Civil Society and Democratization in the

Contents

Civil Society News From Around the Region ...... 1-2 A round-up of important developments in democratization and human rights in the Arab World. The Sociologist Vs. The State: Round II...... 3 Dr. continues to provoke the ire of the Egyptian regime. What is the Grassroots Project?...... 5 An overview of an ongoing ICDS democratization project. The Trial of Free Press...... 6 Matthew Husing examines the assault on press freedoms within AEgypt. Judicial Compromise...... 7 Ivan Rosales covers the most recent development in the Saudi Arabian legal system. Reluctant Arab Political Reform...... 8 Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim on the hesitant political reform process in the Arab world. A Bittersweet Release...... 11 An in-depth interview with recently-released prisoner and ICDS employee Amr Tharwat. Al-Rewaq...... 10 A summary of the October weekly forums held at ICDS. Can Any of you Name the Swiss President?...... …...12 Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim recounts his recent travels to Switzerland. How Long can Endure Penury?...... 14 Hassan Elsawaf bemoans the stagnation and status quo of Egyptian politics and society. The of Egypt: Victims of Discrimination ...... 15 Moheb Zaki outlines the legal and societal discrimination being waged against Egypt’s Christian minority. •BAHRAIN appeal with another judge. are optimistic a decision will be made Human rights activist and Ibn Khaldunby the end of Lahoud’s term on Recently, Bahraini authoritiesCenter have Founder Saad Eddin IbrahimNovember 24. The meeting is seen as banned access to several civicannounced that he fears an attempta reconciliation by between competing mobilization web pages, includingauthorities the to detain him without trialparties and politicians, and is largely HAQ homepage. Authorities justifyif he returns to Egypt. In viewed2001, as a positive step in ’s censorship on the grounds that suchIbrahim was sentenced to seven yearspolitical development. civic organizations are not registered in prison for defamation of Egypt’s• MOROCCO under either the national reputation.Civic His commitment to Organizations Law ratified in 1989democratization or in the region has made the Political Societies Law ratified in Residents of Bin Samim recently him a political target. Ibrahim believespeacefully protested for the protection 2005. Organizations not registeredauthorities are might murder him, making considered illegal and subject to of their right to water. Police the act appear as suicide. The activist’sresponded violently, making numerous prosecution. Opponents of theconvictions have still not been silenced mandate accuse the Bahraini arrests. Several human rights and he continues to critique Presidentorganizations, including the Attac government of degrading free Mubarak’sspeech regime. and of over-regulating political critique. Morocco, the Universal Decade for Water in Morocco, and the National The HAQ Movement for Liberties • JORDAN and Democracy is one of many Organization for Protecting Public Money formally announced the public popular associations demanding greaterParliamentary elections in the month Bahraini democratization. Censorship right to water as a basic necessity. They of October came under harsh criticism encouraged citizens to support those of this and other sites is carried inout Jordan. Civil society has demanded in accordance with Press Decree Code arrested and show solidarity towards greater transparency in the Binelection Samim residents. No. 47, ratified in 2002. process,Bahraini hoping international watchdog journalists continue to be prosecuted groups might be allowed to monitor• PALESTINE according to its precepts. the process. The Ministry of Interiors •EGYPT maintains that 2003 election laws do not provide for election monitoring, Huwaida Taha’s appeal case hasand been will not provide watchdog groups dropped by Judge Mahmoud Hamza. with information. Taha, sentenced in May 2007, contends she was convicted after an unfair• LEBANONtrial. She spent six months in jail and paid a 20,000 pound fine, with Parliamentarybail set at majority leader MP Saad 10,000 pounds. Authorities accusedHariri met with MP Michel Auon, head the Al-Jazeera journalist of producingof the opposition Free Patriotic Movement. As the presidential election a documentary that promulgated has announced that it will begin falsities defaming Egypt.nears, The both are looking to reach consensus on a candidate to assumecutting Gaza’s electricity supply. Israeli documentary focused on claims of Deputy Defense Minister Matan Vilnai torture in the country. After sentencing,incumbent Emile Lahoud’s seat. The Christian bloc is looking to securestated an that public structures like her laptop, cellular phone, and tapes hospitals will not be subject to these were seized. Taha will continueagreed-upon her candidate by the constitutional deadline. Party memberscuts. Power constraints come in response to continued shelling insewed thehis mouth to protest of Tunisia’s region. Yet many fear this willmedia further censorship policies. complicate strained relations between Israel and Palestine, as well as• OMANbetween the Fatah and Hamas parties. Palestinian President Mahmoud AbbasOmani voters were set to go to the considers this latest action of Israelipolls on Oct. 27 to vote for members authorities as “sabotage” againstof an advisory council for Sultan continued efforts for peace andQaboos’s government. In 2003, the sovereignty. Omani government decided to allow citizens over the age of 21 to select members of the 84-member Majlis as- Shura, or Consultative Assembly, which • advises the Sultan on economic and Turkish aircraft have been bombingsocial issues. The Assembly cannot, the Iraqi border in what is termedhowever, deal with issues of defense, “counterterrorism” efforts. The internal security or foreign policy. Turkish military has been shellingAccording the to the Gulf Times, 732 separatist region considered candidatesa were poised to vie for seats stronghold of the Kurdistan Workers’in the consultative body, among them Party (PKK). Claims that militant20 PKK women. For this first time, members have been launching bordercandidates in this year’s campaign were attacks on military personnel and civilians caused Turkish parliament to pass a resolution of armed incursion into Iraq; a mass invasion has been stalled while waiting for international consensus or a diplomatic answer. Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki promised to crack down on PKK activity while Iraqi Kurdish urged the PKK to adhere to a ceasefire. Iraqi authorities fear any incursion would question regional sovereignty and further cleave the conflicted state. • Tunisia allowed to make use of billboards, newspaper advertisements and slogans, although these forms of publicity are subject to limitations in size and quantity. Although the government expanded the freedom to advertise this year, none of the candidates have presented Tunisian political activist and majorjournalist opposition to current Mohammed Abbou was prevented by government policy or made promises state forces from embarking on foran wide-scale reform. The candidates international flight at Tunishave Airport in general expressed loyalty to on Oct. 23. Abbou was allegedlythe person and rule of Sultan Qaboos, intended to travel to to show Al-Destour ruling since 1970, whom many have solidarity for Editor-in-Chiefpraised for “putting Oman on the path Ibrahim Eissa. Abbou reportedlytoward modernization and wished to attend Eissa’s upcoming trialdemocracy”. for publishing rumors and misleading the Egyptian public. The TunisianOmani official were hoping that the dissident gained notoriety for sewingnew advertising policies would result his mouth shut in jail while servingin ana increase in voter turnout, which three and a half year term for reachedwriting 70% of Oman’s nearly 389,000 an article published on a Tunisianregistered news voters in 2003. website that criticized state-led torture and compared it to torture reports at the Iraqi prison of Abu Ghaib. Abbou nce again Prof. Saad Eddin Ibrahim has hasincurred ever called for such a linkage between foreign aid and the wrath of President .liberal reforms. As expected, this raised a hysterical hue O and cry in the pro-government media, the anti-Western, Ibrahim was charged in June 2000 of havingparticularly damaged the left-leaning, circles, and elicited criticism Egypt's reputation abroad, thereby indirectlyfrom harming some independent its commentators. "Traitor", "taking economy. After a series of trials over the followingfood from three the mouth of the poor, and "endangering national years he was finally acquitted on March 18, security"2003, byand the similar accusations in the same vein filled Court of Cassation, Egypt's highest tribunal, butnumerous not before editorials that castigated Saad Eddin Ibrahim he had spent some 14 months behind bars, which causedfor daring to make such a proposal to President Bush when him serious permanent health damage. the latter met with prominent dissidents from all over the world in Prague last June. Now he is once more the target of nine new investigations, but this time in the form of private legal complaintsA similarly filed unprecedented statement by Dr. Ibrahim was with the Attorney General by members of the rulinghis suggestionparty, that if the Egyptian regime continues to charging Ibrahim, with a whole slew of offencesignore including the demand for freedom, and all other peaceful defaming the President and harming Egypt'smeans economy. fail to prod the government to democratize then the people should resort to . Again the Faced with a repeat of his previous ordeal Dr. Ibrahimstate's has media screamed "subversion", "espionage", and since last June chosen a self-imposed exile, moving"conspiracy from to subvert the regime and undermine law and Doha to the United States to Britain to Switzerland, order.".roaming the countries of three continents restlessly. While these two statements by Dr. Ibrahim would not cause True, he is not totally dissociated from events ina rippleEgypt, of concern in any state democracy which protects and his weekly editorial is regularly publishedfree in twospeech, leading they were considered by Egypt's autocratic opposition papers, Al Masry Al Youm and Al-Destour,regime but as highly inflammatory if not outright treasonous. how long can an activist of his caliber remainStill, outside bythe themselves, they do not explain the regime's virulent domestic theater of his political struggle? On thehostility other towards the man, a hostility which was clearly hand, pushing 70 and in poor health, he canevident hardly longwithstand before these statements were made last year. another stint in the notoriously harsh conditions of Egyptian prisons. Such an outcome could, for him, potentiallyThere be seem to be three mainstream theories that claim to life-threatening. provide an explanation. The first portrays Ibrahim and the Ibn Khaldun Center as nothing but an agent of the United I have never cease to wonder what exactly it Statesis that dedicated so to promoting its agenda, which is assumed provokes the relentless fury of the Mubarak regimeto be against nefarious, in the region and undermining Egypt's Dr. Ibrahim. What is it that he, and he alone, sovereignty.does that has This theory, however, besides being extremely earned him such malicious enmity from the state? Othernaive, cannot stand against rational scrutiny. First, and most pro-democracy and human rights activists are constantlyimportantly, this is not credible because Egypt's current lambasting the regime in terms no less harsh thanregime his. Theyis indeed a staunch ally of the United States in the criticize its authoritarianism, its discrimination againstArab world,the as admitted in public statement by senior Copts, its manipulation of election results, its officialsendemic of both parties. Indeed, it is this very alliance that corruption, and its turning of the country intois decrieda virtual by many pro-democracy advocates who accuse police state wherein everything and every U.S.institution policy isof seeking to maintain Mubarak's autocratic subject to the control of the security apparatus,regime the by supporting it with a substantial annual package Mukhabarat. of U.S. economic and military aid of about $1.7 billion. Second, Dr. Ibrahim has often been a severe critic of several Why, then, is Saad Eddin Ibrahim privileged byaspects the dubious of American policy in the region, particularly that honor of being selected from among the regime'srelated many to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Third, and most critics to be the pre-eminent target of its wrath? devastatingTrue, he for the agent theory, is that Dr. Ibrahim has is the only critic of the regime who openly advocatesdemonstrated that in the most striking manner that he is his that Western aid to Egypt be conditioned on significantown man. He incurred the deep disapproval of the Bush steps being taken by President Mubarak toadministration, implement and many of his American admirers by genuine, and not merely cosmetic democratic reformsmeeting and with Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hizbollah, take measures that would ensure greater respect forwhich human the U.S. categorizes as a terrorist organization, and rights. While many have conceded, albeit often again,grudgingly, in defiance of U.S. policy that would like to keep that external pressures have indeed helped in theEgypt's past, noneIslamists marginalized. He has constantly advocated the official legitimation and inclusion of the Muslima Brothersunique status not found, to the best of my knowledge, in in political life, as the most effective means of thesuppressing of any other country: Though he is the radical Islamic elements and encouraging moderationhead ofand the state's executive branch he is accorded the tolerance through political participation as is supremethe case power in of resolving any conflict between the three Jordan and Morocco. branches of government. It is therefore not surprising that over the last five decades (since the military came to power The second theory attributes the main cause of the inregime's 1952) that a personality cult has conflated the Egyptian hatred to what they call Ibrahim's "constant attemptsPresident to and his regime with both the concept of the state rend the social fabric" of Egypt by his persistenceas wellin raisingas that of the Egyptian people. In a sense it is and highlighting the state's institutionalized discriminationanalogous to the concept of the pharaoh, who not only against the state’s Coptic Christian minority. But,represents here again, the sovereign state but also embodies his entire this is an issue often raised by many Egyptiannation. liberal Muslim intellectuals, albeit not as frequently or trenchantly as Ibrahim. Given this deeply entrenched culture no wonder that Egypt President would find it highly offensive that any other The third theory is that although the regime is preparedEgyptian to would have the temerity to confer---as Dr. Ibrahim put up with criticism if confined to the written word,does--- it with foreign dignitaries, ambassadors, senators, and cannot tolerate this if it is coupled with popular evenactivism. heads of states, on issues that concern Egypt, as a Generally speaking, this is largely trueresult of theof hisEgyptian high international standing and the regard and regime, but neither Dr. Ibrahim personally norrespect his Center that are accorded his views. In short, such a situation has ever engaged in a form of activism that issought perceived to as a direct challenge to the President's prerogative mobilize the masses. Indeed the activism of Ibrahim andto be the sole interlocutor with the senior officers of foreign the Ibn Khaldun Center to foster democratic valuesgovernments was on matters that concern Egypt and its people. never of the shrill demagogic type that seeks Theto incite, fact butthat Dr. Ibrahim is unique among Egyptian rather is of the kind characterized by restraint anddissidents an appealto enjoy such high international standing seems to rational discourse, albeit one that does not shyto put from him almost on a par with the President vis-a-vis the exposing failures of the regime and its natureinternational in blunt and community. To make matters worse, he often sarcastic terms. Unlike other pro-democracy activistshabitually expresses his views in terms that make no he has neither organized or taken partconcession in street to the aforementioned sensitivities of the regime. demonstrations or convened mass rallies against the regime as others in the opposition have done, nor did heThis, attempt I believe, is the main underlying cause that earned to develop any mass movement. him the undying enmity of President Mubarak and his regime. And so, while each of these theories contains a kernel of truth, none of them provides a satisfactory explanationIt is perhaps for fitting to end this article with a quotation from the state's visceral and unrelenting antagonismone towards of myDr. most admired writers, Prof. Thomas Sowell: " Ibrahim. The ' Rule of Law ' is not simply a slogan to be mouthed by the government in every official pronouncement justifying I therefore suggest here an alternative theory----basedits bringing on to trial all those who fall afoul of the regime Egypt's long standing political culture---whichby exercisingI believe their right to free speech. It is the foundation gives a more persuasive explication of the regime'supon undying, which all other rights are based." burning rage against Prof. Ibrahim. The current Egyptian regime would do well to contemplate Egyptian politics in general are highly personalized,these words. and the institution of the President since the Nasser era completely dominates all aspects of political life. Indeed, the person of the president is accorded in the Egyptian Constitution any of those who follow the news and activitiesfreedom. Among the most important of these are (1) the of the Ibn Khaldun Center are unawarerights of oneof women and minorities; (2) plurality and tolerance; of the Center’s most notable continuing(3) the concept of jihad; and (4) the proper role of religion M undertakings, the Grassroots Democracy Project.in a civil government. These topics will be addressed in a Because the aims of this endeavor are so mannervital that will highlight what an enlightened interpretation to the growth of democracy in Egypt on a fundamentalof the Quran would say concerning them. level, Civil Society staff have decided to include a 2.Makingsummary contacts with concerned local NGOs, especially of the project’s establishment and operations in thisthose issue that are religiously-oriented, in order to establish an to familiarize readers with one of the Ibn Khalduninitial Center’s network in three governorates that will act to: major areas of work. What follows is drawn primarilya)distribute from the aforementioned fliers the Grassroots Democracy Project proposal drafted by b)conduct regular bi-weekly sessions, open to the members Civil Society Senior Consultant Moheb Zaki.of their community, in which these topics will be discussed and questions answered. The underlying purpose will be Introduction to expose and correct popularly-held misconceptions The keen desire of the West and many in Egyptregarding to promote Islamic teachings on the subject topics. democracy has to contend with the problem of how to3.Convening a workshop every three months to assess get in touch with the masses and develop a grass-rootsprogress and address problems that might have arisen constituency that would push for a liberal democraticduring implementation. Participants in the workshop will regime system. So far, efforts to democratize have bebeen members of local NGOs, the flier authors and members confined to a very thin strata of Egyptianof intellectualsthe project’s Steering Committee, which will include whose effect on the governing regime, thoughthe useful, project isdirector and three members of the Board of nevertheless extremely limited. Compounding this difficultyTrustees of the Ibn Khaldun Center (ICDS). is the extreme fragility and weakness of both4.Convening political an annual conference to discuss the entire parties and the association of civil society. No doubtproject the in light of the experience gained. Local and central pressures exerted by the West, particularly thegovernment United officials will be invited to this conference and States, on the Egyptian government to institutetheir democratic help solicited in support of the project. reform are a potent factor that will always be needed to support domestic pro-democracy forces. In the final analysis,Targeted Sites and Groups however, it is those domestic forces that must do the job Sites: It is planned that the project will commence in one of forcing the implementation of reforms. These forcesor two small towns, and their surrounding villages, in will remain largely ineffective without taking eachroot amongof the following governorates: Qualubiyya, the population at large, particularly among theSharkiyya poor rural and Dakkahliyaa. and urban classes, which constitute more than 80% Groupsof the: The targeted groups will be local peasants, the Egyptian population. lower working classes and secondary-school students. To that end, the Ibn Khaldun Center (ICDS) Durationproposes toof the Project: initiate a program that would tap into the grass-rootsIt is understoodof that this is the kind of project that seeks Egyptian society in order to inculcate the valuesto effect of a large-scale change in the cultural mores and democracy and mobilize a popular constituency that wouldnotions of wide sectors of the population at a demand and pressure the regime to implement democratic grassroots level. Such schemes require years and often reforms. decades to bear significant fruit. This, however, should not daunt us, as even the longest journey begins with The Proposed Project a few small steps, as the saying goes. This acknowledged, The project involves several major tasks which maywe be must nevertheless, for sake of concreteness, set an summarized as follows: arbitrary time period for the project. We believe that a period of two years is adequate for both budgetary 1.Writing and publishing several fliers (of aboutpurposes 3-5 page and for providing significant data on the each) addressing, in simple language accessibleviability to the lower of the project as a vehicle for fostering the classes of society, a topic closely related to democracyvalues and of freedom and democracy. n Sunday, October 7, 2007, Twentymillion twodid leave the country on August 29 and 30 independent and oppositionist Egyptianimmediately following Eissa’s publication of the alleged newspapers did not publish to protest the recentfalse rumors of the president’s poor health in Al-Destour. jail sentences of eight Egyptian However, the trial did not go as the O editors and journalists. This prosecution anticipated. When asked if there protest was a stand against government was a link between the publication and the restrictions on the supposed “free press” disinvestment, Ibrahim said: “I cannot be in Egypt, and a show of solidarity for those certain.” When Ahmed Saad, the chairman charged by the government. of the CMA testified, he said that there was no link between the reports on the president’s This issue arose in mid-September, when health and the behavior of the stock market. jail sentences were issued against eight editors and journalists who were charged with a variety of alleged offenses that According to Reuters, Egypt's main stock included insulting President Hosni Mubarak and hisindexes National did fall on August 29 by 0.7 and 0.8 percent, but Democratic Party (NDP) and spreading vicious andbrokers false said this was because of fears of weakness in the rumors about President Hosni Mubarak’s ailing health.U.S. economy. Three of the eight were indicted and sentenced for misquoting the Minister of Justice and sentenced Whileto two the three and a half hour session court session went years in prison. Five individuals charged with insultingon, Ibrahim the Eissa was absent from the hearings. The president were sentenced to one year in prisonprosecution in addition demanded Eissa attend the hearings at the trial, to a fine of 20,000LE ($3600) but are currentlybut the freedefense on bailstated that then President Mubarak should and awaiting the consideration of their beappeal. asked to attend if Eissa must. Those slapped with the latter charge include IbrahimThese Eissa testimonials which were thought to seal Eissa’s future of Al-Destour, Wael Al-Ibrashy of Sout al-Ummah,in Abdel jail, may in fact help to release him. Eissa’s trial is Halim Kandil of Al-Karama, Adel Hamouda of Al-Fajr adjournedand until November 14, when the defense’s testimonies Mohamed Sayyed Saeed of Al-Badil. Anwar Al-Hawary,will be heard. According to the Associated Foreign Press, Mahmoud Ghaleb and Amir Salem of Al-Wafd receivedEissa has declared that “It is the that the former charge. is on trial and not I”. Only time will tell if these sentences are actually carried out. Of all the defendants, Ibrahim Eissa faces the most formidable legal challenge. Besides his chargeThe of insultingtrials of these eight newspaper editors represent an President Mubarak, he stands accused of spreadingunprecedented rumors and widely publicized event. Never have so which caused significant harm to the Egyptian manyeconomy. prominent Egyptian journalists been convicted and The prosecution alleges that Eissa published regardingsentenced to prison within the span of a few weeks. What Mubarak’s ailing health led to a significantseems stock to pass market relatively unnoticed, however, is the fact that drop and to a large-scale flight of foreignother investments. less prominent journalists are currently also facing jail time. During the last week of October, a criminal court Eissa’s trial was held at 11:00 a.m. on Wednesdayin Octoberthe governorate of Assiut sentenced Younis Darwish, a the 24, at the New Cairo State Security Court. journalist The trial for the Wafd newspaper, and Mahmoud Abaza, started with the prosecution bringing in the sub-governorchairman of the , to one month in prison for of the Central Bank of Egypt, Atef Ali Ibrahim,“misreporting” and Ahmed a session of the Assiut Municipal Council. Saad, chairman of the Capital Market Authority to testify against Eissa. The defendant could face a Somethree-year three years jail ago, President Mubarak publicly declared term if found guilty of "publishing false newsthat likelyhe will taketo immediate steps to modify the current disturb public order and the country's stability."legislation that permits the imprisonment of journalists for offenses related to the printed word. What is astonishing During the trial, the prosecution said that Eissa’sis notarticle that the promised amendments to the Press Law have suggested that “Egypt’s policies are being formulatednot been by delivereda but that the regime seems to have sick president who can only afford to make emotionalembarked on a rapidly escalating campaign to imprison as decisions due to his weak health.” The defense interruptedmany journalists as possible. According to Gamal Eid, saying that the two articles in question were publishedExecutive after Director of the Arab Network for Human Rights, Mubarak’s August 23rd visit to Borj Al-Arab factories,“No onewhich knows the exact number filed against journalists discredited already existing rumors of ill health. and As writerssuch, in Egypt…(but it is estimated) that the number the articles did not start the rumors and should notis bearound 500 cases filed each year.” He continued, “Prison evidence. Eissa has previously claimed that the hasrumors become the expected residence of Egyptian journalists.” about Mubarak’s health were not slander, but instead reporting what had already been rumored sinceClearly August. the issue of press rights in Egypt has reached a crisis point. The final outcome of this newest round of As the prosecution’s witnesses were brought forth, Ateftrials will determine the fate of this crucial freedom. Ali Ibrahim told the court that investments worth $350 main feature of the absolute monarchy ofjudicial Saudi appointments. Arabia is a political system where obedienceAmong to other changes expected to take place in the near the ruler is strongly enforced and legitimizedfuture is the implementation of a process aimed at facilitating A through ideological and financial means.the successionLately, process within the Saudi royal family. Under however, tentative steps have been taken by the royalestablished family Allegiance Commission, a crown prince to introduce a marginal measure nominated by the King will be subjected aimed at institutionalizing political to a vote to either approve or disapprove power. King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz the King’s nomination. This commission al-Saud, who succeeded to the Saudi is to be comprised of King Abdullah’s sons, throne in 2005, issued a royal decree who will serve a four-year term on the on October 2 approving the body. The enactment of this process is renovation of ’s intended to provide the means to address judiciary system. The decree internal familial strife. allocated US $1.87 billion (SR 7 To better understand these significant billion) to carry out the changes, turning points in Saudi domestic policy, it which would establish a Supreme is first important to understand the political Court, as well as labor and circumstances, and institutional commercial tribunals. In following environments that encouraged this change. with these changes aimed at Some suggest that Saudi Arabia today is developing the legal system, Saudi in ‘increasing disharmony’, with opposition Arabia’s court system will continue taking various forms. Aside from the to preserve the judiciary within the internal familial dissent, a religious and a framework of Islamic law, which is modernist resistance have taken shape. the law of the land, and will be Previous efforts by the Saudi regime to supplemented with royal decrees ‘Islamize’ was made increasingly which also remain within the contradictory when security and boundaries of Shari’a law. developmental needs necessitated the opening of the state to non-Muslim King Abdullah, who bears the honorary titleworkers, of the residents and American troops. On the other hand, "Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques" employs religion,there is a distinct movement by groups of intellectuals and to establish a sort of ideological authority over his humansubjects. rights activists who have begun to exert efforts, The current legal system adheres to a Sunni interpretationalbeit discretely, on the regime to extend the margin of civil derived from the teachings of Muhammad bin 'Abd liberties.al- Wahhab, whose partnership with the Saudi family pre-datesWhat is made evident by the new developments in the Saudi the founding of the Saudi State. Ultimately,legal this strict system is that the ruling family has become cognizant ideological interpretation is detrimental to variousof Muslimincreasing awareness in the kingdom of the demand for and non-Muslim religious minorities living withinmore thecivil state. rights. However, the fact that these changes are The orthodox Wahhabi ideological understanding ofstill Islam tied down to a particular religious school of thought fundamentally superimposes its outlook on other existingsuggests that this is a strategic move by King Abdullah to religious sects that are subject to the Saudi legalappease system as some of the opposition groups as well as to bolster well. Saudi Arabia’s image abroad. The establishment of the Allegiance Commission is a mechanism which attempts to The new Supreme Court, a ten-member body, willmaintain take familial cohesion. The lack of full implementation over judicial affairs and replace the Supreme Judicialof previousCouncil, promises of reform by the Saudi Arabia’s which is headed by Sheikh Saleh Bin Mohammadmonarch Al- suggests that a healthy amount of skepticism Luhaidan and comprised of eleven of the countries shouldleading be maintained at least until initial concrete steps 'ulama. Nonetheless, the Supreme Judicial Counciltoward will the announced reforms are actually taken. continue to play an administrative role, including overseeing he last decade has witnessed sustainable popularnot ignore your oppression. When you stand for your liberty, we will demands for political reform in much of the Arabstand by you”. World, with equally steady resistance from ruling TArab regimes. The outcome has been partialLet usand sketch what transpired in our region since that pledge reluctant democratization. There were enough of thein latterWashington nearly three years ago. to dispel the so-called Arab and Muslim exceptionalism; but not enough to irreversibly induct the Arab WorldA Shortinto Spring of Freedom the celebrated Third Wave of Democracy. The course has been skimpy but hopeful, as we see below. There were indeed some immediate democratic developments. The year 2005 would go down in history as For the benefit of our host, let us only review onethe yearsin which the Arabs had the largest number of elections. since the Barcelona Accord (1995) and Two in Palestine, three in Iraq, three in /or the G-8 Summit at Sea Island Egypt, two in Lebanon and even Saudi Democracy promotion in the Broader Arabia a backwater of Arab politics had Middle East and North Africa its first, albeit municipal, elections. The (BMENA), out of which emerged the region seemed to be on electoral fire, Forum for the Future. A quick glance with a mania of discovering or at the first decade of the Barcelona rediscovering the magic of the ballot experience tells the tale for one thing, box, and the joy of participation in their the Europeans went it alone. They were countries’ public affairs. justifiably more concerned about their southern Mediterranean neighbours, as Even a tragic event, as that of the fast breeders of religious militancy, illegal assassination of a Lebanese former migration, smuggling and other sources Prime-Minister, Mr. Rafik Hariri, was of organized crime. All the above illsDr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim turned into a popular uprising to get the of failing states were to be addressed Syrian occupation army out of Lebanon. by the well-to-do northern European In keeping with the times, it was called the “Cedar Uprising”; neighbours through a three-pronged strategy of developmentwhich succeeded with the help of the international aid to consolidate security, enhance economic growthcommunity and in liberating the country after nearly 30 years promote civil society-based democratic governance.of Syrian military presence.

The details were subsumed in three baskets, andIn Egypt,were a middle class movement emerged to challenge cheered by all concerned on both sides of the Mediterranean,the protracted autocratic rule of President Hosni Mubarak or so it appeared at the time. But in the courseand of thea rumoured scheme to bequeath his son Gamal to following ten years, it became clear that rulinginherit Arab theregimes Presidency. It was called “”; literary had ideas of their own about the three baskets. Theymeaning would “enough” to the Mubarak family’s a quarter of a pursue the first two, i.e. security and economic aid,century’s and rule. Among other factors, Kefaya broke the deflect or duck the third. They had no intentionclimate of giving of fear, and several public figures dared Mubarak up, rotating, or sharing power. They arguedto agree with theirto amend the Constitution to allow for a multiple European counterparts that socio-economic reform must candidacy contested race for the high office, which he come first lest Islamic or left hardliners take advantagereluctantly of went along. any premature political opening, à la Iran under the Shah in the late 1970’s or Algeria in the early In1990’s. Kuwait, Thus womenthe escalated their pressure on their promises of Barcelona came to pass. conservative Parliament to approve an overdue bill granting them equal political rights. Surprisingly, the ruling Sabah Nearly ten years later, the US and Canada wouldFamily join threw Europe its weight with women against the clerics and in a renewed drive to democratize the Middle East. otherIn theopposing traditional forces in Kuwait. And before interim so many violent waters have rushed underthe many end of 2005, Kuwaiti women had their voting right. bridges on both sides of the Atlantic, the Mediterranean and the Middle East itself: the ascendance of anAutocrats Islamic Fight Back radical Taliban in Afghanistan, following the expulsion of the Soviets, the horrific 9/11, and US-led warsThis in politicalboth commotion in a number of countries led Afghanistan and Iraq. The battle cry for the somenew areawas uttered observers to suggest that the World may be by the American President, in his second term inauguralwitnessing an “ of Freedom”, akin to that of address (January, 2005): Georgia, and the in recent years. However, that All who live under tyranny and hopelessness can know the US will turned out to be premature. Arab autocrats would prove “ more tenacious than expected. And foreign powers interested in promoting democracy would prove that other geopolitical1-Yes, Mauritania. In the depth of Arab Democrat’s despair considerations ultimately take precedence over loftyabout ideals.their cause in 2007, the poor desert country of Mauritania, surprised all by holding three successive elections Thus, if 2005 was one of promise and advance–local municipal,for Parliamentary and Presidential. They were democrats, 2006 was one of autocracy reassertingall itself internationally in monitored, and judged as free and fair. different guises and pretexts. Islamists ascendanceWhat at washome even most remarkable is that it the entire process and Islam- phobia abroad have been partwas ofcarried it. out by middle rank officers who had staged a coup against an older Military dictatorship in mid-2005, Egypt. Despite drafting manipulations which renderedpromised tothe restore democracy to their country within 18 amendment empty of substance in September 2005,months; Egypt and surprised the Arab World, by keeping their had its first contested presidential elections, withpledge. nine candidates running against Mubarak’s bid for a fifth term, whereas in the previous four, it was simply a referendumWhat was even more impressive is that none of the officers with a single candidate, with the electorate simplyran forvoting any office or stayed in uniform. They opted to “YES ”or “NO”. Nevertheless, as soon as the electionstransit to civilian life without much fanfare. Admiring what were over the principal opponent to Mubarak, Aymenhappened, Nour, a big demonstration in Cairo’s , was indicted on trumped up charges, tried and sentencedchanted, “Mauritania, Mauritania, We in Egypt are following to five years in prison. The crackdown continuedyou againstsecond by second”. No wonder either, that none of other dissidents, or would be potential challengersthe to otherthe Arab heads of state showed up in the inauguration Mubarak family, the latest of which were the two ceremonynephews of the newly elected Mauritanian President. of the late President Sadat. And just last month, five chief editors of independent newspapers, for being 2-Yes,too critical Morocco. A gradual but steady democratization has of the President, and/or publishing news about hisbeen possible under way, since the early 1990’s. Started timidly under illness after being out of sight for two Kingweeks. Hassan II, and pursued more forcefully under young King Mohamed V, Morocco held its fourth successive With the continued debacle in Iraq, ascendance Parliamentaryof Islamic elections in early September, with 33 political Hamas in Palestine, Hezbollah in Lebanon, partiesand a competing.better The top five parties have alternated the than expected electoral performance by Egypt’slead Muslim in the last four elections. While not perfect, International Brothers in the last Parliamentary elections,observers the U.S. have judged the last two elections as generally significantly lowered its democracy promotion rhetoric.free and fair. Noteworthy, is that the Islamic-based Justice Mubarak and other autocrats interpreted this to be aand license Development Party (PJD) has participated in the last to settle scores with its foes and resume their consolidationthree and steadily improving its overall ranking from number of unchecked power. seven in 1997 to number three in 2002 to number two in 2007. It has not seemed to be the end of the world! . After the initial setbacks in 2005, the Bashar Assad’s Baathist regime staged a counter offensive, using3-Yes, its favourite there is hope: The Arab Democracy Foundation weapons – assassinating its opponents, fomenting(ADF). troubles In the ongoing struggle for public space, the autocrats in neighbouring countries, and proxy wars.have Iran had aand near monopoly over much of it for the last 60 Hezbollah have proven to be reliable allies inyears. this counter They controlled security, military, finance and the offensive, as they have concordant agendas ofmedia their institutions. own. Only in the last 30 years have Islamists Having released scores of old regime opponents,begun after to challenge this total control, thanks to the Mosque. several years in prison, when he felt his backThrough against tens ofthe thousands of mosques, they could reach wall, taking his cue from Mubarak, Assad orderedout to theirsupporters and potential followers at least once a reincarceration along with new younger weekdissidents. with the collective prayer every Friday and, if needed five times a day with individual prayers. The only societal Lebanon. Even the promising Cedar Revolutionforce and without the ready access to public space has been the democratically elected government that followed ransecular into Arab democrats. Their ability to generate and deploy serious snags, thanks to Hezbollah protracted sit-insresources in thehas diminished to near zero, because of major squares of Beirut, which have paralyzed the Lebaneseauthoritarian draconian laws. They could not collect capital. Furthermore some forty per cent of both donationsthe or accept grants from local or foreign sources Parliament and the Cabinet, under the sway ofwithout Hezbollah, a written state permit. This author was sentenced have resigned or boycotted the meetings of their respectiveto seven years in prison for having received a grant from institutions, and thus casting doubts on the legitimacythe European of Union to register voters and monitor Egyptian any decision under taken. elections. Other than the spectre of incarceration there is often character assassination for accepting funding. To ward It is abundantly clear, that Lebanon, which offwas suchthe moralmost and physical threats, some well-to-do civic promising Arab democracy in 2005, has been mindedonce againArabs recently established the Arab Democracy been used as a battleground for rival regionalFoundation and (ADF). Some 500 activists met in the Qatari international powers, with the U.S. and Irancapital, as the leadDoha, in the last week of May 2007, to inaugurate players. Democracy in Lebanon is currently this(2007) hopeful is non-governmentalon institution of their own. hold. ADF is no substitute or competitor with the Forum for the Future. The two, along with others, should complement Are There Any Hopes? one another. This takes me to a closing thought about the rolethe ofSoviet the Union and its satellites were in dire need for Community of Democracy in helping us in theWestern Middle aid, trade and technology; it was granted. However, East. few fuzzy conditions about Human Rights, civil liberties and freedom of movements and expression were attached. In Search of a New Spirit of Helsinki The package came to be known as the 1975 Helsinki Accord. Within the following ten years, the face of Europe and the This author firmly believe that democracy could neitherWorld hasbe been transformed. It was a win-win process. It exported nor imported; but could and must be supported.was a triumph for freedom without war, and a victory for Arab democrats are not facing their oppressors, the autocrats;the ballot without the bullet. Though history doesn’t exactly or their rivals, the theocrats on a levelled playingrepeat field. itself, While I am hopeful that at least the spirit of Helsinki the Arab democrats have to carry the fight themselves,could be incarnated. foreign powers have to stop supporting our dictators with military and economic aid. Some thirty two years ago when

Al-Rewaq

The Ibn Khaldun Center hosts a dicussion forum, open to the public, each Tuesday evening. The following is Ahmed Shaaban’s summary, translated by Marisa Jones, of the topics covered in October

The month’s first forum, titled “The Current Political State of Egypt”, commenced with commentary by Kamal Zakhir. He began with an overview of the current state of politics within Egypt, noting that conditions are steadily deteriorating and that the case of Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim is just one example of the new lows ushered in by government policies. Zakhir then reminisced about the past political loyalties that he and his Rewaq colleagues had displayed, citing examples from the days of Gamal Abd al-Nasser and . His major conclusion was that all are part of the society that they criticize and bemoan, and as such, their political activity and opinions and civic participation aid in the formation of the state as a whole. Zakhir concluded his speech by calling upon civil society groups to set aside their pride and their differences and reach common strategies for inaugurating democratic reform. Zakhir’s speech was followed by the commentary of Ali Soliman, He asserted that the discussion at the previous Rewaq session had dealt with too many generalities, and he expressed his desire to share a particular experience he had undergone during his time as a member of the Lawyer’s Syndicate. Soliman described the conflicts that arose when the composition of the Syndicate changed to include mostly members of the . He claimed that many arguments over issues and over the operation of the Syndicate took place between members and non-members of the Brotherhood. Soliman expressed his distaste for the use of religion in the Syndicate and in the public domain. He criticized the Muslim Brotherhood for using the Lawyer’s Syndicate and society as a whole as a platform for their specific issues and grievances. The second forum took place under the title, “Mechanisms of Social Change.” Dr. Hamdy Al-Hatawi cautioned that in talking about instruments of reform, one must place them within a structure that will result in a wide-scale social changes. He added that societies that have instituted significant reforms have not done so with disorganized or sporadic activities. Al-Hatawi detailed the way economic progress and development have been historically linked with societal development. When former Al-Azhar University student onand Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim and the projects, employees Ibn Khaldun Center employee Amr Tharwatand funding of the Ibn Khaldun Center. At the end of the returned to his residence on the eveningtwo ofdays, May Tharwat was left with a broken nose, for which T30, 2007, upon returning from the Seconde received Forum no access to medical treatment and which would for Democratic Reform in the Arab World in Doha, Qatar,continue to cause him significant aggravation throughout he had not the slightest inkling that he would thebe remainderspending of his imprisonment. the next four months in captivity, subject to physical and psychological torture and legal tomfoolery. His ordealAt thebegan end of these two days of preliminary interrogation, around two-thirty on the morning of June 1,Tharwat when was moved to a State Security facility in the Madinat approximately 20 state security agents brandishingNasr districtautomatic of Cairo. In addition to remaining blindfolded, weapons arrived, surrounded his building and forcefullyas he had been since his June 1 arrest, Tharwat’s hands were entered his apartment, whereupon they undertookalso bound a at this new location. The next 20 days were thorough and disdainful search of the premises.marked by intermittent rounds of interrogation, which continued to center on the activities of They then seized books, money and the Ahl al-Quran and the Ibn Khaldun Tharwat’s computer as they thoroughly Center. Tharwat once again asked for an combed through the unit, which belongs to explanation of his incarceration, only to Tharwat’s uncle, Ahmed Mansour, who be told that there was no charge against currently resides in the United States. him as of yet and that he would Mansour, a former professor at Al-Azhar , “eventually” be released. has incurred the wrath of the Egyptian regime for his role in founding and A trip to the office of the State Security maintaining the Islamic group known as Prosecutor on June 17 provided a brief, Ahl al-Quran, whose members base their although by no means welcome, respite faith solely in the verity of the Quran alone from the Madinat Nasr facility. It was and question the validity and authenticity here that Tharwat finally received a formal of certain hadith and Sunna which they charge of “izdiraa al-adiyyan”, or consider “weak”. The Ahl al-Quran’s “contempt of religion”, albeit with no unorthodox beliefs have been condemned Amr Tharwat evidence presented to support the claim. by the ruling regime, for constituting what Similar legal claims were discussed in it has deemed “contempt of Islam” and, as regard to Tharwat in the State Security Tharwat claimed, for threatening the sanctity Officeand orderon ofJune 23, the day on which he was finally allowed Egypt’s “status as a Sunni-Muslim state”. Althoughto Tharwatsee his parents for the first time since he had been taken occupies his uncle’s apartment, he maintains thatinto he custody.is not a member of Ahl al-Quran and in fact has little contact with or knowledge of his uncle, who sought and wasThe granted Security Forces’ decision to transfer Tharwat to Cairo’s asylum in the U.S. in 2002. Tourah Prison on June 25 allowed for slight improvements in surroundings and strictures, but his medical condition Tharwat was restrained by the security forces whileconsiderably they worsened during his period of confinement completed their search and was blindfolded before beingin the facility. His blindfold was finally removed and he was led downstairs and transported to the Shoubra headquartersallowed to speak with the four others, arrested in connection of the State Security Services. The blindfold wouldwith remain his case, who shared his tiny cell. Interrogations lessened in place for nearly a month, as would orders which considerably,prohibited but the negative effects of sitting in cramped him from speaking with anyone except those interrogatingquarters day and night began to take their toll on Tharwat, him. When Tharwat demanded to know the reasonwho for developed an intensely painful blood clot in his leg which he was being arrested, he was told onlyaround that theJuly 4. His requests for medical attention were agents were “following procedure” and that the ignoredreason for until August 15, when a doctor confirmed the his own seizure was “none of his business.”presence of the condition but did not treat it. Attempts by Tharwat’s parents during their visits to the prison to give Tharwat remained in the Shoubra headquarters himfor medicinethe were refused. next two days, where he faced what was perhaps the most physically and psychologically brutal segmentThroughout of his four- this period, a series of vague attempts at month ordeal. He was subjected to numerous interrogationsmaintaining the appearance of legality kept Tharwat in which blows and beating were generously incarcerated.applied to He was summoned from his quarters once facilitate the questioning process. Tharwat was askedevery about 15 days and transported to one of several Cairo courts his relationship to his uncle, Ahmed Mansour, andwhere the Ahleach time his detention was extended for a further al-Quran in addition to being asked for detailed15 informationdays.(Cont. on page 17) spent the last week of September on aown tour comments of on and experiences with the topic. Those several major Swiss cities as a guest of Amnestyin attendance said they had heard of this kind of torture International for a discussion of human rightsbeing in carried out in other African and Arab countries, but I Egypt. These dialogues came on the heelsthey of couldthe scarcely believe that such practices could be organization’s issuing of a special report oncarried the state out inof such a prominent country as Egypt. We .Throughout the week, EgyptiansI made it a admitted that we ourselves could hardly believe point to ask Swiss citizens whether they knew thethe nameugliness of in which our government was engaged. Egypt their president, and to my surprise, I was hard-pressedhas undergone to ages of repression in its long history, but find anyone who could answer my question.what has been occurring in the past few years is without precedent and represents a new type of humiliation and I was befriended during my trip by Ms. Noha Atef,degradation. a young Security officers recording the beatings and journalist from the newspaper Al-Destour, who also operatesrapes they commit are one such manifestation of this one of the most well-known internet sites on perversetorture in masochism. Egypt. She had brought with her films which dealt extensively with torture in police stations and in the infamousThis is the current state of Egypt as we depicted by way “slaughterhouses” of the State Security apparatus.of Eachwords, audio and images and as is supported by image and plea for help was viewed by hundredsinternational of Swiss. documentation and records. This These images proved to be more powerful than anythingpronouncement coincided with reports published and spread written on the subject. Between what was presentedby Arabicin and international organizations on the Egyptian ’s report and in Noha Atef’sgovernment’s films, case against seven editors-in-chief of and from what I gathered by making my own observationsindependent and opposition newspapers, who were of the current scene in Egypt, the Swiss in attendancesentenced wereto prison with labor for one year by a special utterly stunned by the depths to which the state ofcourt human which sought to punish them for criticizing the rights in Egypt has sunk, and by the uglinessEgyptian and vilenessregime. Singled out for especial harshness was of the practices the State Security apparatus inflictsIbrahim on Eissa,the editor-in-chief of Al-Destour, who was Egyptian population-men and women alike- chargedwithout legalwith spreading rumors about the alleged illness of consequence, without conflicts of conscience and withoutthe Egyptian president, an unforgivable offense in the eyes fear of punishment in this world or the ofnext. the state, since he was not informed that Hosni Mubarak was actually sick. In reality, we Egyptians have never been Even those of us familiar with the torture that takesinformed place of any illness throughout his two terms of office in Egypt or those who have experienced it first-handas both werevice-president (1975-1981) and as president (1981- deeply affected and our painful memories reawakened2007). upon Naturally, this causes serious doubts to arise after viewing the excruciating blows inflicted on torturethe victimspublishing of these “rumors”. Why would Al-Destour and the abominable acts of stripping female victimsdare nakedto publish “rumors” about a subject that has been and raping them in front of their husbands, brotherstaboo forand the past 32 years, except perhaps to suggest that sons. These savage acts are thought to be carriedthe outpresident by is in fact a human being just like the rest of agents from the Mukhabarat, who serve as state intelligence-us? And if this were indeed admitted, wouldn’t it represent gathering agents. These and similar thugs havea truly proliferated monumental and earth-shaking event? During our in the State Security apparatus in the last threetrip, years articles under were published in Egypt, claiming to be based the orders of security officers and under their supervision.on official sources, stating that Al-Destour’s decision to Perhaps most disturbing of the material we viewed publishwere “rumors” of Hosni Mubarak’s state of ill health films showing women being exposed and violated,led among to major losses in the Egyptian stock market and the other forms of torture, that were recorded by State Securityimmediate withdrawal of foreign investment. It is worth Officers, who then distribute the recordings to theirnoting that these alleged events coincided with wide-scale neighbors, bent on following the physical torturestrikes they byinflict Egyptian workers, the most prominent of which with psychological torture. One of the films recordedtook a place at spinning and weaving mills in Mahalla al- female victim begging for those who were poundingKobra. Sinaion Bedouins also demonstrated during this same her with all of their might to stop their abuse, buttime her period, plea attempting to draw attention to their historically- went unheeded. The security officer in charge ofentrenched the scene grievances against the state, which have not probably wanted her either to surrender her will beenor hoped adequately addressed. that her cries might induce confessions from her relatives. Throughout my time in Switzerland, I continued the inquiry Those Swiss who were in attendance at the film showingsI had begun on my first day in the country, which was to could barely believe what they were seeing.find Very out thefew name of the Swiss President or find a picture Egyptians study and work in Switzerland. Someof ofhim thosein a Swiss newspaper. It was only on the last day of who do possess Swiss citizenship. They confirmed the truthmy visit that one of the employees at the Swiss branch of of what was shown in the films and some even addedAmnesty their International named Nany Murass, who was by coincidence married to an Egyptian, told culturesme that co-exist or where opportunities for development Switzerland’s president is in fact president ofabound. a Swiss She cited as evidence for this statement the fact federation and is not a president in the traditionalthat 40 Western of the 60 tourists killed in a terrorist attack in Luxor sense, and that this position is filled with a new inrepresentative 1997 were Swiss citizens. Ms. Murass added that her on a yearly basis, alternating between sevenboredom memberswith Swiss of apolitics and governance was a factor federal assembly of representatives from Switzerland’sin her decisions to vacation in Sinai every year and to marry various regions and cantons. Ms. Morris commented thatan Egyptian. Switzerland has had 26 different presidents in the past 26 years, a period during which Egypt has had theWhile same I manwas on the way to the airport and set to leave as president. Given this history, the Swiss must be Switzerland,excused Ms. Murass finally told me the name of the for not knowing the name of their president. Shecurrent explained Swiss president, which happens to be Micheline that the matter is unimportant to most Swiss. Ms. MurassCalmy-Rey. I expect that few of my readers have heard this speculated that Egyptians, on the other hand,name must surely previously, considering that so few Swiss could even know the name of their President, who has beenidentify in power her. Neither can they describe her physical for more than a quarter of a century, and thatappearance, the mere as the Swiss media rarely mentions her name mention of his possible illness or incapacity must beor publishesenough her picture in newspapers. This is entirely the to incite chaos and confusion. opposite of our situation in Egypt, where pictures of the president, his family members and his closest associates are I was a bit embarrassed to acknowledge the truth aof daily her feature in all the nation’s leading newspapers. This insight. I then asked her whether the Swiss tirebeing of their the case, should we envy or pity the Swiss? placid and relatively uneventful political system. Ms. Murass affirmed that some Swiss do in fact grow bored with their domestic politics, and as a result, they take an active interest in working, volunteering and traveling in countries where the potential for political chaos exists or where different

In the Edition

This month’s Arabic issue features a mix of articles addressing domestic political concerns as well as regional issues.

1. The Foreigner Complex: From Unchecked Repression to Unchecked Pettiness

2. Dealing with Dictators 3. The Dramatic Withdrawal of Support in Muslim Public Opinion for Bin Laden and his Deeds 4. The Disease and The Diagnosis 5. The Dream of Justice and Growth in Turkey 6. The Moroccan Elections 7. Civil Society News in the Arab World 8. Ibn Khaldun Center News 9. Grassroots Democracy Program Awareness Forums 10. Rewaq 11. The Supreme Guide of the Lazoghly Brotherhood If you would like a copy of the Arabic issue, please email [email protected]. ave you taken a ride of late through onebelieve of Cairo’s me, do not have a level playing field. The security slums? Or gone to visit a typical villageapparatus in Upper is now 1.4 million strong, roughly two and a half Egypt? Or driven through the Delta? Wherevertimes the size of the military. That, as recently pointed out H you go, once you’ve left the veneer toof methe by well- an astute observer, tells you where the regime to-do, you see misery and poverty that makesees itsyou real enemies. No other nation in modern times has shudder in disbelief. It is a daunting picture compoundedhad that level of ironclad oppression and managed to stage by an utter lack of hope in any near or amedium-term successful way revolt against its regime. Egypt now falls in the out. Most of those making a relatively decent livingcategory choose of Myanmar and China in terms of the grip of to continue living in denial. They either regimefeel that stranglehold. poverty No freedom seekers realising their is nothing new and that Egyptians have beentargets used tohave living had to face such lopsided odds. Egyptians are this way for thousands of years, or pretend that thenot miniscule apathetic; they are demolished mercilessly by a vicious economic improvement heralded by an ostensibly andmore malicious regime. dynamic cabinet will eventually alleviate the Thereproblem. isThey still, nonetheless, some hope, albeit enshrouded are indifferent to the fact that whatever economicin Machiavellian garments. The abject poverty endured on improvement there is seldom trickles down to the poor anda daily basis by a large segment of the population could that the gap between rich and poor is gettingtrigger ominously an automatic mass rebellion in some ways similar bigger. They are full of trepidation on theto needthe recent to act risein of the monks in Myanmar. It is often a politically correct manner, arguably the onlyargued, way somehowto effect justifiably, that liberty and the demand real change, more concerned with the advent of fora inalienablereligious rights usually take a back seat to basic needs. force intolerant to what many see as a comfortableIn otherand words, people are less concerned about living in acceptable lifestyle. They are oblivious to thea dangersdemocratic climateof than they are about finding food for such reasoning in terms of how closer to realisingtheir thesechildren. Under normal circumstances, signifying an fears we head the longer we think that way. open and relatively affluent society, the tendency to demand Over my vehement protests, many resigned compatriotsrights and criticise government is high, perhaps a maintain that Egyptians are submissive and incapablecontradiction ofto the theory just put forward. However, the living in a free and democratic climate. Evermore since general the underlying cause for mass rebellion is the pharaohs, they claim, there has been little propensityterrible penuryby the presently being inflicted on the bulk of the general public to stand up to the virtually Egyptiancontinuous population. It is certainly an unsustainable situation oppression Egypt has been living under throughoutwith a clearlyits inevitable outcome. recorded history. Even if, by some miracle, the situationSadly, the situation in Egypt is so bad that there is no were to change with the introduction of an openavoiding and an eruption triggered by hunger; and it won’t be transparent system of government, the people pleasant.of Egypt The ludicrous delusion instilled by a wicked and would soon fall back into their customary apathy,rotten virtually junta into an increasingly gullible population that inviting a new tyrant in. Egyptians arethings not madewill ofget the better with the present policies being same material that encouraged many other nationsmaintained to rise is no more than a vicious lie designed to do and wrestle their freedom from the forces of oppressiondeflect any pressure to hand over the reins of power to that are universally endemic if not checked. Othersmore competent have people through open and transparent earned their freedom. We Egyptians do not deserveelections. it for It is astounding, when you realise that we are not we are not prepared to pay its heavy price.reinventing That is the the wheel here, to hear contrarian arguments defeatist manner of reasoning typical of mostall people, serving the interest of and flagrantly spewed by those painting a dim picture of an apathetic andcurrently resigned holding the strings. population. The irony is that, in order for things to get better, they In spite of many recent occurrences thatmust haveget worse first. With the obdurate and adamant demonstrated vividly that, even if the apathy wereresistance to vanish by the regime to open up, steal less, share more and the people were to rise in droves, demandingpower, their thefull bleak outcome is more corruption, more rights, the security apparatus is so doggedly entrenchedoppression andit far more hunger. Does it take rocket science would be unrealistic to expect any changes.to Anythingfigure out where we’re heading unless a trenchant and resembling a mild protest is swiftly and viciouslyserious crushed effort is made to liberate this erstwhile gem of a at the grass-roots level and the deterrent effect countrycomes into from what is becoming one of my favourite clichés: play. The regime has mastered the art of power anretention indigenous occupation more evil and destructive than and no one in his right mind can claim thatany a popularforeign version in all Egypt’s history? uprising could lead to the sort of change we all Theso crave. question of an uprising no longer relates to the ‘if’ Such reasoning demands an explanation, andfactor; there it is isone. now solely about ‘when’. Freedom lovers in Egypt, and they are there in the millions, lthough Egypt has often witnessed confessionalcoached in language which stresses the supremacy of Islamic tensions involving attacks against lawCopts, and such the lowliness of the Christian religion. Aincidents were never as intense and widespreadHence, the Copts look with consternation as they see the as they have been since the early 1970s.Muslim BrothersDuring gaining ground among the masses, as this period the cleavage between Muslims and Copts,reflected even in their recent sweeping victory in which they in everyday life, became very salient amongwon wide 20% segments of the parliamentary seats in the 2005 national of the population. Several socio-economic and politicalelections. factors account for this, but one of the major underlyingThe Dimensions of Discrimination causes is the existence of a certain measure ofThe deeply- Egyptian constitution, as set in writing, is irreproachable rooted hostility harbored by significant sections withof regardthe to the rights of minorities. It advocates the Muslim community against the Copts as a result ofprinciples their of freedom of religion and belief (article 46) tendency to perceive them mainly from a religiousand “non-discrimination among citizens on grounds of perspective, from which they tend to be seen as sex,infidels. origin, language, religion or belief ”(article 40). In The failure of the government to take adequatepractice, measures these constitutional guarantees are openly to suppress the expression of such hostile feelingsdisregarded on the by the state. Indeed, the Copts have historically part of certain groups has tended to augment andbeen encourage discriminated against, both by law and by customary their spread within society, particularly givenstate the practices.current The state's repeated references to the equality strong wave of Islamic resurgence. of all citizens, under the constitution, is thus of little Following Sadat's assassination, which underlined comfortthe dangerto the Copts, who correctly perceive that equality of the Islamic militants, the violence continued unabated.in constitutional law are allowed to disguise a deliberate The government did not condone such acts but in patternthe face of discriminatory administration. of the rising power of the fundamentalists, it consistentlyThe disregard of the minority's rights to religious freedom chose to tolerate them rather than aggravate the andIslamists to full equality under the law with their Muslim by taking effective measures to apprehend andcompatriots punish isthe not inconsequential. By maintaining laws culprits. All such incidents, despite their obvious thatpattern, discriminate against the Copts the state has perpetuated were explained away by the government as merelya prejudice conflicts against them within society. The disingenuousness over matters of personal interests that are not communalof most Muslim and some Coptic intellectuals who claim in nature. It was not until the militant Islamicto begroups, staunch in advocates of democracy and national unity an effort to destabilize the regime, expanded theis revealedscope of by their persistence not to call things by their their targets in the 1990s to include tourists, state name,institutions always referring to the current discrimination—when and top government officials, that the state finallythey fail took to evade the issue altogether—as the “Copts' serious steps to stamp out this violence, and admitted worries”that (hemum al-Aqbat). the Copts were indeed also a targeted category.The most striking example of legal discrimination is the Since then, the government and many intellectualslaw—known have as the Hamayonic Decree—which governs the never ceased to raise the specter of a sectarian building,conflict that renovation, and all repairs in churches. It is may tear apart the social fabric. In fact the designedpossibility to ofseverely limit the construction of new churches widespread mutual violence is inconceivable inor viewthe restorationof of existing ones. A formidable array of demographic and cultural reasons, which make anybureaucratic organized hurdles that eventually culminate in a presidential militant response by the Copts, even if onlydecree of isa requiredvery even for ridiculously minor repairs such limited nature, tantamount to suicide. Indeed, asit wouldthat of a toilet! The Decree enables the state to obstruct almost certainly provoke a massive and bloody retaliatoryfor indefinite periods maintenance of churches or the attack against them across the country. It is for buildingthis reason of new ones. But even the presidential approval that the numerous and continuous incidents of violenceis not the end of the road for the renovation or the perpetrated by Muslim extremists against the constructionCopts of a church. Local authorities and the State (including attacks on their property and churches)Security have Bureau not are empowered to withhold the go-ahead provoked one single retaliatory response in ifkind. they Givendeem the work constitutes a “'93threat to the security such remarkable passivity on the part of the Copts,of the onestate.”'94 (Interestingly, and rather ironically, the must conclude that the persistence of the ruling Hamayonicelite— Decree, which dates back to 1854 when Egypt and a few secular intellectuals—to speak of thewas fictionalstill part of the Ottoman empire, remained since its dangers of a possible conflagration of communalinception conflict a loose ambiguous injunction until it was firmly on the Lebanese model, must be intended solely ascodified a means in its current highly restrictive form in 1937—i.e. of inhibiting the increasing popularity ofduring the Islamicthe so-called liberal period which is considered by fundamentalist groups. all to have been the “golden age” for the Copts.) The rising tide of Islamic fervor since the earlyIn 1970s step poseswith the increasing Islamic fundamentalism since a serious problem for the Copts. The general thecall mid-seventies for within Egyptian society, an overt fanatical implementation of Shari'a puts into question their spiritposition is exhibited by many Muslims in all walks of life. So as citizens of equal standing to Muslims. Such apervasive step is has this attitude become that it is very rare to seen by the Copts as potentially providing afind blanket a place cover devoid of it, whether in the public or private for possible hostile legislation and measures againstsectors orthem. in government institutions. Indeed it is impossible Already in personal status cases, court rulings arenot sometimesto notice that the current resurgence of Islamic sentiments is accompanied by a diffused feeling itof is hostilityvirtually impossible for Copts to win more than a seat, towards Christians among broad sectors of society.or two at most, in any national election. In the 2000 national Discriminatory behavior against them has recentlyelections taken only one Copt was elected to the 454-member the form of blatant public abuse. Newspapers oftenparliament. carry articles demeaning the Copts and Christianity Althoughin general. the state often declares that religion ought to be Fundamentalists explicitly denounce Christians inkept widely apart from politics, it is hard to see how such a distributed pamphlets and cassette tapes, and sheikhs,separation in can be effected when religion is made the numerous mosques all over the country, are regularlyfoundation for the country's legal code in view of Art. 2 castigating the infidel Copts in their Friday sermons.of the ConstitutionThere which mandates that Shari’a is the. Main can be no doubt that this open hostility is partlysources related of legislation.to Given this the state is bound to the current anger against American foreigndifferentiate policy in betweenthe Muslims and non-Muslims. Although region. the freedom to proselytize and convert to another religion Similar sentiments are now also sometimes openlyis aired“an essential component of any meaningful measure of on the state-owned broadcasting media. Televisionreligious is not freedom,” these two rights are dealt with by the only flooded with Islamic programs—without a singlestate one in a highly discriminatory manner. While proselytizing for Christians—but many of these often include iscovert encouraged for Muslims (nashr al-da'wa) it is strictly denied (and sometimes overt) derogatory remarks and attacksto non-Muslims. on In fact, it is prohibited in Egypt to preach Christianity without eliciting any governmentany response. religion other than Islam in public. On the other hand, Such silence on the part of the state is, naturally,while Copts infused are welcome to convert to Islam, Muslims are with a meaning highly detrimental to the Coptsstrictly and prohibitedtheir from converting to Christianity. A Muslim human rights as citizens. Thus, both the state'sconverting official to Christianity would, if Shari'a was strictly language, which is strongly saturated with Islamicapplied symbols, (which so far has not been done ), incur the death as well as its silences, have come to acquire penalty.new and Under current Egyptian law, however, a Muslim unfortunate meanings in society. The importancerenouncing of this Islam would immediately forfeit his right to point resides in the fact that the state's discourse, enterand whatinto any contract, including that of marriage; in it stands for, is distinguished not only by whataddition it says, he losesand all inheritance rights from Muslim relatives. the context in which it is said, but also by whatFuture it leaves Prospects unsaid. Although we speak here of a Muslim and a Coptic State discrimination has extended also to the generalcommunity, field it is essential to remember they are not mutually of cultural and literary activities. While Muslim organizationsexclusive categories. The boundaries between them are and individuals are allowed to flood the market withamorphous, books sharing as they do a huge number of common and newspapers which openly attack Christian identitiesbeliefs andas well as a large and long-lasting historical legacy. values, the occasional Coptic defensive responsesIn spiteare of this, and though religious communities per se carefully scrutinized and censored. need not conflict, the case of Egypt's Copts supports the While almost all Muslims, including the so-calledhypothesis that when religion is taken as an ideology by “enlightened” or “moderate”Islamists, oppose any theviolence majority, it cannot but be hostile to a minority that against the Copts, they close their eyes to therefuses customary to be assimilated within the community of believers as well as to the institutionalized discriminatory whichpractices the majority seeks to make out of the whole society. of the state, denying that any such widespreadOne oppression might well ask, in conclusion, what hope is there for exists. The prevalence of discriminatory practicesreversing against the current trend that governs Muslim-Coptic the Copts, particularly regarding job opportunities,relations? coupled There seems to be little chance that while in the with the wave of Islamization that swept over Egyptianthroes of its current multiple crises of development Egypt society since the early 1970s, has encouragedwill themsucceed to in solving its communal problem, particularly emigrate in significant numbers. Indeed the flowin of light Coptic of the strong Islamic revivalist movement that is emigrants over the last three decades developed sweepinginto a the country and the whole region. That religion torrent constituted mainly of young professionalsis used and as one of the core factors of communal identity, college graduates, who represent the vibrant coreparticularly of the in the Middle East, will remain a problem for middle class. democracy so long as it continues to retain political salience Islam, it is true, tolerates other religions; however,and tolerance is supported by the strong traditional elements that is one thing and political non-discriminationcontinue another. to exist in Egyptian society. Moreover, religious Copts had previously believed that the discriminationdiscrimination is likely to increase further with the current against them would inevitably be expunged bypluralization the progress of the Egyptian political arena as the various of modernization, integrating them on an equalpolitical basis forceswith saturate their discourse with Islamic symbols Muslims into the mainstream of Egyptian politics.in Buttheir effort to attract voters. developments in Egypt since the early 1970s Whentook anothergroup relations are bad, as they are presently between direction. With the continuously increasing interjectionlarge sectionsof of Muslims and Copts, they tend to worsen Islamic religious principles and sentiments into andthe generalneither private efforts nor exhortation can break the political discourse, and with all parties fallingvicious prey circle; to theonly strong state action can do so. But in the temptation to use this potent rhetoric that can be presentreadily situation, Islam is seen by many as the element that understood and responded to by the masses, the Coptsprovides a sense of cultural nationalism, as well as have become almost totally estranged from the polity.constituting an effective weapon against the “'93cultural Consequently, their participation and power in dependency”'94the political that appears to result from the state's domain has declined to the point of non–existence.Western-oriented At policies. So long as such a vision persists, present there are very few of them willing to faceit is thepolitically perils harder for the state to undertake the kind of political participation, let alone of leadership.of action In thatfact, is needed to curb fundamentalist activities, and halt the pervasive fanaticism against the IfCopts the thatsituation is is to improve, then Muslim-Coptic relations spreading out of control within society like ashould cancerous be viewed with realism. To date, however, this has growth. been avoided by both the state and the Muslim community Without intending to minimize the communal problem atin large; consequently, rhetoric aside, the problem of the Egypt, it must be noted that the presence ofCopts a broadwithin the national and political community remains overarching common identity and shared values and unresolvedlanguage both on the practical and the theoretical levels. between Muslims and Copts mitigate against theIn mostthe meantime the widespread discrimination and rampant serious aspects of societal cleavage and gives intolerancehope that to which the Copts are subjected has increasingly Egypt's communal conflict may yet be managed drivensuccessfully. them to seek refuge in self-protective isolation. Until then the firmly entrenched and institutionalizedIn the state final analysis it should be remembered that discrimination against the Copts continues to belie“'93oppression the is oppression,”'94 and its consequences for regime's commitment to basic human rights, to say nothingthe victims is identical regardless of whether it is carried of democratic principles. Moreover, the reluctance ofout theby groups within civil society or institutionalized by the state as well as the general public to openlystate recognize under the the guise of legality. Perhaps only in the latter distinctly second-class status of the Copts highlightscase the it has a more galling and humiliating psychological impoverishment of the rhetoric about national unityimpact. that is claimed to be of crucial importance to the cohesion and stability of Egyptian society.

Cont. from page 11 This mind-numbing cycle repeated itself until Oct. 1, when Tharwat and his four cellmates, having undergone no formal trial and having received no official indictment, were declared innocent of their “crimes”, and released for lack of supporting evidence. Freedom did not come immediately despite this pronouncement, as he was kept under supervision in a prisoners’ hospital, where he finally received medical attention for the blood clot in his leg, which, left untreated for nearly three months, was causing him intolerable pain. On October 6, Amr Tharwat was allowed to leave the hospital and return home, where he is still recovering from the physical and emotional scars left by the last four months. Although he is currently taking time to recover from his ordeal, Tharwat plans to return to work as soon as possible. Prior to his arrest, he carried out election monitoring activities for the Ibn Khaldun Center, a job he intends to continue in the near future. When asked whether he fears future imprisonment, Tharwat allowed that his case is “not closed” and that the forces which caused him such deep physical and emotional pain over the past four months could easily be resurrected on the flimsiest of premises.