Pike, William, Combatants: a Memoir of the Bush War and the Press in Uganda, Independently Published, 2019, 294 Pages

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Pike, William, Combatants: a Memoir of the Bush War and the Press in Uganda, Independently Published, 2019, 294 Pages 122 Political chronicles of the African Great Lakes Region 2019 Chroniques politiques de l’Afrique des grands lacs 2019 Pike, William, Combatants: A memoir of the bush war and the press in Uganda, Independently Published, 2019, 294 pages Combatants begins with the author’s personal life story. William Pike was born in 1952 in Tanganyika, where his father served as Provincial Commissi- oner. He saved up to tour Afghanistan and studied at the University of York, where he wrote an essay on the Yugoslav Partisans resistance group. Little did he know that he would later get involved with another guerrilla struggle. In London, Pike worked as a writer and journalist, and became a political activist for the Labour Party, returning to independent Tanzania as a freelance journa- list in 1982. It was during his time in Swahili classes in Tanzania that he met Cathy Watson. They were married in Kampala on 3 June 1989. Pike was introduced to Uganda by Ben Matogo while studying at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS). “The School of Oriental and African Studies coffee bar changed my life for it was there that I met Ben Matogo” (p. 17). While in Tanzania, Pike had received a master’s scholarship to study at SOAS. Matogo introduced Pike to other leading Ugandan figures in exile, including Ruhakana Rugunda and Eriya Kategaya. Thus began Pike’s association with the rebel group that would take power in Uganda. Rugunda had invited the Africa Now magazine editor Richard Carver to visit Luwero and the National Resistance Army (NRA).13 The invitation was turned down and William Pike, in search of a big story that would make his name as a jour- nalist, asked for the opportunity to travel and interview the guerrillas. NRA exiles eventually managed to arrange his travel to witness what was happe- ning in Uganda. When the NRA captured power in 1986, Pike was appointed editor-in-chief of the government newspaper the New Vision, a job he held until 2006, when he left for Kenya. Rather than delving into details of each chapter, in this review I will focus on the defining moments in the book, together with an overall view of the contents of the book, a critique and my personal reflections. One interesting feature of Combatants is Pike’s interaction with NRA historical leaders who lived in exile and those in the bush. Eriya Kategaya is described as ever ca- gey, impressive and sparing with words, charming, reserved, good company and animated when discussing politics. Ruhakana Rugunda is the impressive bearded extrovert who was fluent in revolutionary rhetoric; Kirunda Kivejin- ja is wiry, energetic and full of revolutionary rhetoric. Matayo Kyaligonza is remembered as a jovial, chubby-faced fellow; Kale Kayihura is sensitive looking with a diffident manner; Salim Saleh is a man of few words, char- ming, hospitable, smoker of cigarettes and video watcher; Elly Tumwine is the soft spoken and “thin shy man”; Jim Muhwezi is very shrewd, “relaxed 13 The National Resistance Army (NRA) was the guerilla army that brought Museveni to power in 1986. Book reviews | comptes rendus 123 and charming with a toothy grin” (p. 170). Kizza Besigye meanwhile is des- cribed as a stocky young man with a friendly face; David Tinyefuza as tough, ebullient and eloquent, big with a pop-eyed face and a fluent talker; Kahinda Otafiire is a straight talker; Mugisha Muntu is “boyish but ascetic” (p. 174); Noble Mayombo is “charming, ambitious and ultra-loyalist” (p. 265). One reviewer puts it this way: “The book is strewn with such insights into the ideas and disposition of characters who we have come to know differently”.14 My personal view is that this description of political and military elites before they captured power is crucial in understanding present-day dynamics. This characterization is significant because we can compare the views of NRA elites before capturing power and in the current setting. For example, they despised presidents Amin and Obote for promoting nepotism and favou- ritism of the Langi and Acholi. Analysts would today argue that looking at top army officers, for example, similar issues can be traced. What has changed is the shift of regions from northern to western Uganda. The NRA historical lea- ders Pike interacted with also anticipated and shared with the author ideas on how they would govern Uganda once the NRA captured power. Most of these values, such as eliminating corruption, are captured in the NRA’s 10-point programme. Some in Ugandan circles think the NRA could have done better. It is thus not surprising when Bobi Wine, the popstar musician turned oppo- sition politician claims that he will implement the 10-point programme if he assumes power in 2021.15 The author recounts Museveni’s vision of fixing Uganda’s economy, for example by discouraging imports and encouraging ex- ports. Many years later, the president is still bargaining with the Kampala City Traders Association (KACITA) to stop the import of basics that can be produ- ced in Uganda. Museveni also criticized African leaders who stayed too long in power. Pike recounts how Museveni for example pleaded with the former Zambian president not to change the constitution and cling on to power. “[…] when Frederick Chiluba was thinking of changing the constitution to stand for a third term as president in Zambia, Museveni sent him a personal message through Zambian journalist Buchizya Mseteka telling him not to make that mistake” (p. 270). Fast forward to 2019, the Ugandan constitution has been changed twice to remove presidential term and age limits, all in favour of one man. My disappointment in reading Combatants stems mainly from Chapter 11(c). The author talks about Rwandan refugees in the NRA but in my view does not further probe this important part of history, namely the treatment of 14 http://angeloizama.com/combatants-a-memoir-of-the-bush-war-and-the-press-in-uganda- by-william-pike-a- review/, last consulted 3 March 2020. 15 “I will implement Museveni’s 10-Point Programme – Bobi Wine”, Daily Monitor, 15 June 2019. 124 Political chronicles of the African Great Lakes Region 2019 Chroniques politiques de l’Afrique des grands lacs 2019 Rwandan refugees who participated in the NRA war, given that the Rwandese were a key part of the manpower that fought the bush war. In a 1990 interview with Museveni, the author raised the issue of the treatment of Rwandan sol- diers in Uganda but fails to go into details. “I asked him if the invasion was due to a failure of the NRA intelligence or to the NRA turning a blind eye to the plans of the Banyarwanda soldiers in the NRA” (p. 203). Still, the treat- ment of Fred Rwigyema, Paul Kagame and the other Rwandan soldiers in the NRA is insufficiently addressed. The author claims, for example, that Rwigye- ma “became the victim of ethnic politics” (p. 206). He recounts a 1990 army reshuffle when army commander Elly Tumwine was removed and replaced with Mugisha Muntu. “Muntu could not leapfrog Rwigyema yet Rwigyema could not be made Army Commander because he was a Rwandese refugee. Rwigyema was retired and made Deputy Minister of Defence” (p. 206). An interview the author had with Kagame also hints at the issue but without del- ving into details. “In Uganda, you can build a life. Then someone comes and says ‘Go, you are not a Ugandan!’. People have the feeling that being outside has not worked”, Kagame noted (p. 213). In his 2005 book Shake Hands with the Devil, Canadian Gen. Romeo Dallaire narrates a visit he paid to Kagame at Mulindi during the RPF’s armed struggle, setting out what the rebel leader told him about his life and lessons learnt as an NRA combatant. Kagame narrated his own experience living in Ugandan refugee camps, as “[…] always the outsider, the minority, tolerated but never really accepted as an equal”.16 Dallaire, who commanded the UN peacekeeping force UNAMIR in Rwanda before and during the genocide, re- ported that Kagame told him “he was never able to rise to his full potential in the NRA because no one ever forgot he was Rwandan”.17 The issue regarding the treatment of Rwandan soldiers in the NRA is relevant at a time when two former comrades, Museveni and Kagame, are locked in a hostile stalemate over the closed border as well as accusations and counter-allegations of espi- onage and destabilisation. For a keen follower of the ongoing dispute between Rwanda and Uganda, and the charged rhetoric coming from RPF historical leaders such as James Kabarebe, the question of how Rwandan refugees were treated during the NRA struggle and after the capture of Kampala has largely been avoided by those with first-hand accounts from the Luwero Triangle. Pike fails to pick up this crucial issue. Can we say that Pike’s assessment of the NRA struggle is objective? He rubbed shoulders with NRA exiles, whom he admits had a tremendous im- pact on his life. Some in Uganda think he helped galvanize support for the rebel outfit by publicizing to the outside world the rebels’ ideals. The author 16 DALLAIRE, R., Shake hands with the devil: The Failure of Humanity in Rwanda, London, Penguin Random House, 2003, p. 155. 17 Idem. Book reviews | comptes rendus 125 acknowledges this. “Extraordinarily, he [Museveni] asked me to convey to the Foreign Office my impressions of the strength of NRA. In particular, I was to inform them that the NRA only needed 1,000,000 rounds of 7.62mm ammunition to finish off the war” (p.
Recommended publications
  • Elite Strategies and Contested Dominance in Kampala
    ESID Working Paper No. 146 Carrot, stick and statute: Elite strategies and contested dominance in Kampala Nansozi K. Muwanga1, Paul I. Mukwaya2 and Tom Goodfellow3 June 2020 1 Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda. Email correspondence: [email protected] 2 Department of Geography, Geo-informatics and Climatic Sciences, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda. Email correspondence: [email protected]. 3 Department of Urban Studies and Planning, University of Sheffield, UK Email correspondence: [email protected] ISBN: 978-1-912593-56-9 email: [email protected] Effective States and Inclusive Development Research Centre (ESID) Global Development Institute, School of Environment, Education and Development, The University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9PL, UK www.effective-states.org Carrot, stick and statute: Elite strategies and contested dominance in Kampala. Abstract Although Yoweri Museveni’s National Resistance Movement (NRM) has dominated Uganda’s political scene for over three decades, the capital Kampala refuses to submit to the NRM’s grip. As opposition activism in the city has become increasingly explosive, the ruling elite has developed a widening range of strategies to try and win urban support and constrain opposition. In this paper, we subject the NRM’s strategies over the decade 2010-2020 to close scrutiny. We explore elite strategies pursued both from the ‘top down’, through legal and administrative manoeuvres and a ramping up of violent coercion, and from the ‘bottom up’, through attempts to build support among urban youth and infiltrate organisations in the urban informal transport sector. Although this evolving suite of strategies and tactics has met with some success in specific places and times, opposition has constantly resurfaced.
    [Show full text]
  • Regional Security Cooperation in the East African Community
    REGIONAL SECURITY COOPERATION IN THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY SABASTIANO RWENGABO BA (First Class) (Hons.), MA (Pub Admin. & Mgt), MAK. A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2014 DECLARATION I, Sabastiano RWENGABO, declare that this thesis is my original work. It has been written by me in its entirety. I have duly acknowledged all the sources of information which have been used in the thesis. The thesis has also not been previously written or submitted for any degree or any other award in any University or institution. ____________ _______________ Sabastiano RWENGABO 21 July 2014 i | P a g e Acknowledgement Along this journey I met many people who help me through the long, bumpy, road to and through Graduate School. It is impossible to acknowledge even a good fraction of them. I hope and pray that all those who supported me but find their names unmentioned here bear with me and accept that I do highly appreciate their invaluable contributions. From my parents who sent me to, and supported me through, formal schooling; through my brothers and sisters–the Rutashoborokas–to my family members–the Rwengabos–and relatives, my closest people endured my long absence while inspiring and supporting me invaluably. Your support and prayers helped me romp through doctoral manoeuvres. My Academic Advisors–Prof Janice Bially-Mattern; Prof Reuben Wong; Dr Karen Jane Winzoski–advised and mentored me, reading and re-reading my work countless times. They kept me on track, “in one shape” until we all saw “some light at the end of the tunnel.” Other Professors in the Department and beyond–Terence Lee, Luke David O’Sullivan, Kevin McGahan, Jamie Davidson, Chen An, Tobias Hofmann, Yoshinori Nishizaki, Robert Woodberry, Soo Yeon Kim, Terry Nardin, Shirlena Huang (Migration Cluster/Dean’s Office), Elaine Ho (Geography/Migration Cluster)–taught and advised me through the many modules, teaching tasks, and engagements in and outside the department, the University, and the World.
    [Show full text]
  • Uganda Date: 30 October 2008
    Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: UGA33919 Country: Uganda Date: 30 October 2008 Keywords: Uganda – Uganda People’s Defence Force – Intelligence agencies – Chieftaincy Military Intelligence (CMI) – Politicians This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide information on the Uganda Peoples Defence Force (Ugandan Army)/Intelligence Agencies and a branch of the Army called Chieftaincy Military Intelligence, especially its history, structure, key officers. Please provide any information on the following people: 2. Noble Mayombo (Director of Intelligence). 3. Leo Kyanda (Deputy Director of CMI). 4. General Mugisha Muntu. 5. Jack Sabit. 6. Ben Wacha. 7. Dr Okungu (People’s Redemption Army). 8. Mr Samson Monday. 9. Mr Kyakabale. 10. Deleted. RESPONSE 1. Please provide information on the Uganda Peoples Defence Force (Ugandan Army)/Intelligence Agencies and a branch of the Army called Chieftaincy Military Intelligence, especially its history, structure, key officers. The Uganda Peoples Defence Force UPDF is headed by General Y Museveni and the Commander of the Defence Force is General Aronda Nyakairima; the Deputy Chief of the Defence Forces is Lt General Ivan Koreta and the Joint Chief of staff Brigadier Robert Rusoke.
    [Show full text]
  • LRA Uganda Chapter for DASH.Pdf
    Northern Uganda: Protracted Conflict and Structures of Violence The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Matthew Kustenbauder. 2010. Northern Uganda: protracted conflict and structures of violence. In War and Peace in Africa, ed. Toyin Falola and Raphael Chijioke Njoku, 451-482. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2010. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:5128469 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA 19 falola njoku cx3 2/11/10 2:25 PM Page 451 Chapter 19 Northern Uganda: Protracted Conflict and Structures of Violence Matthew Kustenbauder Abstract This chapter identifies reasons for protracted, low-intensity civil war in Uganda dur- ing the last two decades. The first is located in Uganda’s history, in which social, politi- cal, and religious processes established the basic structures of violence that continue to operate in contemporary Uganda, reinforcing cleavages along regional, ethnic, and reli- gious lines. The second is located in the complex balancing act involved in running a modern African state. After providing some historical background that frames the con- flict, the chapter examines how both the NRM government of Yoweri Museveni and rebel insurgent movements have benefited from insecurity in the country. It argues that the government accrued political dividends while the Lord’s Resistance Army gained personal benefits so long as the conflict continued.
    [Show full text]
  • Museveni and No-Party Democracy in Uganda
    1 Working Paper no.73 ‘POPULISM’ VISITS AFRICA: THE CASE OF YOWERI MUSEVENI AND NO-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN UGANDA Giovanni Carbone Università degli Studi di Milano December 2005 Copyright © Giovanni Carbone, 2005 Although every effort is made to ensure the accuracy and reliability of material published in this Working Paper, the Crisis States Research Centre and LSE accept no responsibility for the veracity of claims or accuracy of information provided by contributors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce this Working Paper, of any part thereof, should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Research Centre ‘Populism’ Visits Africa: The Case of Yoweri Museveni and No-Party Democracy in Uganda Giovanni Carbone Università degli Studi di Milano1 The widespread adoption of electoral politics in virtually all world regions during the last part of the twentieth century has been accompanied by the emergence, in a number of reformed countries, of a new form of leadership. As the political space was formally opened up and state leadership crucially came to depend on electoral appeals for social support, many would- be leaders decided to set themselves apart by contesting for power on the basis of a strong anti-political and anti-party discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • Uganda People's Congress and National Resistance
    UGANDA PEOPLE'S CONGRESS AND NATIONAL RESISTANCE MOVEMENT By Yoga Adhola The National Resistance Movement (NRM) is a movement to resist UPC or what UPC stands for, i.e. national-democratic liberation. The earliest incidence of this resistance is given to us by none other than the founder of the NRM, Yoweri Museveni. He recounts: We were staunchly anti-Obote. On 22 February 1966, the day he arrested five members of his cabinet, three of us, Martin Mwesigwa, Eriya Kategaya and myself went to see James Kahigiriza, who was the Chief Minister of Ankole, to inquire about the possibility of going into exile to launch an armed struggle. Kahigiriza discouraged us, saying that we should give Obote enough time to fall by his own mistakes. We saw him again a few weeks later and he gave us the example of Nkrumah, who had been overthrown in Ghana by a military coup two days after Obote's abrogation of the Uganda constitution. Kahigiriza advised us that Nkrumah's example showed that all dictators were bound to fall in due course. Inwardly we were not convinced. We knew that dictators had to be actively opposed and that they would not just fall off by themselves like ripe mangoes. Later I went to Gayaza High School with Mwesigwa to contact Grace Ibingira's sister in order to find out whether she knew of any plans afoot to resist Obote's dictatorship. She, however, did not know of any such plan. We came to the conclusion that the old guard had no conception of defending people’s rights and we resolved to strike on our own.
    [Show full text]
  • The Return to Makerere
    7 My Experience: The Return to Makerere My Long Years at Makerere as Vice Chancellor (1993 – 2004) “We have decided to send you back to Makerere as the next Vice-Chancellor”. These were the words of Minister Amanya Mushega when I met him at a meeting at the International Conference Centre on September 20, 1993; and they are still fresh in my memory. Towards the end of August 1993, I was selected to accompany Mr Eriya Kategaya, who was then First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, on a study visit to Bangladesh. The other members of the delegation were Mr David Pulkol who was then the Deputy Minister of Education and Sports and Johnson Busingye (now deceased) who was at the time the District Education Officer of Bushenyi. The purpose of the visit was to learn about the Grameen Micro-finance and the educational programmes for rural poor communities, which Dr Muhammad Yunus had established in Bangladesh, and to assess the possibility of replicating them in Uganda. On our way back from Dhaka, we had a stop-over at Addis Ababa Airport. The Ethiopian Government officials arranged for Mr David Pulkol and his delegation to wait for the Entebbe flight at the VIP lounge. Mr Kategaya had left us behind in Dhaka for a trip to Europe, so Mr Pulkol was now the leader of our delegation. For some reason, as we waited for our flight, the topic of dismissing senior Government officials over the radio came up. We thought that the practice of doing things in an uncivilised way had ended with Idi Amin, pointing out that the affected officers had a right to know their fate before the public did.
    [Show full text]
  • ICC-02/04-01/15-T-185-Red-ENG WT 22-10-2018 1/84 SZ T
    ICC-02/04-01/15-T-185-Red-ENG WT 22-10-2018 1/84 SZ T Trial Hearing (Open Session) ICC-02/04-01/15 WITNESS: UGA-D26-P-0018 1 International Criminal Court 2 Trial Chamber IX 3 Situation: Republic of Uganda 4 In the case of The Prosecutor v. Dominic Ongwen - ICC-02/04-01/15 5 Presiding Judge Bertram Schmitt, Judge Péter Kovács and 6 Judge Raul Cano Pangalangan 7 Trial Hearing - Courtroom 3 8 Monday, 22 October 2018 9 (The hearing starts in open session at 9.31 a.m.) 10 THE COURT USHER: [9:31:53] All rise. 11 The International Criminal Court is now in session. 12 PRESIDING JUDGE SCHMITT: [9:32:11] Good morning, everyone. 13 Could the court officer please call the case. 14 THE COURT OFFICER: [9:32:21] Good morning, Mr President, your Honours. 15 The situation in the Republic of Uganda, in the case of The Prosecutor versus 16 Dominic Ongwen, case reference ICC-02/04-01/15. 17 And for the record, we are in open session. 18 PRESIDING JUDGE SCHMITT: [9:32:35] Thank you. 19 I ask for the appearances of the parties. Mr Gumpert, for the Prosecution first, 20 please. 21 MR GUMPERT: [9:32:42] Good morning, your Honours. Ben Gumpert for the 22 Prosecution. With me today, Pubudu Sachithanandan, Adesola Adeboyejo, 23 Colleen Gilg, Julian Elderfield, Hai Do Duc, Jasmine Suljanovic, Grace Goh, and I'm 24 very sorry to say that I have made inadequate preparation with the regard to the lady 25 who sits at the back of the court.
    [Show full text]
  • Magazine2020 Contents Foreword 1
    Magazine2020 Contents Foreword 1 Editor’s Note 3 Minister’s Statement 4 NRM to Prevail in 2021 Elections 7 The Value of Power 10 Salim Saleh’s Contribution14 Ibanda District at A Glance 17 Eriya Kategaya’s Contribution19 Museveni’s Six Contributions to the Region21 NRM’s Principles in Perspective25 Museveni’s 200 Km Trek to Birembo 27 Kidepo Valley National Park29 Human Wildlife Conflict32 Ugandans in Diaspora 36 NAADS Contributions38 Ibanda Woman MP 42 Afrika Kwetu Trek 45 Culture and HIV Prevention in Uganda 48 NRM Achivements 51 Urbanization Will Lead to Proper Land Usage 54 NRM Struggle and Uganda’s Diplomacy 56 Midwife who risked her life 59 Reliving Kampala’s Iconic Structures 61 Uganda Airlines A Big Plus for Tourism 65 Restoration of Security has Ensured Socio-Economic Transformation68 Transformation of Ibanda District Under the NRM Government 70 For the youth this Liberation Day73 Industrialization A Solution to Uganda’s Youth Unemployment75 Innovation, the driver to social economic transformation for Uganda78 ii Celebrating NRM/NRA patriotic struggle that ushered in national unity and socio-economic transformation Foreword iberation Day in Uganda activist group allied with the national army, UNLA, is celebrated every 26th of African Liberation Movements revolted and toppled Obote January, in remembrance while studying Political Science and were in turned chased out L and Economics in Tanzania. of power by the NRA. and commemoration of when Later, following Idi Amin’s coup the National Resistance Army/ Following two decades of of 1971, Museveni went into Movement (NRA/M) gallant ruin, decay and state collapse, exile and formed the Front for fighters captured state power NRA/M emerged victorious, National Salvation (FRONASA), after a five-year protracted and since then Uganda has merged and fought alongside enjoyed three decades of peoples struggle, and ushered other Ugandan groups and unprecedented success story in a fundamental change in Tanzanians to topple Amin in of macro-economic reforms, 1986.
    [Show full text]
  • Beat Lead 1 and 2.Indd
    32 THE BEAT Friday, March 9, 2018 ART REACTION... MUSEVENI’S TAKE THE TRIBUTE MONUMENT President Yoweri Museveni is said to have been impressed in 2006. He only expressed doubt about if the type of gun he held on February 6, 1981 as he commanded his soldiers was similar to that in the sculpture. Although it is not appreciated in Uganda, visual art remains perhaps one of the most important channels to document and preserve our and many society’s history and heritage. recollections from Tumwine and his colleagues to reconstruct the attack, thus enabling them to capture the February 6, 1981 atmosphere. This was to, among other things, enable the artists conceptualise the work. “We understood the risks that accompanied the attack and the context in which it was manoeuvred. We knew that what we were reconstructing represented a decisive The moment that dramatically changed the course of Uganda’s sculptors history forever,” Kyeyune recalls. say it The artistes found a secure place to work at Maria was hard Naita’s home in Mutundwe. Given the limited time to recreating fi nish the work, they had to think fast and spend long a youthful hours at work. In what they describe as a mixture of Museveni excitement and tears, Kyeyune, Naita, Kigozi and team worked under a makeshift studio to complete this work under unforgiving conditions. “The hot sun and dry desiccating wind made WHAT DO clay modelling a harrowing experience. It was YOU THINK? a nightmare keeping the clay moist and soft TWEET US @ which is essential for clay modelling.
    [Show full text]
  • The Uganda Gazette Published
    1721 The Published b\ Uganda Gazette Authoritx Vol. CXIII No. 58 2nd October, 2020 Price: Shs. 5,000 CONTENTS Page General Notice No, 1217 of 2020. Ihe Marriage Act Notices ... ... 1721 THE MARRIAGE AC T (Cap. 251 Revised Edition, 2000| I he Commissioners lor Oaths (Advocates) NOTICE Act -Notice ... ............... ■ 1721 /Under Section 5 of the Act/ I he Advocates Act—Notices ... ... 1722 PLACE EOR CELEBRATION OE MARRIAGE 'Hie Companies Act— Notices ... ... 1722-1723 Registry No: 1201000(1027704-00470 I he Mining Act - Notices ............... ... 1723-172-1 IN EXERCISE of the powers conferred upon me by Section Ihe Trademarks Act Registration of Applications 1724-1739 5 of the Marriage Act, I hereby licence the place of Public Worship mentioned in the Schedule hereto to be a place for z\dx •enisements ... ............... 1739-1800 celebration of marriages. SCHEDULE Church — Live Christian Centre Mission Church SUPPLEMENT Denomination — Pentecostal Si tuition Ins/ntnienf Village •— Kabanyoro Parish — Gayaza No. Ill - Ihe Diplomatic Privileges (Extension to Sub-County — Kasangati Town Council Prescribed Organisations) (Amendment) County — Kyadondo East Regulations. 2020. District — Wakiso PROF. EPHRAIM KAMUNTU (MP), General Notice No. 1216 of 2020. Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs. IHE MARRIAGE ACT (Cap. 251 Revised Edition, 2000) General Notice No. 1218 of 2020. THE COMMISSIONERS EOR OATHS NOTICE. (ADVOCATES) ACT COMMISSION place: eor celebration oe marriage (Under Section 5 oftheAct| NOTICE Registry No: 12010000025016-00004 TO ALL TO WHOM THESE PRESEN TS MAY COME, GREETINGS Is i.xi Ruisi of the powers conferred upon me by Section Bi- it known 'i hat on the 27th day 5 of the Marriage Act.
    [Show full text]
  • Better Together
    Better Together: Inclusive Power Sharing and Mutidimensional Conflicts Chelsea Johnson Ph.D. Candidate, Political Science University of California, Berkeley DRAFT: 12 DECEMBER 2014 PLEASE DO NOT CIRCULATE Abstract: Theories that focus on signaling and commitment credibility, as well as those on institutional design, suggest that all-inclusive power-sharing settlements are more likely to breakdown where the armed oPPosition is fractionalized. In contrast, I argue that inclusivity reduces the capacity for insurgents to defect from their commitments to sharing power. The implementation of any Power-sharing bargain is likely to generate winners and losers within grouPs, contributing to sPlintering, and disgruntled elites are more likely to have access to the resources necessary to return to the battlefield where other active insurgencies have been excluded from the Peace Process. I illustrate this mechanism with an in-depth analysis of two dyadic peace processes in Uganda, both of which resulted in rebel splintering and continued violence. Finally, a cross-national analysis of 238 settlement dyads suPPorts the exPectation that inclusive Power-sharing settlements are significantly more likely to result in conflict termination. Johnson 2 Recent rePorts indicate that the number of active militias is Proliferating in South Sudan, where conflict in the region has reemerged, and even intensified, desPite its recent independence.1 Meanwhile, the Intergovernmental Authority on DeveloPment (IGAD) is attempting to broker a Peace bargain between President Kiir’s government and the Sudan PeoPle’s Liberation Army-In Opposition (SPLA-IO). While Politically exPedient, IGAD’s decision to focus its mediation on the Primary threat to the nascent South Sudanese government—to the exclusion of two dozen other armed grouPs—has the potential to be counter-productive.
    [Show full text]