bint (Petra),98 a second head of Marcus from statuary types were also influenced by the Herodian Gerasa,99 a rare bust of Pertinax from Antioch,100 a knowledge of the Greek world, where Augustus’ portrait of Septimius Severus from Tyrus,101 and a authority was quickly going to be compared to portrait of Philip the Arab from his Philippoupolis.102 the universal sovereignty of Zeus.103 The specific However, I do not want to produce a catalogue of reference to the statue of Phidias may also depend the Roman imperial portraiture in the Near East. on the relationship that Herod had with Olympia,104 Instead, my intention is to identify which statuary where in 12 BC he attended the Olympic Games types were used for the Roman emperors. and was appointed as perpetual agonothetes. Then, when he returned to Judea, he celebrated the first the Julio-Claudian group erected in the temple of Bel at Palmyra (AE, 1933, no. 204; on a statue-base of Hadrian: Seyrig 1939, games in honor of Augustus (9 BC) at Caesarea, p. 321, no. 25), the Flavian statues from the temple of Jupiter during which the colossal statue of Augustus could Heliopolitanus at Baalbek or the famous statue of Hadrian next have presided at his games from his just as to Jupiter in the Capitolium of (Eck 2008, aedes Aelia Capitolina 105 pp. 280-282). In his Chronographia Malalas refers to statues Zeus did from his temple at Olympia. Flavius of many Emperors erected in Syrian cities (Caesar, Augustus, Josephus’ text allows us to reconstruct the image Tiberius, Vespasian, Hadrian, Commodus), cf. Moffatt of a half-naked sitting on the throne, a 2006, p. 100. princeps hypothesis that could be confirmed by the discovery 93 Bru 2011, pp. 206-218. 94 Bru 2011, p. 207; Weber 2015, pp. 578-579. in Caesarea of ​​a colossal nude foot belonging to an 95 The identification of a portrait from the temple C of acrolithic statue compatible with a sitting attitude Hatra with Trajan (Toynbee 1972) seems implausible (cf. and an Augustan dating.106 the earrings) also because Hatra politically was always on the The statue of Augustus in Jupiter costume Parthian side during the second century. 96 was an exception in the Roman portraiture of the Skupińska-Løvset 1999, pp. 62-63. On the 107 Antinous’ head from Claudia Leucas: Weber 2015, p. 578. Syrian region. As for the rest, the cuirassed statue 97 Skupińska-Løvset 1999, pp. 64-65. 98 Fittschen 2010, pp. 38-41; Bru 2011, p. 212. 103 On the statue: Cadario 2016, pp. 222-223. On the The link of the group with the Parthian war is revealed by an temple, cf. Kropp 2009, pp. 108-109, 2013a, pp. 323-336. inscription too. On the wrong identification with Aelius Verus 104 On Herod and Olympia, see also Lo Monaco 2009, of the portrait of Lucius, cf. Kreikenbom, Weber 2002. p. 297. 99 Skupińska-Løvset 1999, pp. 68-69; Bru 2011, 105 Cf. Cadario 2016, pp. 222-223. Herod was probably p. 211. The portrait could have been sculpted by a local one of the oriental kings that between 20 and 19 BC vowed workshop, cf. Zanker 1983, pp. 39-40. Two fragmented to complete the Olympieion in Athens. The solid Seleucid (cuirassed?) limestone statues of Lucius and Marcus were found tradition in the cult of a Zeus Nikephoros might also have in the North Theatre, cf.Seigne, Agusta-Boularot 2005, played an important role in suggesting the Jupiter costume. pp. 349-350. 106 On the foot, cf. Weber 2008b; Kropp 2013a, p. 325. 100 Brinkerhoff 1970, n. 1, pp. 7-13 (and, see n. The right foot of Phidias’ cult statue wore the krepides, but in 2, pp. 13-19, for a reworked bust of an emperor, perhaps the seated portrait the feet are usually nude. Therefore, the Gordianus III). Augustus’ statue was not a true copy of the Zeus Olympius. 101 Bru 2011, pp. 213-216. 107 It has been suggested that a colossal hip-mantle seated 102 Balty 1990; Skupińska-Løvset 1999, pp. 107- statue from Caesarea would belong to a portrait of an emperor, 111; Bru 2011, pp. 216-218. cf. Foerster 2008, p. 77.

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Figure 13 a. Cuirassed statue from Samaria (Cadario 2016); b. Cuirassed statue from Caesarea (Cadario 2004); c. Cuirassed statue from Berytus (Lauffray 1944/45)

prevailed, as indeed it did, more or less, everywhere chronology. The use of the Luna marble, rare in in the Greek provinces.108 In the near East, however, the Near East, implies that the patron brought we can observe a first phase, corresponding to the stone from overseas or ordered the statue to the Augustan and Julio-Claudian Age, in which an Italian workshop. In fact, the fringed pteryges the cuirassed statues, although influenced by the are very similar to those of the cuirassed statue of a Western ones, were not fully decorated, and wore summus vir from the forum Augusti.110 Therefore, a nude breastplate with two rows of pteryges very it is probable that Herod himself, who had surely similar to the ancient Hellenistic strip cuirass. Then seen the new imperial cuirassed statues in Italy, in the second century, began the spread of the true commissioned the colossus. Finally, the finding of Roman ‘mixed’ cuirassed marble statue, with the the monument outside the temple could suggest its fully decorated anatomical breastplate and two or location in the pronaos’ area, but the big size (the three rows of semicircular and fringed pteryges.109 height of the torso is ca. 240 cm, so the statue could The colossus found near the entrance of the be about 3 m high) points to identify it as the cultic Samarias’ Kaesareion, built by Herod between 27 statue of Augustus himself (fig. 13a).111 A over life- and 4 BC, is probably the oldest surviving cuirassed sized torso from Caesarea Maritima (fig. 13: b) ‘Roman’ statue in the region. The choice of the 110 ‘naked’ breastplate with two rows of fringed pteryges Rinaldi Tufi 1981, n. 5, p. 75. 111 and the workmanship recommend an Augustan Fischer 1998, p. 159, no. 182 (with a Severan chronology); p. 249 on marble; Laube 2006, pp. 135‑136; n. 59, p. 235; Weber 2008b, pp 258-262; Bru 2011, 108 Cf. Skupińska-Løvset 1999, pp. 241-243. pp. 206-207; Cadario 2016, p. 227. On the temple and the 109 It is the cuirassed statuary-type studied in Stemmer nearby Herod’s Palace, cf. Kropp 2009, pp. 103-107, 2013a, 1978. pp. 317-322.

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Figure 14 Figure 15 Sketch of the left side decoration Cuirassed bronze torso of Hadrian from Tel Shalem (Vermeule 1959) (Gergel 1991)

wears a breastplate with large shoulder straps, belt, an emperor from the Naxian temple of Dionysos, double cingulum and two rows of fringed pteryges. and in Italy, as in the statue of Germanicus from The comparison with a Corinthian torso and with Amelia.115 This affinity shows that the influence the Drusus Minor’s statue from Sulcis suggests an of the new Western cuirassed types (cf. also the Augustan or Julio-Claudian chronology, and the use presence of the Gryphons and the racemes under of Pentelic marble evokes an Athenian workshop.112 the cingulum) reached the Near East through the A third contemporary cuirassed statue was found in mediation of the Greek ateliers. However, only in Berytus, probably not far from the theater built by the statue from Berytus the cloak covers entirely Agrippa I around the middle of the first century AD the center of the cuirass, moving the decoration on (fig. 13: c).113 It wears the Hellenistic strip cuirass the sides. This very unusual adaptation of the model with two rows of fringed pteryges, the cingulum and recommends for the first time a local workshop. the cloak tied on the right shoulder.114 However, Those statues from Caesarea and Beirut most the insertion of a figurative decoration on the sides likely portrayed Roman emperors, but the identifi­ of the corselet (a standing Gryphon on both sides cation with local client kings cannot entirely ruled and a Victory erecting a trophy only on the left out. Later, in the second century AD, when the side) is very peculiar (fig. 14). A decoration rarely im­portation of marble sculpture in the region appeared in the same place in the imperial cuirassed strongly increased, the presence of cuirassed stat- statues produced in Greece, as in the cult image of ues intensified too. This spread was also consistent with the ongoing growth of the role of the mili- 112 On Caesarea’s cuirassed statue: Fischer 1998, no. 132, p. 146 (first quarter of second century AD); p. 249 on 115 On the statue from Naxos: Cadario 2016, pp. 229- marble analysis; Cadario 2004, pp. 214-215; Laube 2006, 230. The use of the as a surface on which the Gryphon p. 116; 228, no. 10 (Augustan age). On the statue of Drusus cingulum stands is also visible on the Julio-Claudian cuirassed statues Minor, cf. M. Cadario in Ritratti 2011, p. 227. from Tenos (Cadario 2004, pp. 295-304). On the statue 113 Lauffray 1944/45, p. 76. of Germanicus: M. Cadario in Ritratti 2011, pp. 228-229; 114 Vermeule 1959, n. 59A, p. 42. Pollini 2017.

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Figure 16 a. Cuirassed statue from Amman (Stemmer 1978); b. Cuirassed statue from Beirut (Stemmer 1978); c. Cuirassed statue of Lucius Verus from Seleucia Pieria (Meinscher 2003)

tary image in the Roman imperial portraiture. A explain the existing anoma­lies.118 The breastplate bronze statue of Hadrian, now visible at the Israel iconography is atypical, but some images of hero- Museum in Jerusalem, was found in the territory ic battles were used to celebrate the Eastern im- of Scythopolis, in the Roman fort of Tel Shalem, perial victories in second-century provincial his- where a vexillatio of a Roman Legio was based. The torical reliefs, as in the case of the so-called Lucius statue represents Hadrian in his Rollockenfrisur Verus Ephesian Altar.119 Therefore, the battle scene type created in 119 or 121 AD (fig. 15).116 The could symbolically allude to one of the victories of torso, wearing a cuirass­ decorated with an unusu- Hadrian over the Jews: in fact, at the beginning al depiction of six nude warriors, was interpreted of his rule, he resolved the uprising that ended by Richard Gergel as a Hellenistic trophy reused Trajan’s Parthian campaign, and between 135‑136 as a body for the Roman Emperor statue.117 I disa- AD he repressed the Bar-Kokhba rebellion.120 gree with this hypo­thesis, because in a bronze stat- 118 Cf. Salcuni 2014. ue, practical and technical motivations can also 119 Cf. Oberleitner 2009; Fuchs 2009. 120 Hadrian used the Hierapytna (marble) Type to celebrate his first success, cf. Karanastasis 2012-2013. 116 Evers 1994, pp. 239-240. However, in the same fort in 130 or 136 AD a monumental 117 See Gergel 1991. On the statue see also Laube 2006, arch was erected to commemorate a visit of the Emperor, cf. 168-170, n. 66; Rabe 2008, 145-146; Ojeda 2011, 79, n. 68; Eck, Foerster 1999 (136 AD); Mor 2013 (130 AD); Cimadomo, Di Franco, La Paglia 2019. Cimadomo, Di Franco, La Paglia 2019 (130 AD).

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In this case, the emperor’s visit to Scythopolis in is a good copy of the IVth Lucius’ portrait-type. 130 AD could be the best opportunity to erect the The breastplate decoration shows two Gryphons statue, and the figurative program could be elabo­ converging towards a kneeling naked figure, who rated locally to celebrate Hadrian himself.121 wears a panther- or lion-skin. The composition and Thus, two statues, found in the theater of the gestures imply that it was a scene of Gryphons Amman and in the colonnade street of Tyrus, docu­ worshipping Dionysus as a God of vegetation.126 The ment the adoption in the Near East of the so-called fact that Gryphons were considered to be living at ‘Hierapytna Type’, the most common cuirassed the ends of the world suggests that the iconography schema of the Hadrianic Age, whose archetype was would celebrate the universal extension of the probably produced in Greece before 124, when imperial victories and especially the Eastern wars. Hadrian himself visited Athens.122 Only the statue Therefore, after his Parthian victory, Lucius Verus, from the Amman Theater (fig. 16: a) reproduced the who assumed the new victory titles Parthicus common Greek version of this decorative program, Maximus, Medicus and Armeniacus, was probably which, combining the Roman Wolf and an image of celebrated as domitor Orientis and new Dionysus in Athena flanked by an owl and the snake Erichtonios, a very important and ‘strategic’ supply-port for the wishes to reinforce the philhellene attitude of the military campaigns in the East.127 Emperor.123 The different decoration of the Tyrian Then, three statues attest to the circulation in statue, in which the personification of Virtus dressed the region of the most representative second-cen- in an Amazonian costume replaced Athena, (as in tury cuirassed statue-type — the ‘Aphrodisias’ the similar statue of Hadrian from Knossos),124 puts — in which two facing antithetic Gryphons more emphasis on the Romanitas of the honored were partially covered by the cingulum knotted instead (fig. 16: b). In any case, the two statues were at the waist.128 The first one was discovered at probably works of a Greek atelier and imported as Scythopolis (Bet Shean), where it was reused as a a fully finished product to represent the Roman building stone.129 The presence of an eagle hold- emperor (i.e. Hadrian or Antoninus Pius). ing a thunderbolt under the belt130 suggests the The colossal marble statue of Lucius Verus identification of an Emperor of the second half found at Seleucia Pieria is part of a different group of the second century, probably Marcus Aurelius, of cuirassed statues that was produced in the second who was also honored with a base on the city tem- century AD, and circulated both in the western and ple’s stairway (fig. 17: a).131 The second statue is eastern part of the Empire (fig. 16: c).125 The head

126 121 Cf. Cimadomo, Di Franco, La Paglia 2019 on On the identification with Herakles, cf.Wood 2016, the connection between Hadrian and the city of Scythopolis. who rightly contested the identification of the god as Sabazios. However, the young god worshipped by the Gryphons could 122 On the cuirassed type, see Gergel 2004; Cavalieri, be only Dionysus. Herakles had no connection with the Jousseret 2009; Karanastasis 2012/2013; Cadario Gryphons, and Dionysus is often exploited to celebrate the 2014. Eastern wars. In fact, the emperors who could have ‘used’ this 123 Gergel 2004, p. 400; Bergmann 2010, pp. 259-260, cuirassed statue-type, i.e. (Divus) Trajan, Hadrian and Lucius no. 1; Karanastasis 2012-2013, p. 365, no. 20. The renovation Verus, were all victors over the Parthians. of Philadelphia’s theater under Antoninus Pius leaves open the 127 Bru 2011, pp. 211-212; Ojeda 2013, p. 50. possibility that the statue had portrayed Hadrian as Divus in a 128 dynastic group or Antoninus Pius wearing the ‘Hadrian’s cuirass’ On the type, see Cadario 2004, pp. 357-371. as in the Nymphaeum of Herodes Atticus at Olympia. 129 Fischer 1998, pp. 160-161, no. 188; p. 249 on the 124 Gergel 2004, pp. 388-389; Bru 2006, pp. 382-387; marble from Aphrodisias; Skupińska-Løvset 1999, p. 243; Bergmann 2010, pp. 233-235; 271-2, no. 12; Karanastasis Tsafrir, Foerster 1997, p. 129; Foerster 2008, p. 77, 2012-2013, p. 365, no. 21. On a new portrait of Hadrian found fig. 8; Tsafrir 2008, pp. 134-135. The statue was larger than in Berytus: Bru 2011, p. 211. life-size and the use of the drill is heavy. 130 125 Skupińska-Løvset 1999, pp. 70-71; Meischner For a list of cuirassed statues representing the eagle 2003. On the portrait-type: Fittschen 2010, p. 40. On the in the same position under the cingulum, cf. M. Cadario in cuirassed statue-type, cf. Cadario 2004, pp. 375-377; Ojeda Equilibrio 2012, p. 286, no. I.36. Cf. also a cuirassed torso in 2013, 2014; Wood 2016. Cuirassed statues from Rome, Sessa Afyon, see Laube 2006, p. 182, Taf. 73.4. Aurunca, Perge, Side and Seleucia share the same figurative 131 On the base of a statue of Marcus Aurelius: Tsafrir, decoration. Foerster 1997, p. 97; Eck 2008, p. 283.

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Figure 17 a. Cuirassed statue from Scythopolis (Foerster 2008); b. Cuirassed statue in the Museum of Tartus (Wielgosz 2011/2012); c. Cuirassed statue from Tell Fekherye (Bonatz, Kuhne, Mahmoud 1998)

now displayed in the Museum of Tartus, and tury AD chronology, when the Severan dynasty was most likely found in a nearby ancient city was renovating the town.133 (Marathos or Arados). It reproduces the usual A marble colossal cuirassed statue was found at schema of the Aphrodisias Type, with the cloak Tell Fekherye in Upper Mesopotamia.134 It wears fastened on the right shoulder, and was probably the cingulum on an undecorated breastplate, and imported in the second half of the second century the form of the pterygion (cf. the shoulders, with a to represent an emperor (fig. 17: b).132 A third co- first row of semicircular pteryges on the usual fringed lossal headless statue could be of the same type. It strips) suggests a Severan chronology.135 This is co­he­ was discovered in a building of Ascalon and then rent with the upgrade of the city to a Roman colo­ destroyed in 1815, but a drawing of the statue, ny (Septimia Rhesaina) under Septimius Severus,136 made by C.L. Meryon, survives. It shows an ae- gis in the upper part of the breastplate and two 133 Vermeule 1964, p. 108, no. 286A; Fischer 1998, Gryphons facing a candelabrum under the belt p. 137, no. 101; Schloen 2008, pp. 144-145. For a similar cuirassed statue, cf. Vermeule 1980, p. 35, no. 85 (Marcus knotted at the waist. This decoration was em- Aurelius or Lucius Verus in Sabratha). ployed in the late Antonine Age, but the semicir- 134 Bonatz, Kuhne, Mahmoud 1998, no. 132, cular form of the first row of the pteryges on the pp. 144-145; Hulínek 2017, p. 76, fig. 1. shoulders could also indicate an early third cen- 135 I mention e.g. the third-century cuirassed statue of a consularis Daciae from Apulum, cf. Noelke 2012, pp. 427‑428. 132 The use of the Parian marble suggests that the statue The image of Macrinus could have inspired its bearded portrait. was produced by a Greek workshop, cf. Wielgosz 2011/2012, 136 On the use of the title of Roman colony and the p. 13. Cf. Noelke 2012, p. 470, note 402. In the vicinity of veteran settlement: Pollard 2000, pp. 273-274, 290. On the Tartus there was also the ancient city of Arados. pterygion, cf. the statue of Septimius Severus from Alexandria,

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(fig. 17: c) and with the identification of Septimius himself or Caracalla (the size suggests an emperor), who both visited the region during their Parthian wars.137 The statue wears the greaves, a very rare attire in the military image, probably due to the impact of Mars Ultor iconography on the borders of the Empire,138 but their floral decoration also denotes an influence of the local tradition of the basalt sculptures. Finally but not least important, a marble circular plinth with a palm tree support belonging to a cuirassed statue of Philippus the Arab was discovered in the baths of his Philippopolis.139 Therefore, those marble cuirassed portraits prove the diffusion and the standardization in the Near East of the same ‘Western’ marble statuary types used in the rest of the Roman Empire, but there is also a small group of very interesting­ cuirassed statues in basalt or limestone that document the work of local ateliers.140 They often show both the prestige of the military ‘imperial’ costume and the local interpretation of the official model, as it can be seen in the design of the cingulum and pteryges in the statues found at Souweida (fig. 18: b) and Bosra, and almost en­tirely in the rich but inorganic acanthus ornament­ applied to a torso now in the Damascus Museum (fig. 18: a).141 An undecorated life-size lime­ ­­stone cuirassed torso, discovered in 1871 in Eleutheropolis, only seems closer to the Roman model. It probably belongs to a Severan statue now in Detroit and the relief representing Caracalla now in Warsaw, cf. Vermeule 1980, pp. 24-25, no. 271A e F5A and p. 36, no. 91. See also Vermeule 1964, pp. 108-109, no. 297A on a statue of Caracalla. 137 Cf. Palermo 2012, pp. 114-117. 138 On the spread of Mars Ultor image in the Roman Em­ pire, cf. Noelke 2012. Only a Julio-Claudian cuirassed statue found in the theater of Vicenza wears greaves, cf. Cadario 2004, p. 162. 139 Wielgotz, Degryse 2008. On the portrait cf. Bru 2006, pp. 389-391. 140 The same phenomenon has been recognized in many cuirassed statues found in the Rhenish and Danube provinces, cf. Noelke 2012. I mention here the statue from Alba Iulia. 141 Skupińska-Løvset 1999, pp. 227-228. Stemmer 1978, p. 26, II 8; p. 53, IV 18. On Suweida, see also Bolelli Figure 18 1991, no. 7.22 e no. 7.23, p. 136. On Bosra, cf. Diebner1982, no. 22-23, p. 61; Weber 2007, p. 50. Cf. also Noelke 2012, a. Cuirassed torso in the Damascus Museum p. 470. In the Museum of Hama there is a cuirassed marble (Stemmer 1978) statue with two rows of fringeless pteryges that it is quite b. Cuirassed statue from al Suweida different from the usual Roman imperial model. (Bolelli 1991)

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the Severan age,142 and wears a cloak on the ‘nude’ that for the Hellenistic kings the cuirassed image cuirass, a cingulum knotted in front, a single row of had quickly become a very effective symbol semicircular tabs and a row of long fringed pteryges. of authority. It continued to be so in Roman The statue could be erected after the re-founding of times, because the emperor could not give up the ancient Bethogabra as Lucia Septimia Severiana the military costume that in the Near East was Eleutheropolis.143 The re-foundation of cities was so intrinsically linked to the iconography of the evidently often accompanied by the dedication ruler himself. There were just a few exceptions of cuirassed statues to the Emperors involved in to this choice, often for specific reasons, as the decision. in the case of the statue in Jupiter-custom at To conclude, looking at the image-making of the Caesarea, when Herod carefully selected the Hellenistic and Roman Ruler in the Near East from statuary-type to celebrate the divine nature of a long-term perspective, we can indeed highlight Augustus. Or in the case of the Asmonean coin the importance of both the ethnic identity, usually representing an image of Claudius dressed in expressed by the dress code, and the high status of toga, because the garment was useful to highlight the cuirassed image. Firstly, it is clear that there were his Romanitas in contrast with the ‘Greekness’ various purposes for the costume: juxtaposing the of the cuirassed dynasts. However, the Imperial different ethnic garments when, as for Antiochos Age gradually introduced also a ‘new’ element, I of Commagene, the aim was to distinguish the the fully decorated cuirassed statue that had been ancestral heritages of the sovereign; or combining elaborated in the Augustan Rome. This ‘Roman’ them, when the audience was potentially diffe­ model was not immediately accepted and also went rentiated, as e.g. in Alexander’s Sarcophagus or through the intermediation of the Greek provinces in the relief of Dura representing Seleucus with (and ateliers), but in the second century the the earrings. As for the cuirassed image, it was the statuary-types used in the Near East (cf. the Lucius most successful costume in Hellenistic and Roman Verus’ statue from Seleucia and the spread of the times. In the Near East the ruler had always been ‘Aphrodisias’ type) were often the same used in the portrayed as a victorious commander. Alexander western provinces as well (only the ‘Hierapytna’ brought in the region a new military habitus, which type was typical of the ‘Greek’ part of the Empire). was immediately treated as distinct from the local In this way, the fully decorated breastplate became tradition, and consciously used to emphasize the the best option to build a distinct and prestigious Greek identity. In fact, the ancestors from Nemrut ‘Roman’ iconography of power that also managed Dağ, the portraits of the local dynasts and the to subordinate the cuirassed Hellenistic kings to iconography of the ‘cuirassed gods’ all demonstrate the image of the new rulers.144

144 Only in the later imperial coinage we can observe 142 Vermeule 1959-60, p. 68, no. 288; Fischer 1998, an ambiguity in the identification of a Hellenistic ruler or a no. 159, p. 151; Zissu, Ecker 2014, p. 294. After the Bar- Roman emperor, because both wore a similar naked breastplate, Kokhba revolt Roman soldiers occupied the site. but in the more elaborated monuments the presence of a more 143 The statue is probably lost. For a drawing cf. complex decoration than the Gorgoneion alone was an exclusive Clermont-Ganneau 1896, p. 441. quality of the imperial portraits.

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