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In May 2011, Freedom House Issued a Press Release Announcing the Findings of a Survey Recording the State of Media Freedom Worldwide
Media in North Africa: the Case of Egypt 10 Lourdes Pullicino In May 2011, Freedom House issued a press release announcing the findings of a survey recording the state of media freedom worldwide. It reported that the number of people worldwide with access to free and independent media had declined to its lowest level in over a decade.1 The survey recorded a substantial deterioration in the Middle East and North Africa region. In this region, Egypt suffered the greatest set-back, slipping into the Not Free category in 2010 as a result of a severe crackdown preceding the November 2010 parliamentary elections. In Tunisia, traditional media were also censored and tightly controlled by government while internet restriction increased extensively in 2009 and 2010 as Tunisians sought to use it as an alternative field for public debate.2 Furthermore Libya was included in the report as one of the world’s worst ten countries where independent media are considered either non-existent or barely able to operate and where dissent is crushed through imprisonment, torture and other forms of repression.3 The United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) Arab Knowledge Report published in 2009 corroborates these findings and view the prospects of a dynamic, free space for freedom of thought and expression in Arab states as particularly dismal. 1 Freedom House, (2011): World Freedom Report, Press Release dated May 2, 2011. The report assessed 196 countries and territories during 2010 and found that only one in six people live in countries with a press that is designated Free. The Freedom of the Press index assesses the degree of print, broadcast and internet freedom in every country, analyzing the events and developments of each calendar year. -
1 During the Opening Months of 2011, the World Witnessed a Series Of
FREEDOM HOUSE Freedom on the Net 2012 1 EGYPT 2011 2012 Partly Partly POPULATION: 82 million INTERNET FREEDOM STATUS Free Free INTERNET PENETRATION 2011: 36 percent Obstacles to Access (0-25) 12 14 WEB 2.0 APPLICATIONS BLOCKED: Yes NOTABLE POLITICAL CENSORSHIP: No Limits on Content (0-35) 14 12 BLOGGERS/ ICT USERS ARRESTED: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 28 33 PRESS FREEDOM STATUS: Partly Free Total (0-100) 54 59 * 0=most free, 100=least free NTRODUCTION I During the opening months of 2011, the world witnessed a series of demonstrations that soon toppled Hosni Mubarak’s 30-year presidency. The Egyptian revolution received widespread media coverage during the Arab Spring not only because of Egypt’s position as a main political hub in the Middle East and North Africa, but also because activists were using different forms of media to communicate the events of the movement to the world. While the Egyptian government employed numerous tactics to suppress the uprising’s roots online—including by shutting down internet connectivity, cutting off mobile communications, imprisoning dissenters, blocking media websites, confiscating newspapers, and disrupting satellite signals in a desperate measure to limit media coverage—online dissidents were able to evade government pressure and spread their cause through social- networking websites. This led many to label the Egyptian revolution the Facebook or Twitter Revolution. Since the introduction of the internet in 1993, the Egyptian government has invested in internet infrastructure as part of its strategy to boost the economy and create job opportunities. The Telecommunication Act was passed in 2003 to liberalize the private sector while keeping government supervision and control over information and communication technologies (ICTs) in place. -
Master Thesis the Revolutionary Subject in the Egyptian Revolution
Master thesis The revolutionary subject in the Egyptian revolution Global studies Student: Rawan Hamid (51929) Supervisor: Sune Haugbølle Key strokes: 191.660 Date: 03/01/2019 Roskilde University 1 . Abstract Formålet med dette speciale er at undersøge det revolutionære subjekt, der har eksisteret under de Egyptiske opstande. Igennem undersøgelsen identificeres de diskurser der har hersket blandt de væsentligste revolutionære grupperinger, der deltog under opstandene. Disse undersøgelser eksekveres for at etablere typologier, der kan skabe en dybere forståelse af den pludselige masse mobilisering og dens drivkræfter. Dette studie har taget udgangspunkt i teoretiske koncepter omkring politiske forestillinger og ideologier, der er med til at analysere det revolutionære subjekts selvopfattelse. Udefra analysen kan der konkluderes, at udviklingen fra en ’’revolution’’ til en ’’modrevolution’’ kan forklares på baggrund af en indviklet politisk scene, ideologier og differentierede værdier blandt den Egyptiske befolkning. Analysen indikerer, at denne udvikling først og fremmest skyldes at de revolutionæres indre konflikt af modsigende værdier er præget af religion på den ene side og liberalisme på den anden side, samt den fase af usikkerhed, der har præget den politiske scene i Egypten efter Hosni Mubaraks fald. Dette har fået det revolutionære subjekt til at søge imod en stabilitet og religiøse værdier for at kreere en mening i en meningsløs og usikker tilværelse. 2 . TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Introduction................................................................................................................................ -
Secular Democratic Fear
University of Amsterdam MA Middle Eastern Studies Secular Democratic Fear A critical assessment of the actions and considerations of secularists in contemporary Tunisia and Egypt Thomas Bartels Student no. 10548866 Master’s Thesis Supervisor: dr. R.A.F.L (Robbert) Woltering Second Reader: dr. M. (Mariwan) Kanie July 2017 Abstract When analyzing Middle Eastern politics, most scholars and journalists focus on the region’s Islamists. The Arab Spring protests and the following Islamist ascendance to power in Egypt and Tunisia gave scholars and journalists the chance to test Islamists’ democratic intentions. “Secularists” are often seen as the simple opposite of these Islamists and gain less attention as a result. Western suspicion towards Islam and the strong theoretical ideas connected to “modernization theory” both contribute to the assumption that secular actors are pro-democratic. However, actors that are dubbed secular have dominated authoritarian politics in the region since the emergence of modern nation-states. This study shows how the self-identification of being “secular” can sometimes lead to undemocratic behavior, when secularists fear the outcomes of democratic procedures more than the authoritarian alternative. In this study, this phenomenon is called “secular democratic fear”. Through interviews conducted in Cairo and Tunis in May and June 2017 and an analysis of statements and actions of secular political actors as documented in scholarly and journalistic literature, this study concludes that the power of secular democratic fear has influenced the events in both countries to a large extent. In Egypt, it eventually led to the end of a short democratic period. Indeed, this authoritarian comeback has been supported by secular political actors that claim to be pro-democracy and their choices seem to be largely influenced by the phenomenon of “secular democratic fear” as described in this study. -
Approaching Rule of Law in Post-Revolution Egypt: Where We Were, Where We Are, and Where We Should Be*
!"#$%&'(%)(*(+&(,-#"./%#0%1'$(,%2*,3.3. !""#$%&'()*+,-./+$0+1%2+()+3$456,/7$.-5($)+8*9"5 !! !!" $ !% "! ! $ #! &$ 314758-TEXT.NATIVE.1350535652.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 10/17/2012 9:48 PM ! U.C. DAVIS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW & POLICY VOLUME 18 SPRING 2012 NUMBER 2 ARTICLE APPROACHING RULE OF LAW IN POST-REVOLUTION EGYPT: WHERE WE WERE, WHERE WE ARE, AND WHERE WE SHOULD BE* Ahmed Eldakak** ABSTRACT Partial absence of rule of law was a central reason for the Egyptian Revolution in 2011, and the Revolution provides a golden opportunity to establish full rule of law in Egypt. Using a substantive approach to interpreting the rule of law doctrine, this Article analyzes the aspects of absence of rule of law before the Revolution. The former regime disregarded the rule of law by amending the constitution to promote the rule of the president, issuing laws that served the interests of the president’s entourage, not enforcing judicial decisions, restricting freedom of speech, and concentrating the power in the hands of the president through the disreputable emergency law. The period following the Revolution witnessed an increasing trend toward respecting the rule of law, through changes such as enforcement of judicial decisions, trying the former president and his entourage before courts of law, and increased promotion of freedom of expression. However, several serious obstacles to promoting rule of law remain after the Revolution: the current constitutional mess, the state of emergency, and the military trials for civilians. Ultimately, this Article seeks to provide a roadmap to establishing full rule of law in Egypt, recommending the 314758-TEXT.NATIVE.1350535652.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 10/17/2012 9:48 PM 262 University of California, Davis [Vol. -
Introduction
Notes Introduction 1. Maye Kassem. 1999. In the Guise of Democracy: Governance in Contem- porary Egypt (London: Ithaca Press); Eberhard Kienle. 2001. A Grand Delusion: Democracy and Economic Reform in Egypt (London: I. B. Tau- ris); Eva Bellin. 2002. Stalled Democracy: Capital, Labor, and the Paradox of State- Sponsored Development (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press); Jason Brownlee. 2007. Authoritarianism in an Age of Democratization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press); Lisa Blaydes. 2011. Elections and Distributive Politics in Mubarak’s Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press); Ellen Lust-Okar. 2004. “Divided They Rule: The Manage- ment and Manipulation of Political Opposition,” Journal of Democracy 36(2): 139– 56. 2. Barrington Moore. 1966. Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon); Charles Moraz. 1968. The Triumph of the Middle Class (New York: Anchor); Eric Hobsbawm. 1969. Industry and Empire (Har- mondsworth: Penguin). 3. Bellin. 2002. 4. Nazih Ayubi. 1995. Over-Stating the Arab State: Politics and Society in the Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris). 5. Samuel Huntington. 1991. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press), p. 67. 6. Ray Bush. 2012. “Marginality or Abjection? The Political Economy of Pov- erty Production in Egypt,” in Marginality and Exclusion in Egypt, ed. Ray Bush and Habib Ayeb (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press), p. 66. 7. Bellin. 2002. 8. Amr Adly. 2009. “Politically- Embedded Cronyism: The Case of Egypt,” Busi- ness and Politics 11(4): 1– 28. 9. Bellin. 2002. 10. Adly. 2009. 11. The only Policies Secretariat meeting that Gamal Mubarak missed since the establishment of the Secretariat in 2002 was in March 2010 when he was accompanying his father in Germany for treatment. -
Cyber Dissidents: the Potentials and Limitations of Using Social Media for Political Activism
American University Cyber Dissidents: The Potentials and Limitations of Using Social Media for Political Activism Dr. Loubna Skalli-Hanna Senior Honors Capstone University Honors in International Studies By Jacqueline Baumgartner Washington, D.C. Spring 2013 Baumgartner 2 Abstract The phenomenon of the “cyber dissident” is a relatively new concept brought about through the modern age of technology. The Arab Spring in 2011 brought this concept to the forefront and social media began to be seen as a tool for protest and even mobilization against oppressive state power. This article examines how citizens use social media such as Twitter and Facebook to dissent against their authoritarian regimes. It will also examine how these governments use censorship to counter online political activism. Ai Weiwei in China and Ahmed Maher in Egypt provide two case studies that demonstrate the complex power relations between cyber dissidents and their respective governments. How did Ahmed Maher during the April 6th Movement and Ai Weiwei in the wake of the Sichuan earthquake controversy in 2008 use social media to challenge the regimes in Egypt and China? Keywords: cyber dissidents, social media, censorship, political movements, collective action I. Introduction In 2008, both the Chinese and Egyptian government drew intense scrutiny from activists as events in their countries led to public outcry. On May 12, 2008, China experienced a horrible earthquake in the Sichuan province that left thousands of people dead. The Chinese government tried to cover up the details of the casualties, especially the death toll of the children who died in poorly constructed schools. This angered many Chinese citizens and spurred them into action launching a Citizens Investigation soon after. -
Elections in Egypt RIGHTS State of Permanent Emergency Incompatible with Free and Fair Vote WATCH
Egypt HUMAN Elections in Egypt RIGHTS State of Permanent Emergency Incompatible with Free and Fair Vote WATCH Elections in Egypt State of Permanent Emergency Incompatible with Free and Fair Copyright © 2010 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-721-3 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org December 2010 ISBN: 1-56432-721-3 Elections in Egypt State of Permanent Emergency Incompatible with Free and Fair Vote Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 1 I. Elections in a State of Emergency ............................................................................................. 4 Disruption of Demonstrations................................................................................................ 4 Media Crackdown ................................................................................................................. 5 Arrests of Campaign Activists ............................................................................................... -
No to Military Contracts with the Egyptian Dictatorship!
www.laboursolidarity.org No to military contracts with the Egyptian dictatorship! The Egyptian people had given a lesson to the world with their peaceful revolution of Tahrir Square which had overthrown the dictator Hosni Mubarak in 2011. Unsatisfied with his reforms, it had also overthrown President Mohamed Morsi in 2013… Today, we are back to dictatorship, with Marshal Abdel Fattah al Sissi, who ensured his own international impunity by choosing to ally with the United States of Donald Trump, but also by buying military equipment from France. The International Labour Network of Solidarity and Struggles remembers the campaign against the presence of the telephone company Orange in Israel. This campaign was successful in 2015 thanks to the BDS campaign in Egypt and the natural and massive solidarity of the Egyptian people with the Palestinian people. Today, such a campaign would no longer be possible. After nearly closing the Gaza-Egypt crossing, Sissi threw several BDS Egypt leaders, Ramy Shaath and Mohamed El-Massry, into prison, a strong message of submission to the new world order of Trump and Netanyahu. Back to a military, autocratic and corrupt power. Back to censorship of public expression. Back to arrests, expulsions and political assassinations. Any opposition is punished. Heroes and heroines of the 2011 revolution are in prison: Alaa Abdel Fattah, Mahienour El-Massry, Israa Abdel Fattah, Hossam el-Sayed, Solafa Magdy, Mohamed Salah, Zyad El-Elaimy. Thousands of supporters of Mohamed Morsi have been hunted down, imprisoned or murdered, including the former president and his son. Even today, Sissi tracks all opposition, whether it comes from independent journalists, like Lina Attalah, the editor-in-chief of Mada Masr, or even from musicians like Galal El-Behairy or from filmmakers like Shady Habash, because they participated in the clip of a song that made fun of him. -
97090865.Pdf
Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab World Contents Civil Society News From Around the Region ........... 1-2 A round-up of important developments in democratization and human rights in the Arab World. The Sociologist Vs. The State: Round II..............................3 Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim continues to provoke the ire of the Egyptian regime. What is the Grassroots Democracy Project?..........................5 An overview of an ongoing ICDS democratization project. The Trial of Free Press..................................................6 Matthew Husing examines the assault on press freedoms within AEgypt. Judicial Compromise...................................................7 Ivan Rosales covers the most recent development in the Saudi Arabian legal system. Reluctant Arab Political Reform.......................................8 Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim on the hesitant political reform process in the Arab world. A Bittersweet Release....................................................11 An in-depth interview with recently-released prisoner and ICDS employee Amr Tharwat. Al-Rewaq.........................................................................10 A summary of the October weekly forums held at ICDS. Can Any of you Name the Swiss President?................…...12 Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim recounts his recent travels to Switzerland. How Long can Egypt Endure Penury?..........................14 Hassan Elsawaf bemoans the stagnation and status quo of Egyptian Thepolitics Copts and of Egypt:society. Victims of Discrimination ...............15 -
Background Paper
SAHWA BP/07-2014 Background Paper POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION: A PUBLIC POLICY ANALYSIS OF EGYPT AND ITS YOUTH GROUPS Bahgat Korany, American University in Cairo Forum October 2014 SAHWA Background Paper 07-2014, Bahgat Korany Introduction As I understand the objective of a background paper, it is primarily to help guide data- collection and research in the case at hand. Focusing specifically on the topic assigned to the AUC Forum, Political Participation and International Cooperation, I suggest to zoom in directly on the issues at hand. These issues concern data-collection (either through surveys and/or interviews) and especially data-analysis, including the crucial aspects of the policy- making process and its dynamics. At heart of political participation and international cooperation is Public Policy Analysis (PPA) which is -par excellence- problem-oriented, in our case focusing on youth aspects. Other aspects will be treated in as far as they are related to this primary focus. This paper is divided into four parts and includes four annexes. The first part makes explicit the focus on youth. The second part assesses briefly the public policy literature and presents he framework used in the paper. The third part- the largest- deals with youth groups and youth policy-making in Egypt. The last part four concludes with what is going at the very moment concerning youth policy-making. Since this is really a process very much in the making, it is suggested that interviews should be conducted with principal actors: government, other institutions and youth groups. The four annexes are part and parcel of the paper. -
To Political Detainees
0 / 123 Detainees’ Registry Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International 38 April 2021 41 7-2 1 / 123 45 7-3 45 7-4 Note The Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms (ECRF) issues the "Detainees Register" as a contribution to record its solidarity with them and their families and to provide information about their situation available to those interested in the issue of political detainees in Egypt, hoping to serve as a witness and a reference that sheds some light on their situation in the darkness of their cells and bring some warmth into the hearts of their families, until a day comes when the desired justice brings them together. 2 / 123 3 / 123 / 3 121 120 (10-4) 118 (9-4) 113 (8-4) 106 (7-4) 98 (6-4) 92 (5-4) 82 (4-4) 68 (3-4) 51 (2-4) 43 (1-4) 11 10 8 6 4 ﻗﺎﺋـــﻤﺔ اﺤﺘﻮﻳـــﺎت Table of contents of Table 1 To political Detainees: 1 إﱃ اﻌﺘﻘﻠﲔ Dedicationاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ: إﻫﺪاء companions إﱃ To theاﻟﺰﻣﺎﻳﻞ out of hardships ﻧﺒﺖ Grownاﳍﻮاﻳﻞ The unfortunate just ones اﻟﻌﺎدﻟﲔ واﻟﺒﺨﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ Who are driven by love And nothing lessﺑﺎﳊﺐ ﻏﻴﺔ omen for the cause ﻣﺶ goodأي ﻧﻴﺔOur ”justice, Egypt free for you and me ﺑﴩﺗﻮا ﻓﻴﻨﺎ ,is “bread ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔAnd the cause "with action واﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ beautiful "ﻋﻴﺶ، more ﻋﺪاﻟﺔ، ﻣﴫ,Egypt ﺣﺮة ﻟﻴﻚ وﻟﻴﺎ the companions ﻣﴫ forgot أﺣﲆ Egypt, yeﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎﻳﻞ ,squeezed in prison ﻣﴫ ﻳﺎ heart ﻧﺎﺳﻴﺔ For everyاﻟﺰﻣﺎﻳﻞ ,the oppression of prison ﻛﻞ by ﻗﻠﺐ squeezed ﺑﻴﻌﴫوه are ﰲ hearts اﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﻋﴫA thousand A thousand hearts, a thousand persons, ﻓﻴﻪ ,prison وراه outside 100 ﻗﻠﺐ prisonﺗﺎﱐ In aﺑﻴﻌﴫوه ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﻗﻬﺮ and friends أﻟﻒ families ﻗﻠﺐ ,lovers وأﻟﻒ Forﺣﺪ and the homeland ،ﺑﺮة ﺳﻮر innocence اﻟﺴﺠﻦ ,comradesﺳﺠﻦ For of the، free by prison ﻟﻠﺤﺒﺎﻳﺐ deprived واﻟﻘﺮاﻳﺐ For eachواﻟﺼﺤﺎب during a visit ﻟﻠﺮﻓﺎﻗﺔ the letter واﻟﱪاءة Forوﻟﻠﻮﻃﻦ bitternessﻟﻜﻞ of ﻣﻦ full ﺧﺪ hug ﻣﻨﻪFor aﺳﺠﻦ ﺑﻼدﻧﺎ ﺣﺮ time more bitter ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ every ﰲ Andاﻟﺰﻳﺎرة Proudly, for each of us ﳊﻀﻦ ﻣﻠﻴﺎن ﺑﺎ¦ﺮارة Those in prison for the love of Egypt of the companions وﻛﻞ careﻣﺮة ا¦ﺮ Takeﻣﺮ every woman ﻟﻴﻨﺎ ...man اﺣﻨﺎ ﺑﻜﻞ Everyﻓﺨﺮ who are still aliveﻟﻠﻤﺴﺠﻮﻧﲔ Allﻷﺟﻠﻚ ﻳﺎﻣﴫ by death وﺧﲇ surrounded ﺑﺎﻟﻚ ع Despiteاﻟﺰﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﻞ واﺣﺪ.