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Special Report No
SPECIAL REPORT NO. 490 | FEBRUARY 2021 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE w w w .usip.org North Korea in Africa: Historical Solidarity, China’s Role, and Sanctions Evasion By Benjamin R. Young Contents Introduction ...................................3 Historical Solidarity ......................4 The Role of China in North Korea’s Africa Policy .........7 Mutually Beneficial Relations and Shared Anti-Imperialism..... 10 Policy Recommendations .......... 13 The Unknown Soldier statue, constructed by North Korea, at the Heroes’ Acre memorial near Windhoek, Namibia. (Photo by Oliver Gerhard/Shutterstock) Summary • North Korea’s Africa policy is based African arms trade, construction of owing to African governments’ lax on historical linkages and mutually munitions factories, and illicit traf- sanctions enforcement and the beneficial relationships with African ficking of rhino horns and ivory. Kim family regime’s need for hard countries. Historical solidarity re- • China has been complicit in North currency. volving around anticolonialism and Korea’s illicit activities in Africa, es- • To curtail North Korea’s illicit activ- national self-reliance is an under- pecially in the construction and de- ity in Africa, Western governments emphasized facet of North Korea– velopment of Uganda’s largest arms should take into account the histor- Africa partnerships. manufacturer and in allowing the il- ical solidarity between North Korea • As a result, many African countries legal trade of ivory and rhino horns and Africa, work closely with the Af- continue to have close ties with to pass through Chinese networks. rican Union, seek cooperation with Pyongyang despite United Nations • For its part, North Korea looks to China, and undercut North Korean sanctions on North Korea. -
Regional Security Cooperation in the East African Community
REGIONAL SECURITY COOPERATION IN THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY SABASTIANO RWENGABO BA (First Class) (Hons.), MA (Pub Admin. & Mgt), MAK. A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2014 DECLARATION I, Sabastiano RWENGABO, declare that this thesis is my original work. It has been written by me in its entirety. I have duly acknowledged all the sources of information which have been used in the thesis. The thesis has also not been previously written or submitted for any degree or any other award in any University or institution. ____________ _______________ Sabastiano RWENGABO 21 July 2014 i | P a g e Acknowledgement Along this journey I met many people who help me through the long, bumpy, road to and through Graduate School. It is impossible to acknowledge even a good fraction of them. I hope and pray that all those who supported me but find their names unmentioned here bear with me and accept that I do highly appreciate their invaluable contributions. From my parents who sent me to, and supported me through, formal schooling; through my brothers and sisters–the Rutashoborokas–to my family members–the Rwengabos–and relatives, my closest people endured my long absence while inspiring and supporting me invaluably. Your support and prayers helped me romp through doctoral manoeuvres. My Academic Advisors–Prof Janice Bially-Mattern; Prof Reuben Wong; Dr Karen Jane Winzoski–advised and mentored me, reading and re-reading my work countless times. They kept me on track, “in one shape” until we all saw “some light at the end of the tunnel.” Other Professors in the Department and beyond–Terence Lee, Luke David O’Sullivan, Kevin McGahan, Jamie Davidson, Chen An, Tobias Hofmann, Yoshinori Nishizaki, Robert Woodberry, Soo Yeon Kim, Terry Nardin, Shirlena Huang (Migration Cluster/Dean’s Office), Elaine Ho (Geography/Migration Cluster)–taught and advised me through the many modules, teaching tasks, and engagements in and outside the department, the University, and the World. -
EISA Technical ASSESSMENT TEAM REPORT UGANDA The
EISA OBSERVER MISSION REPORT i EISA TECHNICAL ASSESSMENT TEAM REPORT UGANDA THE UGANDAN PRESIDENTIAL AND PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OF 18 FEBRUARY 2011 ii EISA OBSERVER MISSION REPORT EISA OBSERVER MISSION REPORT iii EISA TECHNICAL ASSESSMENT MISSION REPORT UGANDA THE UGANDAN PRESIDENTIAL AND PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OF 18 FEBRUARY 2011 2012 iv EISA OBSERVER MISSION REPORT Published by EISA 14 Park Rd, Richmond Johannesburg South Africa P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 South Africa Tel: 27 11 381 6000 Fax: 27 11 482 6163 Email: [email protected] www.eisa.org.za ISBN: 978-1-920446-36-9 © EISA 2012 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of EISA. First published 2012 EISA strives for excellence in the promotion of credible elections, participatory democracy, human rights culture, and the strengthening of governance institutions for the consolidation of democracy in Africa. EISA Technical Assessment Mission Report, No. 41 EISA OBSERVER MISSION REPORT v CONTENTS Acknowledgements vii Acronyms and Abbreviations viii Executive Summary ix Terms of Reference of the EISA Technical Assessment Team x Methodology of the Technical Assessment Team xii The EISA Approach to Election Observation xiii 1. Historical and Political Overview 1 1.1 Historical background 1 1.2 Political and electoral background 3 1.3 Elections in Uganda 4 2. Constitutional, Legal & Institutional Framework 7 2.1 Constitutional and legal framework 7 2.2 Electoral framework 9 2.3 The Electoral Commission of Uganda 17 2.4 Other institutions involved in elections 19 2.5 The electoral system 19 2.6 Challenges 20 3. -
Shrinking and Sinking
Press Freedom Index Report 2011 Uganda Shrinking and sinking Human Rights Network for Journalists - Uganda with the support of Open Society Initiative for East Africa Press Freedom Index Report 2011 Uganda Shrinking and sinking Human Rights Network for Journalists - Uganda with the support of Open Society Initiative for East Africa Kivebulaya Road Mengo Bulange P.O.Box 71314 Kampala Tel: +256 414 272934 +256 414 667627 Email: [email protected] www.hrnjuganda.org Cover Photo: Micheal Mugabi Regional Police Commander Kampala North holding a video camera at Lubigi wetland after confiscating it from a journalist Umar Kyeyune of Uganda Broadcsating Corporation, on 18 May 2011. HRNJ-Uganda Photo Februray 2012 Contents Who we are ............................................................1 Acknowledgement ...................................................2 Background ............................................................3 Report objective ......................................................3 Our Methodology .....................................................3 Introduction ............................................................5 Attacks on journalists ...............................................7 Journalists physically attacked and injured ..........7 Foreign journalist killed ..................................12 Arrest and detention ......................................13 Media houses raided ......................................15 Confrontations and verbal attacks ....................17 Confiscation of tools of trade ...........................18 -
Chased Away and Left to Die
Chased Away and Left to Die How a National Security Approach to Uganda’s National Digital ID Has Led to Wholesale Exclusion of Women and Older Persons ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! Publication date: June 8, 2021 Cover photo taken by ISER. An elderly woman having her biometric and biographic details captured by Centenary Bank at a distribution point for the Senior Citizens’ Grant in Kayunga District. Consent was obtained to use this image in our report, advocacy, and associated communications material. Copyright © 2021 by the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice, Initiative for Social and Economic Rights, and Unwanted Witness. All rights reserved. Center for Human Rights and Global Justice New York University School of Law Wilf Hall, 139 MacDougal Street New York, New York 10012 United States of America This report does not necessarily reflect the views of NYU School of Law. Initiative for Social and Economic Rights Plot 60 Valley Drive, Ministers Village Ntinda – Kampala Post Box: 73646, Kampala, Uganda Unwanted Witness Plot 41, Gaddafi Road Opp Law Development Centre Clock Tower Post Box: 71314, Kampala, Uganda 2 Chased Away and Left to Die ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report is a joint publication by the Digital Welfare State and Human Rights Project at the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice (CHRGJ) based at NYU School of Law in New York City, United States of America, the Initiative for Social and Economic Rights (ISER) and Unwanted Witness (UW), both based in Kampala, Uganda. The report is based on joint research undertaken between November 2020 and May 2021. Work on the report was made possible thanks to support from Omidyar Network and the Open Society Foundations. -
Uganda People's Congress and National Resistance
UGANDA PEOPLE'S CONGRESS AND NATIONAL RESISTANCE MOVEMENT By Yoga Adhola The National Resistance Movement (NRM) is a movement to resist UPC or what UPC stands for, i.e. national-democratic liberation. The earliest incidence of this resistance is given to us by none other than the founder of the NRM, Yoweri Museveni. He recounts: We were staunchly anti-Obote. On 22 February 1966, the day he arrested five members of his cabinet, three of us, Martin Mwesigwa, Eriya Kategaya and myself went to see James Kahigiriza, who was the Chief Minister of Ankole, to inquire about the possibility of going into exile to launch an armed struggle. Kahigiriza discouraged us, saying that we should give Obote enough time to fall by his own mistakes. We saw him again a few weeks later and he gave us the example of Nkrumah, who had been overthrown in Ghana by a military coup two days after Obote's abrogation of the Uganda constitution. Kahigiriza advised us that Nkrumah's example showed that all dictators were bound to fall in due course. Inwardly we were not convinced. We knew that dictators had to be actively opposed and that they would not just fall off by themselves like ripe mangoes. Later I went to Gayaza High School with Mwesigwa to contact Grace Ibingira's sister in order to find out whether she knew of any plans afoot to resist Obote's dictatorship. She, however, did not know of any such plan. We came to the conclusion that the old guard had no conception of defending people’s rights and we resolved to strike on our own. -
Uganda and Rwanda
Women, Peace and Security: Practical Guidance on Using Law to Empower Women in Post-Conflict Systems Best Practices and Recommendations from the Great Lakes Region of Africa CASE STUDIES UGANDA AND RWANDA Julie L. Arostegui Veronica Eragu Bichetero © 2014 Julie L. Arostegui and WIIS. All rights reserved. Women in International Security (WIIS) 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 Email: [email protected] Website: http://wiisglobal.org UGANDA HISTORY OF THE CONFLICT Uganda has had a history of civil conflict since its independence from the United Kingdom in 1962 - triggered by political instability and a series of military coups between groups of different ethnic and ideological composition that resulted in a series of dictatorships. In 1966, just four years after independence, the central government attacked the Buganda Kingdom, which had dominated during British rule, forced the King to flee, abolished traditional kingdoms and declared Uganda a republic. In 1971 Army Commander Idi Amin Dada overthrew the elected government of Milton Obote, and for eight years led the country through a regime of terror under which many people lost their lives. Amin was overthrown in 1979 by rebel Ugandan soldiers in exile supported by the army of TanZania. Obote returned to power through the 1980 general elections, ruling with army support. In 1981 a five-year civil war broke out led by the current president, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and the National Resistance Army (NRA), protesting the fraudulent elections. Known as the Ugandan Bush War, the conflict took place mainly in an area of fourteen districts north of Kampala that was known as the Luwero Triangle. -
The Return to Makerere
7 My Experience: The Return to Makerere My Long Years at Makerere as Vice Chancellor (1993 – 2004) “We have decided to send you back to Makerere as the next Vice-Chancellor”. These were the words of Minister Amanya Mushega when I met him at a meeting at the International Conference Centre on September 20, 1993; and they are still fresh in my memory. Towards the end of August 1993, I was selected to accompany Mr Eriya Kategaya, who was then First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, on a study visit to Bangladesh. The other members of the delegation were Mr David Pulkol who was then the Deputy Minister of Education and Sports and Johnson Busingye (now deceased) who was at the time the District Education Officer of Bushenyi. The purpose of the visit was to learn about the Grameen Micro-finance and the educational programmes for rural poor communities, which Dr Muhammad Yunus had established in Bangladesh, and to assess the possibility of replicating them in Uganda. On our way back from Dhaka, we had a stop-over at Addis Ababa Airport. The Ethiopian Government officials arranged for Mr David Pulkol and his delegation to wait for the Entebbe flight at the VIP lounge. Mr Kategaya had left us behind in Dhaka for a trip to Europe, so Mr Pulkol was now the leader of our delegation. For some reason, as we waited for our flight, the topic of dismissing senior Government officials over the radio came up. We thought that the practice of doing things in an uncivilised way had ended with Idi Amin, pointing out that the affected officers had a right to know their fate before the public did. -
An Independent Review of the Performance of Special Interest Groups in Parliament
DEEPENING DEMOCRACY AND ENHANCING SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS IN UGANDA DEEPENING DEMOCRACY AND ENHANCING SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS IN UGANDA An Independent Review of the Performance of Special Interest Groups in Parliament Arthur Bainomugisha Elijah D. Mushemeza ACODE Policy Research Series, No. 13, 2006 i DEEPENING DEMOCRACY AND ENHANCING SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS IN UGANDA DEEPENING DEMOCRACY AND ENHANCING SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS IN UGANDA An Independent Review of the Performance of Special Interest Groups in Parliament Arthur Bainomugisha Elijah D. Mushemeza ACODE Policy Research Series, No. 13, 2006 ii DEEPENING DEMOCRACY AND ENHANCING SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS IN UGANDA TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ACRONYMS................................................................ iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS............................................................ iv EXECUTIVE SUMMARY.............................................................. v 1.0. INTRODUCTION............................................................. 1 2.0. BACKGROUND: CONSTITUTIONAL AND POLITICAL HISTORY OF UGANDA.......................................................... 2 3.0. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY................................................... 3 4.0. LEGISLATIVE REPRESENTATION AND ENVIRONMENTAL GOVERNANCE.................................................................... 3 5.0. UNDERSTANDING THE CONCEPTS OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION AND REPRESENTATION.................................................. 5 5.1. Representative Democracy in a Historical Perspective............................................................. -
Power Sharing, Negotiated Settlements and the Logic
REBELS WITH A CAUSE: POWER SHARING, NEGOTIATED SETTLEMENTS AND THE LOGIC OF PREEMPTIVE DEFECTION By Chelsea Blake Johnson A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Associate Professor Leonardo R. Arriola, Chair Associate Professor Jason Wittenberg Assistant Professor Aila Matanock Professor Ann Swidler Fall 2015 © Copyright by Chelsea Blake Johnson 2015 All Rights Reserved Abstract Rebels with a Cause: Power Sharing, Negotiated Settlements, And the Logic of Preemptive Defection By Chelsea Blake Johnson Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Leonardo R. Arriola, Chair Why are some negotiated settlements successful at resolving intrastate conflict, while others fail? Are settlements involving agreement to share power more effective and, if so, why have conclusions about power sharing been so mixed? I theorize in this project that power-sharing guarantees improve the prospects for a peaceful settlement by reducing the stakes of winning post-conflict elections, thereby increasing the likelihood that rebels will willingly demobilize. Contrary to the preeminent model of bargaining for peace in the literature, I posit that the costs of complying with a negotiated settlement are asymmetrical. For rebels, compliance means forfeiting military capacity and bargaining power. In contrast, the government never concedes its monopoly on the use of force and, therefore, always retains the option of resorting to military action. Given this, and the risk of competing against an entrenched incumbent with an electoral advantage, it is a rational strategy for rebels to resist demobilization until expectations of future benefits are sufficiently high. -
Download Book \ Military of Uganda ~ RMPZUK57NRR3
KMPKX8XOX8DY / eBook ^ Military of Uganda Military of Uganda Filesize: 3.81 MB Reviews I just started off reading this article ebook. It is actually writter in basic words and not confusing. I am just very happy to let you know that this is the best ebook i actually have read through inside my individual daily life and can be he finest ebook for possibly. (Dayne Johns) DISCLAIMER | DMCA 5X3HNQVSCWYJ ^ Book > Military of Uganda MILITARY OF UGANDA To download Military of Uganda eBook, please follow the hyperlink under and save the ebook or get access to other information which might be relevant to MILITARY OF UGANDA book. Reference Series Books LLC Feb 2012, 2012. Taschenbuch. Book Condition: Neu. 254x192x5 mm. This item is printed on demand - Print on Demand Neuware - Source: Wikipedia. Pages: 41. Chapters: Military history of Uganda, Military schools in Uganda, Ugandan military personnel, Idi Amin, Uganda People's Defence Force, Yoweri Museveni, Kizza Besigye, Nobel Mayombo, James Kazini, David Oyite-Ojok, David Tinyefunza, Salim Saleh, Muhoozi Kainerugaba, 2008 2009 Garamba oensive, Elly Tumwine, Aronda Nyakairima, Akena p'Ojok, Katumba Wamala, Battle of Mengo Hill, Mugisha Muntu, Uganda Senior Command and Sta College, Jeje Odongo, Uganda National Liberation Front, University of Military Science and Technology, Uganda Junior Sta College, Odong Latek, List of military schools in Uganda, Uganda Military Academy, Internal Security Organisation, Dufile, Juma Oris, National Enterprise Corporation, Kale Kayihura, Nathan Mugisha, Francis Okello, Mustafa Adrisi, Moses Ali, Shaban Bantariza, Field Marshal, Levi Karuhanga. Excerpt: Yoweri Kaguta Museveni ( )) (born c. 1944) is a Ugandan politician and statesman. He has been President of Uganda since 26 January 1986. -
List of Abbreviations
HRNJ - Uganda Human Rights Network for Journalists-Uganda (HRNJ-Uganda) Press Freedom Index Report April 2011 2 HRNJ - Uganda Contents Preface ....................................................................................................................... 5 Part I: Background .............................................................................................. 7 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 7 Elections and Media .............................................................................................. 7 Research Objective ............................................................................................... 8 Methodology ......................................................................................................... 8 Quality check ......................................................................................................... 8 Limitations ............................................................................................................. 9 Part II: Media freedom during national elections in Uganda ................................ 11 Media as a campaign tool ................................................................................... 11 Role of regulatory bodies ................................................................................... 12 Media self censorship ......................................................................................... 14 Censorship of social media