Introduction: Love, the Book Market, and the Popularization of Romance

Notes

1. “Maxume autem admonendus est, quantus sit furor amoris. omni- bus enim ex animi perturbationibus est profecto nulla vehemen- tior, . . . perturbatio ipsa mentis in amore foeda per se est.” Cicero, Tusculan Dispuations. Book 4.35. My translation. 2. Jacques Ferrand, A Treatise on Lovesickness, ed. and trans. Donald A. Beecher and Massimo Ciavolella (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1990), 217. 3. “Non si trovara in Venere, & Cupido che ordinatamente senza confusione parlasse.” Mario Equicola, De Natura d’amore (Venice, 1536), sig. I6v. My translation. 4. A song with this title was written by Boudleaux Bryant in 1960 and was recorded by the Everly Brothers, Roy Orbison, Gram Parsons, Nazareth, and others, with great commercial success. 5. Thomas M. D. Lewis, Fari Amini, and Richard Lannon, A General Theory of Love (New York: Random House, 2000), viii. This book, coauthored by three psychiatrists, argues that “new research in brain function has proven that love is a human necessity” (Publishers Weekly review). 6. Jacques Ferrand, Erotomania, or a treatise discoursing of the essence, causes, symptomes, prognosticks, and the cure of love, or erotique melancholy, trans. Edmund Chilmead (Oxford, 1640), sig. B6r–B7r. 7. David Cressy, Birth, Marriage and Death: Ritual, Religion and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997). Guido Ruggiero, Binding Passions: Tales of Magic, Marriage, and Power at the End of the Renaissance (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993). 8. Alan Bray, The Friend (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2003). Gail Paster, Katherine Rowe, and Mary Floyd-Wilson, eds., Reading the Early Modern Passions: Essays in the Cultural History of Emotion (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004). Shadi Bartsch and Thomas Bartscherer, Erotikon: Essays on Eros, Ancient and Modern (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2005). 9. Though mentioned in the list of Shakespeare’s plays in Frances Meres’s Palladis Tamia in 1598, Two Gentlemen was not published 188 Notes

until the First Folio of 1623. Its simplicity of style and structure, as well as its fondness for wordplay reminiscent of the works of Lyly, have led most scholars to speculate on a very early date for the play. See Jean E. Howard’s introduction to the play in The Norton Shakespeare (New York: Norton, 1997), 77–83. 10. The corresponding figures for Romeo and Juliet are: love (94), loves (2), love’s (12), loved (3), loving (6), lovest (2), and lover etc. (10). All tallies taken from the Open Source Shakespeare Concordance (http://www.opensourceshakespeare.com/). 11. All references to the works of Shakespeare are to The Norton Shakespeare, 2nd ed., ed. Greenblatt et al. (New York: Norton, 2008). 12. Montaigne, essay 1.28 “On Affectionate Relationships” (“De l’amitié”); Lyly’s Euphues. All references to Montaigne’s Essays are to Michel de Montaigne, The Complete Essays, trans. M. A. Screech (New York: Penguin, 1987). See Laurie Shannon, Sovereign Amity: Figures of Friendship in Shakespearean Comedy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), 17–53. 13. Similarly, in 2.4.194–196 the word “love” is used both to describe Proteus’s feelings for Valentine and for Sylvia. 14. Shakespeare only uses this term three times, twice in Two Gentleman, and then a direct reference to the Metamorphoses in Titus (4.1.41). In manuscript poetry from the period the term is sometimes asso- ciated with effeminacy and loss of manly vigor. See Ian Frederick Moulton, Before Pornography: Erotic Writing in Early Modern England (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 69–71. It is also used in this context in a dedicatory verse to Jacques Ferrand’s Erotomania, sig. b2v. 15. On the Ovidian nature of Love in the play, see William C. Carroll, “‘And Love You ’gainst the Nature of Love’: Ovid, Rape, and The Two Gentlemen of Verona,” in Shakespeare’s Ovid: The Metamorphoses in the Plays and the Poems, ed. A. B. Taylor (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 49–65. 16. There are some exceptions: Hercules (9.239–272), Romulus (14.805–828), and Julius Caesar (15.843–851) become gods; but they are not the norm and their metamorphoses are not provoked by sexual desire. 17. Prominent throughout the love poetry of Ovid (for example, Ars Amatoria 1.35), and memorably reprised by Shakespeare at the opening of Midsummer Night’s Dream 1.1.16–17. 18. John Donne, The Complete Poetry and Selected Prose of John Donne, ed. Charles M. Coffin (New York: Modern Library, 2001), “Elegy 17,” line 4. 19. Shakespeare’s Sonnet 138 has a similar notion of the relationship between love and lying. Notes 189

20. Samuel Johnson, Preface to Shakespeare. The Major Works, ed. Donald Greene (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), 429. 21. Authorities tend to recommend turning love to hatred by disparag- ing the beloved rather than mocking the affliction of the melancho- liac him or herself; see Ferrand, A Treatise on Lovesickness, 317–318. 22. Frederick Kiefer, “Love Letters in The Two Gentlemen of Verona,” Shakespeare Studies 18 (1986): 65–85. 23. Besides Kiefer, see also Jonathan Goldberg, Voice Terminal Echo: Postmodernism and English Renaissance Texts (London: Methuen, 1986), 68–100; Jeffrey Masten, Textual Intercourse: Collaboration, Authorship, and Sexualities in Renaissance Drama (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 40–45. 24. On letter writing practice, see Alan Stewart and Heather Wolfe, Letterwriting in Renaissance England (Washington, DC: Folger Library, 2004). 25. At 1.1.130 Speed the servant jokes that Proteus should give Julia “no token but stones” (“stones” was a slang term for “testicles” in the period). Among courtship gifts mentioned in the 26 volumes of ecclesiastical court depositions in the diocese of Canterbury between 1542 and 1602, written material, including letters and notes was exchanged in only 3.2% of cases, whereas money was given in 39.4% and clothing and leather goods in 32.0%: Diana O’Hara, Courtship and Constraint: Rethinking the Making of Marriage in Tudor England (New York: Manchester University Press, 2000), 69. 26. Stephen Guy-Bray. “Shakespeare and the Invention of the Heterosexual,” Early Modern Literary Studies, Special Issue 16 (October, 2007): 12.1–28. 27. Ferrand, A Treatise on Lovesickness, 357. Ferrand’s text postdates Two Gentlemen, but summarizes medical thinking common in the sixteenth century. 28. Robert Burton, The Anatomy of Melancholy, Book 3 Love Melancholy, ed. Holbrook Jackson (New York: New York Review Books, 2001), 3.228–257. Ferrand, A Treatise on Lovesickness, 333–341. 29. See, for example, Pope Benedict’s Encyclical Deus Caritas Est: On Christian Love, delivered in Rome, December 25, 2005. Text from Libreria Editrice Vaticana. See esp. paragraph 2. 30. These distinctions postdate the Classical period, when philia could be used to describe sexual relations and even agape could have sexual connotations. See K. J. Dover, Greek Homosexuality (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978), 49–50. 31. Shakespeare, Sonnet 116. 32. Francis Bacon, “Of Love,” in Francis Bacon: A Critical Edition of the Major Works, ed. Brian Vickers (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 358. All references to the works of Bacon are to this edition. 190 Notes

33. For example, Bray, The Friend. See also Madhavi Menon, ed., Shakesqueer: A Queer Companion to the Complete Works of Shakespeare (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2011). 34. Peter Burke, Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe, 1978, revised ed. (New York: Ashgate, 1994), 157. 35. On aristocratic notions of love in the Middle Ages, see C. Stephen Jaeger, Ennobling Love: In Search of a Lost Sensibility (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999). 36. “Vomer,” Capellanus’s word for “plough,” also means “penis.” J. N. Adams, The Latin Sexual Vocabulary (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982), 24. 37. Andreas Capellanus, De Amore in Andreas Capellanus on Love. Ed. and trans. P. G. Walsh (London: Duckworth, 1982), 1.11. My translation. 38. Lines 1932–1937. Guillaume de Loris and Jean de Meun, Le Roman de la Rose, ed. Armand Strubel (Paris: Librairie Général Français, 1992), 136–137. 39. Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, 56. 40. See, for example, many of the stories in Giovanni Boccaccio’s Decameron, Ed. Johnathan Usher. Trans. Guido Waldman (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 2.10; 4.5; 5.2; 7.10; etc. 41. Carlo M. Cipolla, Literacy and Development in the West (Baltimore: Penguin, 1969), 49–50, mentions developments in ballistics, navi- gation, clock-making, and mapmaking in this context. 42. David Cressy, Literacy and the Social Order: Reading and Writing in Tudor and Stuart England (New York: Cambridge, 1980), provides detailed analysis of data on the proportion of the English pop- ulation who could sign their names in the early modern period. See Heidi Brayman Hackel, Reading Material in Early Modern England: Print, Gender, and Literacy (New York: Cambridge, 2005), 55–68, on the limitations of this data for measuring literacy. 43. Burke, Popular Culture, 250–251. 44. On the effect of printed material on popular culture, given what is known about early modern literacy, see Burke, Popular Culture, 250–259. 45. Brayman Hackel, Reading Material, 55–68. 46. Adam Fox, Oral and Literate Culture in England 1500–1700 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 19. 47. Fox, Oral and Literate Culture, 311–324. 48. Fox, Oral and Literate Culture, 128–130, on the mix of popular and learned material in sermons. 49. Brian Richardson, Printing, Writers, and Readers in Renaissance Italy (New York: Cambridge, 1999), 112. 50. Brayman Hackel, Reading Material, 43–52. 51. Cipolla, Literacy and Development, 50–51. Cressy, Literacy and the Social Order, 46–50, addresses the limitations of the argument that more books is in itself evidence for more readers. Notes 191

52. Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process, 1939, trans. Edmund Jephcott (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1978), 117–131. 53. On changes in table manners, see Elias, Civilizing Process, 68–105. 54. Giovanni Della Casa, Galateo, ed. Saverio Orlando (Milan: Garzanti, 2003), 7. 55. Elias, Civilizing Process. See also Burke, Popular Culture, 23–29, 270–281. 56. Paradiso 1.38; Della Casa, Galateo, 62. 57. Galateo of Maister Iohn Della Casa, Archebishop of Beneuenta. Or rather, A treatise of the ma[n]ners and behauiours, it behoueth a man to vse and eschewe, trans. Robert Peterson (London, 1576). STC 4738. Galateo was also published as an appendix to Walter Darrell’s conduct book for servants, A Short Discourse of the Life of Servingmen (London: Ralphe Newberrie, 1578). STC 6274. 58. Giovanni Della Casa, La Galatée. Premierement composé en Italien par I. de la Case & depuis mis en François, Latin, Allemand & Español (Geneva: Jean de Tournes, 1609). 59. See Moulton, Before Pornography, esp. 3–15. 60. Alvin Kernan, The Cankered Muse: Satire of the English Renaissance (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1959), 54–63. 61. Pascal Pia, ed., L’École des filles ou la philosophie des dames (Paris: L’Or du Temps, 1969). English translation: The School of Venus, ed. and trans. Donald Thomas (New York: Panther, 1971). 62. “Sotadic” refers to Sotades, a Greek sodomite and poet mentioned in the epigrams of Martial. 63. Nicholas Chorier, Aloisiae Sigeae Tolentanae Satyra Sotadica de Arcanis Amoris et Veneris, ed. Bruno Lavignini (Catania: Romeo Prampolini, 1935). No modern or complete English translation exists. Modern French translation: Satire sotadique de Luisa Sigea de Tolède, trans. André Barry (Paris, 1969). On early modern English adaptations see James Grantham Turner, Schooling Sex: Libertine Literature and Erotic Education in Italy, France, and England, 1534–1685 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 335–343. 64. B. V., ed., Vénus dans le clôitre. Réimpression de l’édition de Cologne, 1719 (Paris: Coffret du Bibliophile, 1934). No modern English translation. 65. On libertine culture see Turner, Schooling Sex. 66. Lewis’s view, expounded in The Allegory of Love (London: Oxford University Press, 1936) is well refuted by Henry Ansgar Kelly, Love and Marriage in the Age of Chaucer (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1975), though Kelly goes too far, in my view, in his claim that Ovid is primarily a poet of married love. 67. David R. Smith, Maskes of Wedlock: Seventeenth-Century Dutch Marriage Portraiture (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1978), 145. 192 Notes

68. The literature on early modern marriage is vast. Major studies on marriage practices in England include: Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500–1800 (New York: Harper and Row, 1977); Alan Macfarlane, Marriage and Love in England: Modes of Reproduction 1300–1840 (New York: Blackwell, 1986); and Cressy, Birth, Marriage and Death; and O’Hara, Courtship and Constraint. 69. Michel de Montaigne, Essay 3.5 On Some Lines of Virgil in The Complete Essays, 959. 70. George Whetstone, Heptameron of Civil Discourse (London, 1582), sig. E3r–F2r. See also, Thomas Heywood, A Curtaine Lecture (London: John Aston, 1637), sig. E12v–F3r. 71. Cressy, Birth, Marriage and Death, 255–260. 72. For example, William Davenant’s play The Platonick Lover (London, 1636). See Lesel Dawson, Lovesickness and Gender in Early Modern English Literature (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 138–139, 154–162. 73. Peter Burke, The Fortunes of the Courtier: European Reception of Castiglione’s Cortegiano (University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 1995), 158–162, lists all 125 editions. 74. Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 163–178, identifies 328 individuals known to have read the Courtier before 1700. 75. For example, John Wolfe’s London 1588 multilingual edition with parallel text in Italian, French, and English. STC 4781. 76. Stephen Kolsky, Mario Equicola: The Real Courtier (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1991), 320–321, lists all 14 Italian editions.

1 Baldassare Castiglione’s BOOK OF THE COURTIER: Love and Ideal Conduct

1. Neoplatonism refers to the elaboration of Platonic philosophy, beginning with Plotinus in the third century AD, that stresses the distinction between a timeless spiritual realm and the mutable world of material reality. It is used here to distinguish early modern elaborations of Platonic theory from the works of Plato himself. 2. The relationship between the four poems is more complex than this brief summary would suggest. See Robert Ellrodt, Neoplatonism in the Poetry of Edmund Spenser (Geneva: Droz, 1960). 3. Ovid, Heroides and Amores, ed. Grant Showerman (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1947), 1.2. 4. All references to Spenser’s Fowre Hymnes are to Edmund Spenser, The Shorter Poems, ed. Richard A. McCabe (New York: Penguin, 1999), 451–489. 5. On the cultural evolution of the contradictory figure of Cupid, see Jane Kingsley-Smith, Cupid in Early Modern Literature and Culture (New York: Cambridge, 2010), 5–17. Notes 193

6. On Ficino’s methodology see Jayne, “Introduction,” to Marsilio Ficino, Commentary on Plato’s Symposium on Love, ed. and trans. Sears Jayne (Dallas, TX: Spring Publications, 1985), 8–18. 7. As if to underline the shift in context, the Fowre Hymnes are dedicated to not to a male scholar but to two prominent noblewomen. 8. For a list of the most important Italian prose treatises on Neoplatonic love, see Ficino, Commentary on Plato’s Symposium, 20. 9. Lorenzo Savino, Di alcuni Trattati e trattatisti d’amore italiani della prima meta del secolo XVI, Vols. IX and X of Studi di letteratura italiana (Naples: N. Jovene, 1909–1915), 322–325. He lists 22 Italian editions to 1593 as well as a 1551 Spanish translation and a 1545 French translation that ran to 8 editions by 1572. 10. Stephen Kolsky, Mario Equicola: The Real Courtier (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1991), 320–321, lists all 14 Italian editions. 11. Ellrodt, Neoplatonism, 108. 12. Nesca A. Robb, Neoplatonism of the Italian Renaissance, 1935 (New York: Octagon, 1968), 176. 13. Robb, Neoplatonism, 180. 14. Burke, The Fortunes of the Courtier: European Reception of Castiglione’s Cortegiano (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995), 41. 15. STC 4781. Burke 108. All references to editions of the Courtier give edition numbers from Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, Appendix 1, 158–162. 16. Lyon, 1579/1580 (Burke 96); Paris 1585 (Burke 103). 17. Unless otherwise indicated, all English quotations from the Courtier are from Baldassare Castiglione, The Book of the Courtier, ed. Daniel Javitch, trans. Charles Singleton (New York: Norton, 2002). Because of the multiplicity of editions, references to the text of the Courtier are to book and section number. 18. See Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 73–75. 19. Robb, Neoplatonism, 190, claims the Courtier, “is not, strictly speaking, a ‘trattato d’amore’; . . . the topic of love is incidental.” John Charles Nelson, Renaissance Theory of Love: The Context of Giordano Bruno’s Eroici furori (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958), 116, states outright that the Courtier “is not a treatise on love.” 20. J. R. Woodhouse, Baldesar Castiglione: A Reassessment of the Courtier (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1978), 137, contends that to find the “true meaning” of Book 4 one must ana- lyze Bembo’s speech separately from the rest, and sees the speech as a Platonic digression in an otherwise Aristotelian text. 21. Attilio Momigliano, Storia della letteratura italiana dalle origini a nostri giorni, 8th ed. (Milan: G. Principato, 1968), 147; “The Courtier is essentially a decorative and idyllic book: [Guicciardini’s] Ricordi and [Machiavelli’s] Prince are realistic and dramatic books, 194 Notes

which adhere to the essence of life, in all its complexities and ugli- ness.” (Translation in Virginia Cox, “Castiglione and His Critics,” in Baldassare Castiglione, The Book of the Courtier, 409–424, ed. Virginia Cox, trans. Thomas Hoby (London: J. M. Dent, 1994), 416. Nelson, Renaissance Theory of Love, 119, claims the Courtier is characterized by “un-Machiavellian . . . unpracticality, . . . social, if not moral isolation, [and] unwillingness to investigate deep moral problems.” 22. In recent years the texts have been seen as sharing some similar concerns. Brian Richardson, “The Cinquecento,” in Cambridge History of Italian Literature, ed. Peter Brand and Lino Pertile (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 181–232, 207, not only acknowledges the traditional critical opposition between the Prince and the Courtier, but also discusses their similarities. Guido Ruggiero, Machiavelli in Love: Sex, Self, and Society in the Italian Renaissance (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007), 191–205, gives a convincing reading of the centrality of Machiavellian virtù in the discussions of the Courtier. 23. The passage is crossed out by hand in Aeillo’s copy of the 1528 Aldine edition, now in the Houghton Library (*IC5 C2782C 1528), sig. e4v. 24. As a rhetorical strategy, Castiglione’s reticence was arguably more successful than Machiavelli’s plain speaking. The Prince was banned; the Courtier was widely disseminated in a multitude of languages: see Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier. 25. Perhaps the most extreme of the many arguments that Machiavelli was writing in bad faith is reported by Reginald Pole who claimed Machiavelli’s defenders argued that The Prince was meant as bad advice that would lead to the downfall of the Medici to whom it was dedicated: Pole Apologia, 1:151. Quoted in English in Niccolò Machiavelli, The Prince, ed. and trans. William J. Connell (New York: Bedford, 2005), 164–165. 26. See Chapter 15 of Francesco De Sanctis, “Storia della letterature italiana,” in Opere, ed. Niccolò Gallo (Milan: R. Ricciardi, 1961), 501; also Nelson, Renaissance Theory of Love, 119. 27. On the gender dynamics of The Prince, see John Freccero, “Medusa and the Madonna of Forlì: Political Sexuality in Machiavelli,” in Machiavelli and the Discourse of Literature, ed. Albert Russell Ascoli and Victoria Kahn (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993), 161–178. Unless otherwise indicated, all English quotations from the Prince are from Connell. Because of the multiplicity of editions, references to the text of the Prince are to chapter number. 28. Joan Kelly-Gadol, “Did Women Have a Renaissance,” in Becoming Visible: Women in European History, ed. Renate Bridenthal and Claudia Koonz (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1977), 148–161, famously called attention to the subordinate role and enforced Notes 195

silence of women in the Courtier. Her influential reading is chal- lenged by David Quint, “Courtier, Prince, Lady: The Design of the Book of the Courtier,” Italian Quarterly 37, nos. 143–146 (Winter–Fall 2000): 185–195. Claudio Scarpati, “Osservazioni sul terzo libro del Cortegiano,” Aevum 66 (1992): 519–537, forcefully argues that in the context of his culture, Castiglione was in fact an advocate for women. 29. Pietro Bembo, “Gli Asolani,” in Prose e Rime, ed. Mario Fubini (Turin: UTET, 1966), 311–504, 458. My translation. 30. Woodhouse, Baldessare Castiglione, 66–72, addresses the rejected topics in the course of his commentary on the entire text. 31. On the role of games in the Courtier, see Thomas M. Greene, “Il Cortegiano and the Choice of a Game,” Renaissance Quarterly 32, no. 2 (1979): 173–186. 32. See, for example, Ortensio Lando, Quattro Libri di Dubbi (Venice, 1552), published in many editions in Italian, French, and English. See also Bertusi’s dialogue Il Raverta in Trattati d’amore del cinquecento, 1912, 1st ed., ed. Giuseppe Zonta (Bari: Laterza, 1967). 33. On the ubiquity of male homosexual relations in Renaissance Florence, see Michael Rocke, Forbidden Friendships: Homosexuality and Male Culture in Renaissance Florence (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). 34. Ruggiero, Machiavelli in Love, 199–200, argues that the anxieties about effeminacy in the Courtier are directly related to a fear of homoeroticism—and homoerotic networks of power and patronage, especially among young male courtiers. 35. My translation. Singleton’s reading, “gracious exercises that give us pleasure,” seems to weaken the force of the original: “tutti gli eser- cizi graziosi e che piaceno al mondo.” 36. See Marc Schachter, “Louis Le Roy’s Sympose de Platon and Three Other Renaissance Adaptations of Platonic Eros,” Renaissance Quarterly 59 (2006): 406–439. 37. In early drafts, books 3 and 4 were one book: Baldassare Castiglione, La Seconda redazione del “Cortegiano” di Baldassarre Castiglione, ed. Ghino Ghinassi (Florence: Sansoni, 1968). 38. Kelly-Gadol, “Did Women Have a Renaissance,” 157, perceptively argued that Castiglione “used the love relation as a symbol to con- vey his sense of political relations.” While I disagree with some of her analysis of how the discourse of love functions in Castiglione’s text, her central insight that love and politics are intimately inter- related in the Courtier remains a powerful one. Carla Freccero, “Politics and Aesthetics in Castiglione’s Il Cortegiano: Book III and the Discourse on Women,” in Creative Imitation: New Essays on Renaissance Literature in Honor of Thomas M. Greene, ed. David Quint and Thomas M. Green (Binghampton, NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts & Studies, 1995), 259–279, 265, contends that 196 Notes

the Courtier portrays “a world of political struggle” and develops Kelly-Gadol’s insight that the definition of the court lady in Book 3 is a displacement of the Courtier’s own dilemma. 39. See Ian Frederick Moulton, Before Pornography: Erotic Writing in Early Modern England (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 70–79, on the perceived effeminacy of sexual activity in early modern culture. 40. On the relations between the Courtier and De oratore see Daniel Javitch, Poetry and Courtliness in Renaissance England (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978), 18–49, esp. 27, on the relative role of women in each text. More recently, see Jennifer Richards, “Assumed Simplicity and the Critique of Nobility: Or, How Castiglione Read Cicero,” Renaissance Quarterly 54 (2001): 460–486, 43–64, though she has little to say about gender. 41. Machiavelli does deal with the social performance of sexuality in Mandragola, but that play is much more concerned with sexual pleasure than with love. 42. My translation: Singleton’s “boorish” mutes the reference to class. Hoby translates “rustico” as “one of the Countrey.” Original is: “la voce bona, non troppo sottile o molle come di femina, né ancor tanto austere ed orrida che abbia del rustico, ma sonora, chiara, soave, e ben composta.” 43. On Hoby’s fidelity to the Italian text, see Massimiliano Morini, Tudor Translation in Theory and Practice (New York: Ashgate, 2006), 79. 44. For an outline of the argument, see Nelson, Renaissance Theory of Love, 116–119; and more briefly, Robb, Neoplatonism, 190–192. Bembo’s theory of love ultimately derives from the speech of Socrates in Plato’s Symposium, as elaborated by Ficino in his De Amore, and also set out in the third book of the real Bembo’s Asolani. 45. Nelson, Renaissance Theory of Love, 119, concludes that “from a doctrinal standpoint Castiglione offered nothing that had not already been said by Ficino, his primary source, and Bembo.” 46. Hoby’s translation for both: The original phrases are “amar fuor della consuetudine del profano vulgo,” and “fuggire ogni bruttezza d’amor vulgare.” 47. This is a direct quote from Ficino, Commentary on Plato’s Symposium, 58 (speech 2.9): “Amor enim fruendae pulchritudinis desiderium est.” In a manuscript note, Ficino himself suggested the parallels between his phrase and a poem by Cristofero Landino. (Commentary on Plato’s Symposium, 61, n. 52). Landino’s poem says good things are beautiful, and bad things are ugly. This is not quite the same as Bembo’s claim that beautiful things are good, and ugly things bad. 48. This definition of beauty is discussed at length by Ficino, Commentary on Plato’s Symposium, 45–62, 83–106 (speeches 2 and 5). 49. See Ficino, Commentary on Plato’s Symposium, 4 (speech 1.4). Notes 197

50. See, for example, Dover’s harsh dismissal of Plato’s metaphysics of Eros in his Introduction to the Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics edition of Plato’s Symposium, ed. Kenneth Dover (Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980): “To the extent to which we share Plato’s assumptions, his account will seem attractive to us. If we do not share his assumptions, we may not find any part of his account even momentarily plausible. Do not expect him to ‘prove’ that his account is true; he made no serious attempt, at least in his extant works, to convert his assumptions into logically demonstrable propositions” (8). 51. Piero Floriani, Bembo e Castiglione: Studi sul classicismo del Cinquecento (Rome: Bulzoni, 1976), 169–186, points out the ways in which Castiglione strengthens Bembo’s speech in the published text of the Courtier. Earlier drafts had more serious and sustained objections to Bembo’s argument. 52. Like Andrew Marvell’s “vegetable love,” but without the irony. 53. Ficino, Commentary on Plato’s Symposium, 135. 54. Castiglione reminds his readers of Diotima by having the Magnifico Giuliano mention her after Bembo has finished speaking (4.72). 55. Ruggiero, Machiavelli in Love, 204–205, argues that Bembo’s clos- ing vision is practical, in that it places individual “virtù in the service of love and rule.” I’m not sure that Bembo’s speech retains sufficient focus on advising the Prince to successfully unite the active and con- templative lives. In any case, Bembo’s vision is clearly utopian. 56. Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, Appendix 1, 158–162, lists 125 in the first hundred years following the text’s first appearance in 1528. 57. Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 40–45. 58. For example, the 1552 editions by Giglio (Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 56) and Giolito (Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 58). 59. Baldassare Castiglione, Cortegiano (Venice: Giolito, 1556), sig. *2r–*2v. Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 59*. 60. Baldassare Castiglione, Cortegiano (Venice: Giolito, 1556), sig. *3r–**5v. Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 59*. 61. For example, Giolito, 1560 (Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 67); Lyon: Rouille, 1562 (Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 72); Venice: Domenico Farri (Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 74?), copy in Houghton Library, *IC5 C2782C 1562c. 62. Baldassare Castiglione, Cortegiano (Venice: Giolito, 1552), sig. A3v– A4r. Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 58. Se’l Cortegiano vecchio deve essere innamorato Qual sia quel felice amore; che non habbia seco biasimo, dispi- acer alcuno Che cosa e amor & in che consiste la felicità, che possono havere gli innamorati Che cose è bellezza 198 Notes

In qual sorte di mal incorrano gli amanti, che adempiono le loro non honeste voglie con le donne amate Conditioni, che si dicono convenir a g’i amanti Accidenti che si c usano dall bruttezza, & da la bellezza Se la bellezza delle donne è causa di tanti male, come si dice Qual Donne sono piu caste o le belle, o le brutte I giovani innamorati di che maniera si hanno di governare in loro amore per evitare i pericoli Il bascione congiungimento de l’animo, & del corpo Donde procedono le lachrime, i sospiri, & gli affani de gli amanti Sottile contemplatione & argumento dell’amor & bellezza corporale a l’amor & bellezza divina & unione con la natura angelica Effeti de l’amor divino Se le donne sono cosi capaci de l’amor divino, come glihomini. 63. “Capit. vi. Trata como el cortesano siendo viejo puede ser enamo- rado sin afrenta. Capitulo vii. Trata como el perfecto cortesano ha de amar muy al contrario del amor lo que el vulgo sigue.” Baldassare Castiglione, El Cortesano, trans. A. J. Boscan (Salamanca, 1581), sig. A4v. Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 97. 64. Baldassare Castiglione, Cortegiano (Florence, 1531). Burke 6. British Library C.28.a.4. 65. “Da ogni sorte d’huomini è letto con incredibil gusto, & traportato anchora in molte altre lingue.” Baldassare Castiglione, Cortegiano (Venice, 1584), sig. A2v. Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 98. 66. “Nel margine del quarto libro si notassero quelle parti, nelle quali l’Autore non secondo il parer proprio, ma secondo la scuola Platonica ragionasse.” Baldassare Castiglione, Cortegiano (Venice, 1584), sig. A3v. Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 98. 67. Baldassare Castiglione, Cortegiano (Venice, 1584), p. 206r. Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 98. 68. “Sincera, pura, intiera, semplice, non contaminata da carne ò da color humano, ne d’altra sorte di mortal sordidezza macchiata.” Baldassare Castiglione, Cortegiano (Venice, 1584), sig. Dd2r. Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 98. 69. “Qui si biasma con efficaci parole l’amore sensuale, si come anco ciò si fa in molte altere parti di questo Dialogo. Questo istesso concetto è stato spiegato da Giovan Boccaccio nel suo labirinto dicendo. Vedere adunque dovevi Amare essere una passione ad-ceccatrice dell’animo disviatrice, dell’ingegno, ingrassatrice, anzi privatrice della memoria, dissipatrice delle terrene facultati, guastatrice delle forze del corpo, nemica della giovannezza, & della vecchiezza morte, generatrice de’vitii, habitatrice de vacui petti, cosa senza ragione, & senza ordine, & senza stabilità alcuna, vitto delle mente non sano, & sommergetrice dell’humana libertà: Vien Notes 199

teco medesimo le historie antiche, & le cose moderne rivolgendo, & guard di quante morti, di quanti disfacimente, di quante ruine, & esterminationi questa dannevole passione sià stata cagione.” Baldassare Castiglione, Cortegiano (Venice, 1584), p. 199r. Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, 98. 70. STC 4778, 4781, 4780. 71. STC 4782, 4783, 4784, 4785, 4786, 4787. One of the 1577 editions not in STC. 72. Baldassare Castiglione, Balthasaris Castilionis comitis de curiali siue aulico libri quatuor, trans. Bartholomew Clerke (London, 1571), sig. Oo2v. 73. Castiglione, Balthasaris Castilionis comitis de curiali, sig. A4v–B1r. 74. See Kenneth R. Bartlett, “The Courtyer of Count Baldasser Castilio: Italian Manners and the English Court in the Sixteenth Century,” Quaderni d’italianistica 6, no. 2 (1985): 249–258. 75. Roger Ascham, The Scholemaster (London, 1570), sig. G4v. STC 832. 76. All listed in Burke, Fortunes of the Courtier, Appendix 2, 163–178. 77. Ellrodt, Neoplatonism, 121–151. 78. Philip D. Collington, “’Stuffed with All Honourable Virtues’: Much Ado About Nothing and the Book of the Courtier,” Studies in Philology 103, no. 3 (2006): 281–312.

2 Mario Equicola’s DE NATURA D’AMORE: Love and Knowledge

1. Lorenzo Savino, Di alcuni trattati e trattatisti d’amore italiani della prima metà del secolo XVI, Studi di Letteratura Italiana IX–X (Naples: Nicola Jovene, 1915), X. 2, n. 1. 2. “L’amore per [Equicola] è un fatto naturale, per cui la migliore delle teorie è lasciarli il libero corso della natura.” Savino, Alcuni trattati, X. 66. 3. On Equicola’s learning, see Savino, Alcuni trattati, X. 90–93. 4. Stephen Kolsky, Mario Equicola: The Real Courtier (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1991), 18–22. 5. Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 22–24. 6. Ingrid Rowland, The Culture of the High Renaissance: Ancients and Moderns in Sixteenth-Century Rome (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 10–16. 7. Equicola praised Leto in two of his published works: De Mulieribus (c. 1501), the Chronica di Mantua (c. 1521), as well as in the manuscript Genealogia de li Signori da Este (c. 1516). Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 39. 8. Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 47. 9. Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 103–169. 200 Notes

10. Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 231–235. 11. Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 141–142. 12. Savino, frequently dismissive of Equicola, refers to him disparag- ingly as a “feminist”: Alcuni trattati, X. 72, and elsewhere. 13. Conor Fahy, “Three Early Renaissance Treatises on Women,” Italian Studies, 11, no. 1 (1956): 30–55. 14. Fahy, “Three Early Renaissance Treatises on Women,” 37. 15. “Eodem enim femine corpus nascitur, alitur, crescit, senescit, moritur”: Mario Equicola, De Mulieribus (Ferrara, 1501) f. a5v. Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 72. 16. Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 291–318, provides a bibliography of Equicola’s surviving letters from 1501–1524. 17. Genealogia delli Signori da Este (1516), Annali della Città di Ferrara (n.d.), Iter in Narbonensem Galliam (c. 1519–1520). 18. “Multo iova in farne amare il sapere accomodarne alli studii, actioni, et exercitii di coloro dalli quali desyderamo essere amati; laudemo in loro le parti laudabili, le vituperabili sforzemone redurle ad virtù, laudemoli nel publico, admoniamoli nel secreto, habiamo di loro bona speranza che habiano ad deventare excellenti, il che li serà urgentissimo sperone, et ad noi li farrà benivoli” MS f. 227v–228r; Laura Ricci, ed., La Redazione manoscritta del Libro de nature de amore di Mario Equicola (Rome: Bulzoni, 1999), 477; see also Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 259. 19. Mario Equicola, De Natura d’Amore. Libro Quarto, ed. Enrico Musacchio and Graziella Del Ciuco (Bologna: Capelli, 1989), sig. D5r. Unless otherwise indicated, all references to the Libro de natura d’amore are to the 1536 Venice edition published by Pietro di Niccolini di Sabbio, available online through Google Books. All translations from Equicola are my own. 20. “Falli violenza, et forza, che quella violentia, & forza li è grata” (sig. Y6r–Y6v). See Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 269. The passage is a part of a lengthy paraphrase of Ovid’s Ars Amatoria. In the 1587 Bonfandino edition, this sentence is glossed by a marginal note: “Donna voie essere sforzata” [Lady wants to be raped] (sig. X11v). 21. “Creò Dio la donna non altronde, che dal huomo, ne d’altra natura la fece che di quella dell’huomo: scrive esser la donna docile & molto meglio che l’huomo recordarse & esser buona in consegli: Sono / rationali, sono di animo immortale, sono capaci de beatitudine: atte a tutte virtù, non altrimenti che l’huomo le donne come Galeno mostra Aristotele invidiose, di liti cupide, il loro consiglio non valer per esser inconstante & inferme, & male da esse reggersi citta scrisse: esse il medesmo Aristotele piu ingenuosamente che l’huomo imitar non nega, & tutta la economia le comette. . . . & Platone li medesmi esserciti et arti alla donna che a l’huomo concede nelle leggi: & di trattar arme le vol perite: & di animo bellicoso & sapemo esser reli- giosissime. Qui non diremo di loro laude altro, havendone, quanto Notes 201

ne è parso il vero scritto nel nostro libro periginecon” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. DD2r–DD2v). 22. Ricci, La Redazione, 18–21. Savino, Alcuni trattati, 10.2–3. 23. Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 244–245. 24. Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 208–206, 219–220, 225–226. 25. Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 320–321, lists all 14 Italian editions. 26. Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 321. 27. Traiano Boccalini, Ragguagli di Parnaso, cent II, rag. xiv, quoted in Savino, Alcuni trattati, X.99. 28. Michel de Montaigne, Essay 3.5, “On Some Verses of Virgil,” in The Complete Essays, trans. M. A. Screech (New York: Penguin, 1987), 988–989. 29. Mario Equicola, La Natura d’amore. Primo Libro, ed. N. Bonifazi (Urbino: Argalia, 1983). Equicola, De Natura. 30. Ricci, La Redazione. 31. “Androcle scrisse ad Alessandro magno il vino esser sangue della terra, se a lui obedito havesse non seria traboccato in si fieri homi- cidii di amici, che’l vino non li haria la prudentia tolta” (1554 Q10v). 32. An apocryphal story recorded in Pliny’s Natural History, 9 vols., ed. and trans. H. Rackham et al. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1938–1962), Book 35, chapter 36. 33. “E laudato Alessandro magno che l’amata Campapse al preclaro Apelle dona. O Alessandro di animo grande in fatti d’arme, ma maggior per sapere, & poter commandare a te stesso” (1554 Q11r). 34. “Adunque, o amici lettori, alliquali m’affatico opponere cibi eletti, accio in simil vitio non incorra, sappiate che quanto vi apparecchio, è stato ne campi di philosophia, & theologia con diligenza per me raccolto; & secondo le mie picciole forze ornato di varietà, nelli ora- torii prati, & Poetici boschetti investigata. Perlaqual cosa spero non serà senza dilettatione tal horto: nel quale (come che poco culto fa) da buono Agricola pero buona semanza vi su sparsa, & li arbori furono per buona mano di migliore piante adottati. Ma perche meglio sia ciascun certo, che fra tanta promissione non se gli ha a porgere ne mosto, ne acqua per pioggia radunata, m’è parso d’alcuni scrittori d’Amore, liquali al publico sono usciti, le opinioni referire, & de le loro opere il succo espresso prima farvi gustare: non con animo tale, qual si legge appo Platone la oratione di Lisia, per far manifesti li errori di quella: ne come in Aristotele si vede le opinioni di molti isposte per reprenderle. Ma perche non sia alcuno di sua laude privo, & io faccia secondo la mia natura, dalla quale malinvolenza, & invidia furono sempre lontane” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. A3r–A3v). 35. “Et se per caso nelli predetti non antiqui scrittori alcune opinioni seran diverse da quello che nel mio libro si troveranno, niun giudichi questo, ne per cupidità di contradire, ne perche io voglia in alcuna cosa dannarle, esser stato da me fatto, ma solamente per dir quello 202 Notes

che a me pare piu si simigli al vero: oltra che ancho a niuno fin qui è stata si benivola la fortuna, che dalle opinioni sue molti non habbian dissentito, & che non trovi chi contra lui dica: donde vedemo philo- sophice sette, medici, historici esser fra se contrarii, & li Theologi istessi in alcune cose non concordi, ne da altro (come credo) questo procede, se non da soverchio amore che alla verità si porta; & ciascuno spera la verità trovare” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. A3v). 36. John Milton, “Areopagitica,” in Complete Prose Works of John Milton, Vol II, 1643–1648, ed. Ernest Sirluck (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1959), 486–575, 549. 37. Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 58. 38. Dante, Purgatorio, 26.117. 39. Ricci, La Redazione, 47. 40. “Definimo semplicemente amor esser disiderio del bene, il qual vor- remo sempre havere” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. E7v). 41. “Essendo questo amore universale, se non se dice ogni huomo amare avien che la cupidita è moltiplice, & corpo di molti capi, che secondo li affetti muta nome. Circa li cibi & vino si chiama gulosita, & ebrieta.” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. E7v). 42. “Se non volemo dissimulando cavillare, confesseremo noi pre la maggior parte amar altri per lamor & benivolentia che havemo a noi medesmia” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. F8r–F8v). 43. “Amore di noi stessi, è non solamente di ogni disiderio, ma di ogni moto, et attione padre, et genitore, authore, & creatore” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. K3v). 44. “Niuna cosa accrebbe tanto la religione de falsi dei, & che dal vero ci facesse rebelli, se non il cieco amor dell’huomo a se stesso.” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. F8r). 45. “Chi ama se stesso, è amatore di Dio” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. G5r). 46. On Augustinian concepts of self-love, see Oliver O’Donovan, The Problem of Self-love in St. Augustine (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980). O’Donovan begins by noting the contradictory nature of Augustine’s statements on the subject (1). 47. “Se da qui inanzi quanto è detto vorrà alcuno chiamar senza ordine, io non repugno: percio non si trovara in Venere, & Cupido che ordinatamente senza confusione parlasse” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. I6v). 48. León Hebreo, The Philosophy of Love (Dialoghi d’amore), trans. F. Friedeberg-Seeley and Jean H. Barnes (London: Soncino Press, 1937), 7. 49. “La loro differentia e questa, che disiderio è solamente nelle cose non havute, amore nelle cose possedute” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. K3v). 50. “Obietto dal disiderio e il bene, come si trovarno diverse specie di beni, cosi sono diverse specie di disideri, come amore e una specie Notes 203

di disiderii, circa il bene che si chiama bello” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. K3v). 51. Hesiod, “Theogony,” in Theogony, Works and Days, Testimonia, ed. and trans. Glenn W. Most (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006), 2–85, line 120. 52. “Aristotele quella primamente movere il tutto per amor crede, havendo detto Hiarca ad Apollonio il mondo essere animale, dimandò / se era maschio o femina, risponde essere maschio, & femina, il quale copulandosi con se medesmo, parturisce, & con- serva ogni cosa, inamorandosi di se stesso molto piu fecondamente che non vivo huomo con donna” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. L4r). 53. The idea that the four classical virtues have their roots in love is attributed to an unspecified passage in Augustine by Jacques Ferrand, who drew strongly on Equicola. See Jacques Ferrand, A Treatise on Lovesickness, ed. and trans. Donald A. Beecher and Massimo Ciavolella (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1990), 367, n. 2. 54. “Devemo intendere nella natura di Dio esser amore” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. 5v). 55. Aristotle, Metaphysics 12.9, 1074b. 56. “d’ogni ottima attione madre” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. N3r). 57. “Ama prima adunque l’huomo se stesso, per proprio ben de se stesso: per la fede poi comincia ad amar Dio, non per esser Dio, ma per se stesso: poscia leggendo, meditando, orando, contemplando, ama Dio, & per Dio ama se stesso” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. N5v). 58. “Amiamo Dio, come l’huomo ama la sua vita, havendo da lui l’essere: e non solo l’essere, ma lo bene essere. Amesi come lo amico, non havendo mai noi havuto maggiore amico perche ha esposta per noi la sua vita: & questa è la maggior charità. Amesi come padre per esser nostro genitore, /amesi come sposa” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. N6v). 59. Leone Ebreo, Dialoghi d’amore, ed. Santino Caramella (Bari: Laterza, 1929), 45. See also John Charles Nelson, Renaissance Theory of Love: The Context of Giordano Bruno’s Eroici furori (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958), 94–95, though he down- plays the eroticism of the term “copulative” to describe the ecstasy of union with God. 60. “In Mattheo chiaramenti Christo ne dechiari quando alla inter- rogatione de pharisei, qual fosse il gran mandato delle legge, ris- pose, il primo & massimo essere, amare Dio: il secondo amar il prossimo; per il primo se genera l’amor del prossimo: & per questo se nutrisce l’amor di Dio. Chi non ama Dio, no sa amar il prossimo: che chi non ama il prossimo, qual vede, come amarà Dio qual non vede? Il primo è segno & fisso termine alquale l’anima aspira: l’altro è grado & mezzo di pervenire al fine” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. N7v–N8r). 204 Notes

61. “Il mio Giesu commando non habbiate charità inordinata. Questo mandato osservaremo se prima amaremo, & piu che ogni altra cosa, quel che sopra noi poi quel che semo noi medesimi, in terzo luogo, quel che è propinquo a noi, appresso quel che è sotto a noi” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. O2v). 62. “Dissero alcuni l’amori esser quattro, del marito, & moglie de genitori a figliuoli, dell’amante all’amato, il quatro maggior di tutti del corpo all’anima, cioè amor di se stesso. Amamo li genitori, come secondi authori di noi, amamo li fratelli come quasi altri noi, li figliuoli, come parte di noi, non men che fratelli molte volte li amici, percio che non potemo esseguire ogni cosa per noi medesimi: l’uno in qualche cosa è piu utile che l’altro. Si acquistano amicitie per governare con mutui /officii in communi nostri commodi” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. O3r). 63. See, most famously, Montaigne, Essay 1.28, De l’amitié [On Friendship]. 64. “Fermo stabilmento di amicitia è la equalità, conformita de volonta, et d’honesti costumi, benche para ogni amicitia ha ver origine, et augmento perservante, non da simili, ma / da contrari, vedemo il povero amico al ricco, l’infermo al medico, l’ignorante al dotto: Euripide afferma la terra quando è secca amare l’humido, il freddo lo caldo, l’amaro lo dolce, il vacuo lo pieno” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. O6r). 65. “E natural l’amore, è contra natura l’odio” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. T8v). 66. On the ubiquity of homoerotic relations between men in early modern Florence, See Michael Rocke, Forbidden Friendships: Homosexuality and Male Culture in Renaissance Florence (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). 67. All references to Book 4 of De Natura d’amore are to the 1989 edition: Equicola, De Natura. 68. “Volupta crudelissima immane, & effera, dice Aristotele esser quella di quelli, che usano, & si dilettano di Venere mascula, mangiar figliuoli & altre scelerita” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. BB4v). 69. “Vedemo di Venere mascula esser proprio acto, vergogna che da omo femina se devene; et, quello amore esser tiranno, che a gioveni li amanti per intemperanzia portano, è certo. Perche, como il re secondo le legi domina, cosi il tiranno contra legi, per propria utilita, non per la publica” (Equicola, De Natura, 33). 70. See Plutarch, Plutarch’s Lives, Life of Solon, trans. John Dryden (New York: Modern Library, 2001), 1.109. 71. “‘Chi ama non pate che lo amato giovene sia pare or superiore a se,’ ma molto di sè inferiore lo disidera, li piace che sia ignorante, timido, grosso d’ingegno. Et se tal naturalmente non è, se sforza et fa ogni opera che sia così; chè, altramenti, se reputa privo del desi- ato piacere. Removelo da ogni studio et consuetudine donde possa Notes 205

devenire excellente, lontanandolo da la ‘filosophia divina’ per dubio che, facto savio et prudente, non lo sprezi. Procura finalmente che sia inertissimo et che di lui solo se admiri. Desidera che sia ‘de corpo molle, enerve, et delicato, a l’ombra, non al sole nutrito, da periculi, fatighe, et sudori alieno.’ Tra femminili cibi, odori et ornamenti lo alleva. Oltra questo, desia che sia privo de amici et consanguinei in chi si fida, pensando quelli averli ad esser impedimento. Similmente, povero lo vole per più facimente retenerlo. . . . Spirto gentil se mai questo legi, fugi tal tiranno amore, dove non è segno alcuno di pietà.” (Equicola, De Natura, 34). Passages in quotations are para- phrased from Plato, Phaedrus, 139a–d. 72. Rocke, Forbidden Friendships. 73. Plato, Laws, 636b–c. 74. Aristotle, Politics II.10, 1272a. 75. See Marilyn B. Skinner, Sexuality in Greek and Roman Culture (New York: Blackwell, 2005), 197–200. 76. Paul, Epistle to the Romans 1.26–27. St. Augustine, Confessions, ed. and trans. R. S. Pine-Coffin (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1961), 8.6 and elsewhere. 77. In the Huntington Library copy of the 1554 Giolito edition (call number 350124) there is a hand drawn in the margin pointing approvingly at this sentence. 78. Seneca, Naturales Quaestiones, Books 1–3, ed. and trans. Thomas H. Corcoran (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971), Book 1, chapter 16. 79. “De’ sensi, alcuni credono principe il tacto. Ha, ciascuno senso, suo proprio elemento: viso, acqua; audito, aere; olfato, foco; gusto, terra. Se me fosse licito (ché la arroganzia di quelli che le parole più che altro notano, non me retenesse), diria il tacto essere di tutte quelle parti celesti, da Platone ‘etere,’ da Aristotile ‘quinto elemento’ nominate. Ma, perché non voglio dar causa a’ maledici di dimostrare loro maligna natura, dirò (secondo la commune opin- ione) il tacto essere di terrea crassitudine; et con sua laude, lui solo credemo essere necessariamente dato per il vivere. Vedemo li altri sensi esser dati da natura per ornamento de la essenzia. Questo è dato necessario per lo essere” (Equicola, De Natura, 38–39). 80. Plato, Phaedo, 65c. 81. Plato, Phaedo, 66a. 82. Plato, Phaedo, 65b. 83. Marsilio Ficino, Commentary on Plato’s Symposium on Love, ed. and trans. Sears Jayne (Dallas, TX: Spring Publications, 1985), 41. Speech 1.4. 84. “Caetero vero sensus non eodem modo animalibus conferunt ut sint sed modo quodam meliore sint,” Latin translation of Gerolamo Donato (Brescia 1495), from the chapter De tactu. See Equicola, De Natura, 106, n. 29. 206 Notes

85. Aristotle, De Anima, 421a, 20–26. 86. Lucretius, De Rerum Natura, 4.595–705. 87. Aristotle, (De Anima, 423b). But see earlier, De Anima, 422a, “Touch means the absence of an intervening body.” 88. For example, all the Italian authors on love Ferrand refers to in his treatise are among those discussed in Book 1 of De Natura d’amore. See Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 101. 89. Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 242. He is quoting Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, Book 9, chapter 5, 1167a. 90. Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 244. 91. Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 245. 92. Plato, Timaeus, 58d. 93. Aristotle, De Caelo, Book 1.3. 94. Aristotle, De Caelo, Book 1.2, 269a 30. 95. “Corrupti li altri sense, non pate corrupzione tutto lo animale; cor- rupto il tacto, manca la vita, ché senza quello, non pò esser né con- sistere lo animale. Senza tacto la spezie umana et animali perfecti cessariano. In questo senso è summo, precipuo et veementissimo piacere, maximo et sopra li altri voluptuosissimo. Del tacto è figliol il coito, nel quale voluptà vi nascose natura, acchioché amore quasi ne sforze al procreare” (Equicola, De Natura, 42–43). 96. “Noi grazia, colore, et proporzione di membra dilecta” (Equicola, De Natura, 39). 97. “Il tacto è dato a quelli per generare prole et in quella multiplicare; a noi, sì como loro, per augmentare, conservare, et mantenere la umana spezie; et che avessemo vario, multiplice et continuo piacere. Li bruti como irrazionali ne sono participi a certi tempi . . . , noi ad nostro arbitrio in ogni tempo potemo usar coito. Ma tener modo in la voluptà, et ponerli termine, cosa laudibile et utile existimamo” (Equicola, De Natura, 39). See Aristotle, Problems, 8, 7 (950a). 98. “Et, quando è concocto, vien bianco. Et, quando è inconcocto et se emitte violentemente, esce et vien fora sangue puro. Il che accade ad usar troppo Venere” (Equicola, De Natura, 41). 99. “Laudaria l’asbstinenzia et castità como è sempre in ogni età laudabile et cosa sanctissima. Ma, scrivendo, non posso dire se non quel che’l loco richiede. Et così, dico che, per l’abstinenzia et retenzione troppa, se genera mestizia et infermità. . . . Filisofi dicono alle donne venire molti accidenti se, quando la lor parte genitale desidera con- cepere, non hanno esse donne lor intento. Dicono obfuscare li sensi, et tutto ‘l corpo corromperse. . . . Legemo Diogene (severissimo omo et contentissimo) aver più volte usata Venere, sentendo nocerli la retenzione del seme” (Equicola, De Natura, 41–42). 100. Donald A. Beecher and Massimo Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand and the Tradition of Lovesickness in Western Culture,” in Ferrand, Beecher, and Ciavolella, Treatise on Lovesickness, 65–67. 101. Beecher and Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand,” 124–125. Notes 207

102. Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 334, n. 12. 103. Savino, Alcuni trattati, X. 75–85. Kolsky, Mario Equicola, 253–269. 104. “Noi in questo nostro libro concludemmo la modestia, la mansue- tudine, & urbanità essere le prime virtu che’l cortegiano ornano. Hora parimente dicemo che le tre medesme sono gran causa di farci le persone benivole” (Equicola, De Natura, V3v). 105. “L’odio piglia tosto vigore, & tosto cresce, ne facilmente in amore si converte. La pianta d’amore tardi si corroborra, tosto si svelle, & in odio facilmente si muta” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. T8v). 106. “Virtù, Diligentia, Modi, et Arte, di Conciliarci Benevolentia” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. V1r). 107. “Esser formoso & bello non è nostra laude, come l’essere deforme non è nostro mancamento. Dalli moti del animo siamo guidicati” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. V2r). 108. “Ogni laude in tre cose consiste, la prima è di speculare le cose di natura, cause, passioni, moti, magnitudine: & quantità discreta & continua, contemplando come ultimo fine de tutti gli studii essa divinità. La seconda . . . è refrenare li moti, perverbationi & appetiti: constringendoli sotto la ragione. La terza è sapere conversare con li huomini conciliarsi gli animi di quelli, ridurli a nostro uso dis- porre loro opere studii, & volontà per nostri commodi. Lasciate le due prime, l’ultima sera nostro campo” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. V2r–V2v). 109. “Humanità hora intendemo, non eruditione, & letteratura degna di huomini liberi, ma quella facilita di amabili costumi, laqual in niuno altro animale ecceto che in l’huomo si ritrova” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. V3r). 110. “In tre modi humanità si essercita (secondo Platone) in salutare volentieri porgendo le man soccorendo a chi / ha di noi bisogno, celebrare convivii tra compagni con giocondita. A nostri tempi se vi aggiunge l’honorare col capo discoperto li superiori” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. V3r). 111. “Molte cose facciamo per concessione di leggi, come e il dare opera a generare figliuoli, pur quel atto nominandolo è dishonesto, & dishonesta nel nostro ragionare, deversi fuggire, verecondia della modestia figliuola, ne insegna” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. V4r). 112. “Non scorra il mio amante in maledicentia scurile, habbia in memoria, la verità (come è proverbio comico) parturire odio” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. V5v). 113. “Non proponemo hora di Xenofonte il Ciro, meno di Aristotele il Re, ma amante informami” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. V6r). 114. Pietro Aretino, Aretino’s Dialogues (1971), trans. Raymond Rosenthal (New York: Marsilio, 1994), 135–136, 256–257. See also Ian Frederick Moulton, Before Pornography: Erotic Writing in Early Modern England (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 134. 208 Notes

115. Margaret Rosenthal, The Honest Courtesan: Veronica Franco, Citizen and Writer in Sixteenth-Century Venice (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 6, 73. 116. “Se forsi alcuno che troppo di se prosuma istima tal cose frivole, & noi reputa in questa parte haver piene le carte di ciancie, & percio crede noi havere errato, in non have ben discernuto quel al tal luogo si conviene, dicoli, se errore vi è, che erro con Platone, Aristotele, M. Tullio, & Quintiliano, di quali le sententie ho qui volentieri esposte, non come ad ingenuamente educate necessarie, ma a coloro utili, liquali quasi fongi in una notte nati, di lettere nudi, tra amanti eleganti come se elegantissimi fussero compareno. Cosi habitu- ato il mio giovene si sforze esser con la amata signora in ossequie diligente, tanto che in servitù voluntaria se stesso constituisca, & prevenga il suo servire al disio di quella cui serve. Antiveda suoi pensieri: che niuna cosa piu in amore vale quanto li servitù” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. X3v). 117. Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 86–88. On the prosecution of love magic by the Holy Office in late sixteenth-century Venice, see Guido Ruggiero, Binding Passions: Tales of Magic, Marriage, and Power at the End of the Renaissance (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 88–129. 118. “Non è parte alcuna utile scrivere note in dodeci foglie di lauro, & quelle fare mangiare con radici di oliva, & di dittamo misti con genital seme” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. X4r–X4v). 119. “Vi prego che siate honeste, & vergognose” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. X5v). 120. “A chi vi dispiace, date con modestia repulsa, non con sdegno” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. X6r). 121. “Fuggite li troppo ardite, li astuti & sospettosi, & non men li troppo creduli & altieri, quelli che di servir se sedegnano, perche villani sono, ne giudicio hanno che considerare sappiano il servire a donne esser libertà, & cortesia, non servitu: chi non sa amare non puo servire” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. X7v). 122. “Come Latini et Greci poeti, ioculari Provenzali, Rimanti Francesi, dicitori Thoscani, & trovatori spagnoli habbiano loro amate lodate, & le passioni di loro stessi descritte” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. Y7v). 123. “Il modo di descrivere loro amore fu novo, & diverso da quello di antichi latini, questi senza rispetto, senza riverentia, senza timore di infamar sua donna / apertamente scrivevano, quel loro parea. Et dove il desio lo spingea: Provenzali gentilmente con dissimula- tione nascondevano ogni lascivia di affetti. Et nelle loro carte disio di honorare piu che altro mostravano, dicendo Amor vuol castità, e per castità benevole, senza questa non è amore, quando senza legge, & modo perde suo nome, che niuna cosa risguarda amore, se non amor da lei voglio solazzo, & honore, & seme da saver di amor, è per merce non per dovere, amor non fa se non con honestade, & Notes 209

fede, & tal amor non passa in alcun tempo. Loro amore era in persone grandi degni di honore, non come quelle de poeti nostri antichi, liquali da essi medesimi sono come avare, come ad altrui volontà esposte, & quasi meretrici notate” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. Z5v). 124. “La vita humana è triplice: l’una sotto l’arte si regge, & governa. Diceseli effettiva: a la seconda la prudentia, & le virtu morali dominano, in la terza quelli ponemo, che sono dediti alla scien- tia, ornati de sapientia, conoscitori della eccellentia dell’intelletto. Della prima è fine utile, & dell’altra honore, & reputatione: dell’ultima contemplatione di cose honeste & divine. Di tutte è fine volupta, laquale è da artefici politici, & contemplativi abbrac- ciata” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. BB3v). 125. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1153b. 126. “& di tali disii, & operationi qualunche nega esser fine volupta, questo senza dubbio e huomo stupidissimo, che ne se, ne altri conosce” (BB4r). 127. “Adunque concludemo l’huomo in tutti suoi effetti, & attioni non pensare, ne operare altro, che amor se stesso, & di questo amare dicemo esser ultimo fine la volupta. (Ilche cosa sia in effetto) volemo per nostra satisfatione di questa volupta far parole, non per demostratione della / verità, per esser chiara, aperta, & manifesta, ma perche speramo per si ampia strada poter pervenire all’amor divino, delquale termine, & meta è beatitudine stato perfetis- simo, & ultima perfettione dell’huomo” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. BB4r–BB4v). 128. “. . . la volupta in due parte dividemo: dell’anima l’una, del corpo l’altra. Aristotele tre generationi di volupta pone: la prima in contemplatione, l’altra in attione, nelli sensi la terza. Alcune volupta sono necessarie, et naturali, alcune naturali, & non necessarie. Necessarie, & naturali quelle dicemo, che riprimeno il dolore per- tinente al corpo, come in gran sete, bere. Naturali non necessarie sono magnar cibi pretiosi, per maggior volupta. Quelle necessarie, ne naturali chiamono, lequale sono circa cose di non molto momento, come è poner statue. Volupta crudelissima immane, & effera, dice Aristotele esser quella di quelli, che usano, & si dilettano di Venere mascula, mangiar figliuoli & altre scelerita. Alcune volupta sono pure, & integre di cose divine. Alcune medie che par- ticipono di virtu, & letitia causata da buoni effetti. Alcune sone vere, alcune false: le vere si istimano quelle dell’animo, delle scien- tie, & delle discipline: le false procedono delli sensi” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. BB4v). 129. “Alcune corporali, che’l corpo parimenti, & l’anima l’usa, come è magniare, & dar opera a far figlioli: lequali volupta non possono essere del corpo solo, che ogni / tal volupta è col senso, & il senso non opera se non per l’anima” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. BB5r). 210 Notes

130. “Amesi Dio, percio che è sommo bene & sommo bene non è altro che somma volupta” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. BB7v). 131. “Magnesi per vivere, non se viva per magnare. Alla gola sempre dedito di gran pensieri non è capace. Il tatto in tanto devemo fre- quentare, quanto alla natura se renda il debito della obligatione con lei nascendo contratta. Altrimenti li forti, & robustissimi esfemmina, & enerva. Per laqual cosa se amamo noi medesimi, & se dell’amore è fine volupta abbracesi la temperantia, & mediocrità conservatrici / di sanita, datrici della disiderata voluptà. Fine del vero amore, & d’ogni amore, & d’ogni attione, & d’ogni operatione de mortali, deve essere tal termine, che ne induca a considerare, che per beneficio di essa sanità potemo usar longamente, la voluptà delli sensi integramente, & in piacere honestissimo con gloria, & honore tradurre la vita” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. CC5r). 132. “Sono alcuni nelliquali nova generatione di pazzia si ritrova. Questi simulatori con ineptissimi modi persuadere alli sciocchi se sforzano, che nulla curano la bellezza del corpo, ma solamente della beltà dell’animo accesi, del solo vedere, & del solo odire si pascono: non considerano, che disio humano non po terminare, se non in quel ultimo che si po appetere, dove la mente oltra non si estenda ne possa piu avanti procedere: però fermarsi disio amo- roso in viso & odito soli è impossibile, perche amor è dell’animo / corpo: & le operationi dell’animo dal corpo dependeno, & quelle dle corpo dall’animo; onde l’uno a l’altro ministra voluptà, & l’uno senza l’altro non si puo dilettare” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. CC6r–CC6v). 133. “Non esser altro huomo, conclude Platone, che anima rationale, laqual usa il corpo . . . per laqual cosa chi vuol conoscere se medesmo, conosca l’anima . . . parte divina in noi (Equicola, De Natura, sig. DD6r). La via della voluptà delli sensi primo facile & piana: poi in prerutti precipitii, profondità oscura & eterna oblivione te conduce” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. DD7r). 134. “Se di lieto vivere in lei in corte tua speranza reponi, pensa li invidi & delatori & detrattori in quella vivere & calumniatori senza fine: & per brevemente comprendere tutte le adversità & infelicità che in corte sono, adverti che de signori la maggior parte con le orecchie, & spesso non piu merita & serve, ma chi piu pace è rimunerato” (Equicola, De Natura, sig. EE1r–EE1v). 135. “Il respiro di soddisfazione che ha tirato a questo punto il lettore è il miglior commento del libro dell’Equicola.” Savino, Alcuni trattati, X. 90. 136. 1584 edition D4v (Huntington 215382) Marginal gloss: “Natura delle donne”; text reads: “la natura delle donne è instabile.” 137. “Essendo; gia molti anni sono, il presente libro di Mario Equicola di natura d’Amore, stato publicato dal suo Autore, per essere opera piena di bella è varia dottrina, benche scritta non cosi politamente, Notes 211

come si ricerca alle regole et alla vaghezza della lingua Thoscana, dolendomi, che ella fosse quasi morta, per esser (forse per cagion della stampa, nella quale scoretta e molto male acconcia si leg- geva) poco letta, e conoscuita dal mondo; ho voluto facendo emendar molti errori, & aiutarla in / alcune cose, ristamparla. E, perche ciascuno possa cavarne quell’utile, ch’egli ricerca, senza fatica veruna, oltre alla Tavola fatta dal suo autore delle cose gen- erali, io ve n’ho fatta agguingere un’altra di ogni particolaritàche nell’opera si tratta, in guisa, che mostrando questo huomo dotto nella fronte, tuttoquello, di che egli scrive, gli studiosi divengano piu vaghi di leggerlo, e ne ricevano ancora il frutto maggiore” (sig. *iiR–*iiV). 138. “LIBRO / DI NATURA / D’AMORE DI MARIO / EQUICOLA. / DI NUOVA CON SOMMA / DILIGENZA RISTAMPATO, E / corretto da M. Lodovico Dolce. / [ornament] / CON NVOVA TAVOLA DELLE / COSE PIV NOTABILI, che nell’Opera si contengono / [ornament—includes text DELLA MORTE ETERNA VITA I DIVO / SEMPER EADEM / G G / F] / IN VINEGIA APPRESSO GABRIEL / GIOLITO DE FERRARI ET / FRATELLI. M D L IIII.” 139. William H. Sherman, Used Books: Marking Readers in Renaissance England (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), 146, and Ann Moss, Printed Commonplace Books and the Structuring of Renaissance Thought (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 194. 140. “Color negro bono augurio”; “Due donne morirono di allegrezza.” 141. “Rimedii à fuggire l’amor lascivo”; “Rimedii contra l’amor lascivo.” 142. “Donna è origine all’huomo di ogni atto laudabile”; “Donne sono la causa de i peccati.” 143. “Fortuna fu nominata mascula”; “Fortuna fu nominata muliebre.” 144. “Amore è naturale”; “Amore non viene de natura.” 145. “Adone secondo gli Assiri significa il Sole”; “Africani perfidi”; “Astinencia del coito ha causato in alcuni il vomito”; “Egittii pro- hibirno la musica”; “Greci vietarono à servi la pittura”; “Parole non doversi mutare”; “Un fanciullo di Xenophonte fu amato da un Cane”; and “Piedi piccioli denotano amanti.” 146. Equicola, De Natura, 14–21. 147. Beecher and Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand,” 100–101. 148. Robert Burton, The Anatomy of Melancholy, Book 3 Love Melancholy, ed. Holbrook Jackson, 3.1.1.1 (New York: New York Review Books, 2001), 4. 149. Robert Ellrodt, Neoplatonism in the Poetry of Edmund Spenser (Geneva: Droz, 1960), 108–110. 150. Equicola, De Natura, sig. V2v. 151. “What is love? Five theories on the greatest emotion of all.” Guardian.co.uk. Thursday, December 13, 2012, 07.18 EST. 212 Notes

3 Antonio Tagliente’s OPERA AMOROSA: Love and Letterwriting

1. All references to the works of Shakespeare are to The Norton Shakespeare, 2nd ed., ed. Greenblatt et al. (New York: Norton, 2008). 2. Lynne Magnusson, Shakespeare and Social Dialogue: Dramatic Language and Elizabethan Letters (New York: Cambridge, 1999), explores the ways in which sixteenth-century letters provide models of social exchange and interaction for Shakespearean drama. She argues that letters provide “relational scripts for friendship and service” that help establish “the repertoire of available personal relationships” (1). Her main focus is on administrative letters, not love letters. 3. On Tagliente’s life and publications, see Esther Potter, “Life and Literary Remains,” in Splendour of Ornament: Specimens Selected from the Essempio di recammi, the First Italian Manual of Decoration, Venice 1524 by Giovanni Antonio Tagliente, ed. Stanley Morison (London: Lion and Unicorn Press, 1968), 29–43. 4. On the Libro Maistrevole, see Anne Jacobson Schutte, “Teaching Adults to Read in Sixteenth-Century Venice: Giovanni Antonio Tagliente’s Libro Maistrevole,” Sixteenth Century Journal 17, no. 1 (Spring 1986): 3–16. 5. Potter, “Life and Literary Remains,” 31. 6. “. . . alchune lettere amorose con le risposte di vari & diversi casi intervenuti in certe citta d’Italia tro molti amanti d’ogni conditione.” All references to the Opera amorosa are to the Venice, 1533 edition. 7. Schutte “Teaching Adults,” n. 20, p. 7, claims five editions between 1527 and 1552; editions from 1533, 1535 and 1537 are in the British Library. The Marciana Library has two separate editions from 1533 (one from Venice, one from Bressa [Brescia]), and one, entitled Lettere amorose, from 1608. 8. “Messer Iacinto da Rimino Giovane de anni xx innamoratosi di Madonna Cesarina Donzella bellissima, di eta di anni xxiii allaqual esso Iacintho per non poter piu avanti sopportar gli amorosi tormenti, scrisse la qui sottoposto espistola” (sig. A2r). 9. “Ferito son io si acerbamente dalle crudeli saette d’amore nobilis- sima, & dolcissima Madonna, che sa con queste poche parole io non havessi mandata fuori, la mia ardentissima passione, senza dubbio l’empia morte s’appropinquava per troncar il filo de mia misera- bile vita. O quanto forte, quanto potente, & quanto amara in me conosco la legge severa & aspra d’amore. Pero che per un solo & secreto sguardo ch’io gittai nel sereno volto vostro & dilicatissimo petto, si duramente mi legassi il core, che certamente gli sentimenti miei il spirito mio, il pensier mio insieme uniti in voi, & con voi di Notes 213

& notte si vivono. Ne mai d’altre ricchezze, ne d’altro tesauro me si rigira per la memoria se non della belta vostro, & leggiadria, O mio ardentissimo desiderio da gliocchi miseri nato a miei perpetui danni, conciosia che la mia vita infelice tra lagrime e sospiri assidosi si pasca miserabilissimamente. Per laqual cosa Madonna humanis- sima, se per mia sorte io tengo voi per la mia luce, mio sovengo, mia vita, mio conforto, & caro nudrimento delli miei affannosi pensieri, vogliatemi per vostra gentilezza & pieta pigliar in servo fedelissimo, & secretamente giudicarmi degno d’una sua gratissima risposta” (sig. A2r). 10. See, for example, Amores 1.1, 1.2, 1.9, etc. 11. All references to the works of Plato are to The Collected Dialogues of Plato, ed. Edith Hamilton and Huntington Cairns (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1961). 12. “La soavita delle ornate lettre vostre. Iacintho il vostro aterrato & servidore indegno” (sig. A2r–A2v). 13. “Se non fusse gentil, & nobil Messer Iacintho, che io m’affidassi di trovar in voi fede, et taciturnita per modo niuno haverei preso ardimento di risponder alle benigne parole delle vostre dolcissime lettre: Vi prego non habbitate a ridere di cotesto mio inculto & rozzo modo di scrivere. Confesso liberamente lingegno mio esser mal atto e simplicetto alle cose di amore. Ma pur parebbemi haver il cuor cinto di ferro se non amassi la soavita delle ornate lettre vostre, lequali piu di tre vole veramente furono da me lette, & non senza mie abondevolissime lagrime. Ho io d’ogni parte il cuore tenerissimo, & inchinevole verso voi, et pietoso assai all gradezza degli amorosi tormenti vostri, hora per non esse[r]e tediosa nel dire sepiate che a tanta vostra virtu & gentilezza l’anima mia per fieri colpi d’amor gemante risponde a par a paro verso il vostro ardentissimo pensiero. Il perche al presente senza indugio humil- mente vi prego pigliatemi per vostra fedel e secretissima serva” (sig. A 2v). 14. “Voi siete giovane, bello, ricco, modesto, virtuoso, humano, & ornatissimo di costumi, & di tutte quell’altre parti, che sono com- putate, si nella felicita di beni dell’anima, come del corpo. In me di vero tutto il contrario. Vecchia horamai son io, & quelle ardenti fiamme del fallace amore, le quai furono in me gia possenti, hora extinte si giacciono. Veggiomi fanticella indegna di tant’huomo.” 15. “Lingua non e alcuna cosi faconda, che potresse isprimer la timid- ita mia, & specialmente di notte. Ma . . . la gentilezza vostra, & lo grande amor insieme faranommi audace forse piu di che a me si convenga. Et quando pure havete a venir al capo del nostro giardino io vel faro intendere il giorno alla notte susseguente, mentre nella finestra della mia camera guardante sul horto, vedrete posti due capi di cordela, un bianco, l’altro verde, li quai saranno appicati ed essa finestra. Et habbiate a sapere che non potrete commodamente per 214 Notes

me venire se non alla terza hora di notte. Et perche fece prudente so che verrete solo. Per laqual cosa da quinci innanzi non mi scriviate cosa alcuna. Il segno delle dette cordele vi sia nella memoria: Ma di cio basti: a voi grandissimamente mi raccomando. Fabia vostra leale” (sig. D5r–D5v). 16. “Messer Valentino gentilhuomo di Parma, & giovane di trent’anni innamoratosi di Madonna Sabina donzella bellissima, & havendo consumato lungo tempo con seco nell’amore allei manda queste lettere pregandola, che una sera voglia riceverlo in casa non havendo ne madre ne padre, che cio impedisca” (sig. A5v). 17. “Pero che da una parte le care piacevolezze & altri lascivetti giuochi di Venere me spingono ad accetarvi non solamente nel tetto nostro, ma nel seno, ne gliocchi, nel grembo. Dal l’altra parte dis- cerno mille imagini di horribile paura, percio che istimo per certo che nella prima giacitura ch’io stessi istrettamente con vo, disubito vederestemi fatta pregnente, cosa che senza parangone me spav- enta. Et cio non gia, che per amor vostro mi rincrescesse portar nel ventre un si soave peso, ma per la gran temenza del Zio vecchio, & altri parenti nostri, i quali mi vorrebono piu presto veder in essilio, o da cruda morte sepolta. Intendete andunque la cagione del tutto” (sig. A6r). 18. “Ha gia venti anni ch’io fui data in moglie a mio marito, et infin a qui niuno fuori che voi hebbe ardimento mai con amoroe lettre sol- lecitarmi. Pero vi essorto, attendiate a ben vivere. Grande peccato e contaminar le casti menti delle maritate donne” (sig. C1v). 19. “Vorrei poter senza peccato usar gratitudine verso l’ampiezza di vostra mente incomparabile. Se nel futuro haverete mai a favellar con la mia balia, siate accorto a farlo tacitamente, accio non siate veduto dalli dimestichi nostri: Non diro altro, il tempo, l’amor, la notte, & l’otio sono maestri & consiglieri saputi di tutte l’opere amorse: ultimamente, & ben, e pace sia con voi” (sig. C3v). 20. “Dimestico di casa, & di buon aspetto, huomo di trent’anni, & parlatore accorto.” 21. “Chi volesse considerarmi nel sangue, Illustre & savissima Contessa, humile forse troverrebbe la mia conditione: Ma veramente nelle parti dell’animo virile si grande mi conoscerebbe, che a niuno farei giudicato essere lo secondo. Io naqui sotto cosi fatto distino, che nelle cose d’amore per nessun modo posso amar altri obietti, se non quei, alliquali m’e vietato, & non licito poter arrivare.” 22. “[B4v] Dove se tu smisuratamente mi ami, che cosa e altro questo se non un precioso dona di tua gentilezza? Ottimamente so io, che l’eterno Iddio ponendovi ne corpi nostri mortai gli animi divini non rade volte etiando alle persone di basso nido suol donar vigor mirabile & altezza d’animo insuperabile: Ma per me, nacqui di cosa fatta complessione, che a qualunque ama con fedelta sempre huma- namente volli respondere nell’amore. Pretermetto di dar risposta a Notes 215

molte altri bellissime ragioni vostre, perche tempo niuno m’avanza. Iddio con voi.” 23. See Alain Boureau, “The Letter-Writing Norm, A Medieval Invention,” in Chartier et al., Correspondence, 24–58. 24. On the ars dictaminis see James J. Murphy, “Ars dictaminis: The Art of Letter-Writing,” in Rhetoric in the Middle Ages: A History of Rhetorical Theory from Saint Augustine to the Renaissance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), 194–268; and William D. Patt, “The Early ‘Ars dictaminis’ as Response to a Changing Society,” Viator 9 (1978): 133–155, and more briefly Charles Fantazzi, “Introductory Note” to Erasmus, On the Writing of Letters, Collected Works of Erasmus, Vol. 25, ed. J. K. Sowards (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985), 7. 25. See, for example, Francesco Negro, Opusculum scribendi espistolas (Venice, 1488), and the Novum Epistolarium (Basel: Johann Amerbach, 1489), of Giovanni Mario Filelfo (1426–1480), both criticized by Erasmus (Epistle 117). 26. The reference is to St. Jerome, The Letters of St. Jerome, trans. Charles Christopher (Westminster, MD: Newman Press, 1963), 8.1. Jerome himself is quoting remarks attributed to the comedian Turpilius, a contemporary of Terence. See also Lisa Jardine, Erasmus: Man of Letters (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), 150. 27. Erasmus, On the Writing of Letters, 20. 28. Erasmus, On the Writing of Letters, 44. 29. J. L. Vives, De Conscribendis Epistolis, ed. Charles Fantazzi (New York: Brill, 1989). 30. F. Vander Haeghen, ed. Biblioteca Erasmiana (1893, repr.; Ghent: Nieuwkoop, 1961), 55–59, lists 28 editions in Erasmus’s lifetime and 60 more during the rest of the century. And that list is not complete. See Introduction to Erasmus, On the Writing of Letters, lii. 31. Erasmus, On the Writing of Letters, 58. 32. Erasmus, On the Writing of Letters, 59. 33. Erasmus, On the Writing of Letters, 67. 34. Erasmus, On the Writing of Letters, 71. 35. Erasmus, On the Writing of Letters, 73. 36. Erasmus’s primary example of a persuasive letter is his Encomium matrimonii—a controversial letter persuading a young man to marry that also advocates a married clergy. Erasmus, On the Writing of Letters, 129–145, 528–529. 37. Erasmus, On the Writing of Letters, 203. 38. Erasmus, On the Writing of Letters, 204. 39. Mario Equicola, De Natura d’amore (Venice, Pietro di Niccolini di Sabbio, 1536), sig. Y8r. 40. Erasmus, On the Writing of Letters, 204–205. 41. Jardine, Erasmus, 149–153. 42. Erasmus, On the Writing of Letters, 24–25. 216 Notes

43. Jardine, Erasmus, is a detailed study of the ways in which Erasmus created a literary persona for himself—in large part through his letter writing. 44. Bernard A. Bray, L’Art de la lettre amoureuse: Des manuels aux romans (1550–1700) (The Hague: Mouton, 1967), 14–15. He asserts that “the three principal sources that one may attribute to the love letter in its conventional form in the first half of the seventeenth century are Ovid’s Heroides, the letters of Heloise and Abelard, and Italian letters, especially those of Isabella Andreini. Ovid represents by far the most abundantly used source” (14). See also Claudio Guillén, “Notes toward the Study of the Renaissance Letter,” Harvard English Studies 14 (1986): 70–101, esp. 86–91. 45. Fay Bound, “Writing the Self? Love and the Letter in England, c. 1600–c. 1760,” Literature and History 11, no. 1 (2002): 1–19, esp. 7. 46. Alan Stewart and Heather Wolfe, Letterwriting in Renaissance England (Washington, DC: Folger Library, 2004), 21. 47. For example, in French, Le Stile et Maniere de composer, dicter, et escrire toute sorte d’Epistres (Lyons and Paris, 1553), by Pierre Durand, and many subsequent editions; and the English translation of the same, William Fullwood, The Enemy of Idleness (London, 1568) and ten subsequent editions to 1621; as well as Abraham Fleming, A Panoplie of Epistles (London, 1576). 48. “And to describe the true definition of an Epistle or letter, it is nothing else but an Oration written, conteining the mynde of the Orator or wryter, thereby to give to understand to him or them that be absent, the same that should be declared if they were present, whereof / there be three principall sortes, for some are addressed to our supe- riours, as to Emperors, kings, princes &c, Some to our equalles as to Marchants, Burgesses, Citizens &c. Some to our inferiors as to servants, laborers, &c.” Fullwood, Enemy of Idleness, sig. A7r–A7v. 49. Fullwood, Enemy of Idleness, sig. B5v. 50. G. Gueudet, “Archéologie d’un genre: Les premiers manuels français d’art épistolaire,” in Mélanges sur la littérature de la Renaissance à la mémoire de V-L Saulnier (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1984), 94–96. 51. On the spread of letter books in France, especially those with love letters see Bray, L’Art de la lettre amoureuse, 7–12. 52. Roger Chartier et al., Correspondence: Models of Letter-Writing from the Middle Ages to the Nineteenth Century, trans. Christopher Woodall (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1997), 16–22, 68–70; Stewart and Wolfe, Letterwriting, 79. 53. Isabella Andreini, Lettere della signora Isabella Andreini padouana. (Venice, 1607, 1617, 1627). 54. Almost all letter books published in England in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries contain some love letters: See: STC (2nd ed.) 545; 3637; 3638; 3638.5; 6274; 6401; 6402; 6403; 6404; Notes 217

6405; 6406; 6406.5; 6407; 11476; 11477; 11479; 11480; 11481; 11482; 11482.4; 11483; 11523; 17360; 17360a; 19883; 19883.5; 20432; 20433; 20584; 20585; 24909; and 24909.5. 55. Delle lettere di diversi autori, raccolte per Venturin Ruffinelli. Libro Primo. Con una oratione a gli Amanti per M. Gioanfrancesco Arrivabene. 8° (Mantua, 1547). Four copies in Marciana Library, including MISC 2340. 006. 56. Chartier et al., Correspondence, 63 on the French version. The English text, The enemie of idleness appeared in at least eight editions between 1568 and 1621. 57. Full title: Le Stile et Maniere de composer, dicter, et escrire toute sorte d’Epistres, ou lettres missives, tant par response que autrement. Avec epitome de la ponctuation, et accentz de la langue Françoise published 1553 by Jean Temporal in Lyons and Maurice Menier in Paris. The volume is sometimes attributed to Pierre Durand. See Chartier et. al., Correspondence, 63. G. Gueudet, “Archéologie d’un genre,” 87–98, provides a list of editions, 88–89. 58. [A Protocol for Secretaries and Others Wanting to Know the Art of Writing all Letters and Prose Epistles in Good French]. Gueudet, “Archéologie d’un genre,” 90, lists three editions, the first with no date, the second dated 1534, the third probably between 1542 and 1563. 59. [A Method for Writing by Answers] Gueudet, “Archéologie d’un genre,” 91, lists two editions, the first with no date, the second 1548. 60. “‘L’autheur aux lecteurs.’: j’ay voulu estre brief & succint: car d’autant il en sera plus facile à rememorer, plus leger à transporter, & de moin- dre coust que les autres oeuvres” (A2v). 61. Fullwood, Enemy of Idleness, sig. A3v. Treatises of ars dictaminis were also designed to be useful even to the least intelligent stu- dents, but were nonetheless directed at those literate in Latin, not a broader public. See Patt, “The Early ‘Ars dictaminis,’” 147. 62. All references are to the 1568 edition. 63. The volume’s preface is addressed to unlearned as well as learned readers. Fleming, Panoplie of Epistles, sig. ¶5r. 64. Fleming, Panoplie of Epistles, sig. ¶5r–¶5v. 65. Bartolommeo Miniatore, Formulario Ottimo et Elegante, il quale insegna il modo del scrivere lettere messive & responsive, con tutto le mansioni sue a li gradi de le persone convenevoli. Et oltra di cio alcune nuove & brevissime Orationi a diversi Ambasciatori, de Prencipi attissime & necessarie, & di nuovo corrette (Venice, 1492), British Library IA 23908. The volume was frequently reprinted: British Library 1084 d 1 3, is the Venice 1544 edition. 66. “Littera missiva a una donna.” 67. “Littera d’amore e bellissima da scrivere ad una tua amorosa, laquale tu non havessi piu scritto” (Venice 1544 edition). 218 Notes

68. This letter appears in 1556 Stile et manière on pp. 53v–54r; in 1568 Enemy of Idleness on sig. S3r–S3v. 69. Fullwood, Enemy of Idleness, sig. S3v–S4r. 70. Fullwood, Enemy of Idleness, (London 1568), sig. S4v–S5r. 71. Angel Day, The English Secretary (London, 1599), sig. V1r. 72. BL 1084 d 1 2 (bound in same volume with Tagliente’s letter book and other similar texts). Andrea Zenophonte da Ugubio, Formulario Nuovo ad dittar Lettere Amorose, Messive, & Responsive composto per Opera Nuova, intitulatoa Flos Amoris (Venice: Marchio Sessa, 1531), 80. 73. Stewart and Wolfe, Letterwriting, 80. 74. All references are to Walter Darell, A Short discourse of the life of Servingmen, plainly expressing the way that is best to be followed, and the meanes wherby they may lawfully challenge a name and title in that vocation and fellowship. With certaine letters verie necessarie for Servingmen, and other persons to peruse. With diverse pretty inventions in English verse. Hereunto is also annexed a treatise, concerning manners and behaviours (London: Ralphe Newberrie, 1578), STC 6274. The “treatise concerning manners” is a translation of Della Casa’s Galateo. 75. Patt, “The Early ‘Ars dictaminis,’” 135, see also148–155. 76. Fantazzi, “Introductory Note,” 2–3. 77. Potter, Life and Literary Remains, 36–37. 78. Aretino’s notion of what a letter should be may have been greatly influenced by Erasmus’s De conscribendis epistolis. See Raymond B. Waddington, Aretino’s Satyr: Sexuality, Satire, and Self-Projection in Sixteenth-Century Literature and Art (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), 49–54. 79. Waddington, Aretino’s Satyr, xxii. 80. Waddington, Aretino’s Satyr, 51. 81. Pietro Aretino, The Letters of Pietro Aretino, ed. and trans. Thomas Caldecott Chubb (New York: Archon, 1967), 261. 82. Guillén, “Notes,” 92. 83. See Raffaele Morabito, “Giovanni Antonio Tagliente e l’epistografia cinquecentesca,” Studi e problemi di critica testuale 33 (1986): 37–53; and more generally Bray, L’Art de la lettre amoureuse, 21–29. 84. Diego de San Pedro, Prison of Love, ed. and trans. Keith Whinnom (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1979), vii–ix; Joyce Boro, ed., The Castell of Love: A Critical Edition of Lord Berner’s Romance, MRTS 336 (Tempe, AZ: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 1997), 14–15. 85. Diego de San Pietro, The castell of loue, translated out of Spanishe into Englyshe, by Johan Bowrchier knyght, lorde Bernis, at the instance of lady Elizabeth Carew, late wyfe to Syr Nicholas Carew knyght. The which boke treateth of the loue betwene Leriano and Laureola doughter Notes 219

to the kynge of Masedonia (London, 1548), STC 21739.5. A second edition appeared in 1552. 86. See Introduction to Juan de Segura, A Critical and Annotated Edition of this First Epistolary Novel (1548) Together with an English Translation, ed. and trans. Edwin B. Place (Evanston IL: Northwestern University Press, 1950), 12. 87. Diego de San Pietro, A certayn treatye moste wyttely deuysed orygynally wrytten in the spaynysshe, lately traducted in to frenche entytled, Lamant mal traicte de samye (London, 1543), STC 546. An English translation by John Clerk of Nicolas de Herberay’s French translation. 88. All references are to Segura, Processo de cartas de amores, ed. and trans. Edwin B. Place (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1950). 89. Guillén, “Notes,” 93. 90. See Robert White, “The Rise and Fall of an Elizabethan Fashion: Love Letters in Romance and Comedy,” Cahiers Elisabethains 30 (1986): 37–47. 91. Roger Chartier, “Secrétaires for the People,” in Chartier et al., Correspondence, 59–111, 98–99. 92. Andrea Zenofonte da Ugubio, Formulario nuovo da dittar lettere amorose messive et responsive. Composto per Andrea Zenophonte da Ugubio. Opera nuova intitola Flos Amoris. MDXXXIX (Venice: Bindoni and Pasini, 1539). Sig. C7v–C8r. Newberry Library Case Y 9935 .995. 93. Day, English Secretary, 1586 edition, 232–251, sig. Q2v–R4r. 94. For examples, see David Cressy, Birth Marriage, and Death: Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 237–255. 95. Diana O’Hara, Courtship and Constraint: Rethinking the Making of Marriage in Tudor England (New York: Manchester University Press, 2000), 69. 96. O’Hara, Courtship and Constraint, 70. 97. George Parfitt and Ralph Houlbrooke, eds., The Courtship Narrative of Leonard Wheatcroft, Derbyshire Yeoman (Reading: Whiteknights Press, 1986), 42–51, 67–81. Cressy, Birth Marriage, and Death, 243. 98. Parfitt and Houlbrooke, Courtship Narrative, 47. 99. Parfitt and Houlbrooke, eds., Courtship Narrative 22. 100. Lori Anne Ferrell, ed., “An Imperfect Diary of a Life: The 1662 Diary of Samuel Woodforde,” Yale University Library Gazette 63 (1989): 143–144. Cressy, Birth, Marriage and Death, 244–245. 101. Kenneth Parker, ed., Dorothy Osborne: Letters to Sir William Temple, 1652–54: Observations on Love, Literature, Politics and Religion (New York: Ashgate, 2002). Dorothy’s 77 letters survive in British Library ADD. MS 33975. 220 Notes

102. James Daybell, Women Letter-Writers in Tudor England (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 225. 103. Laura Gowing, Domestic Dangers: Women, Words, and Sex in Early Modern London (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 160. On the use of letters and other writings as evidence in ecclesiastical courts, see Henry Consett, The Practice of the Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Courts,1681 (London, 1708), 146–151. On the sev- enteeth century; see Bound, “Writing the Self?” 2–3. 104. O’Hara, Courtship and Constraint, 16. 105. On the symbolic significance of hands in this letter, see Seth Lerer, Courtly Letters in the Age of Henry VIII: Literary Culture and the Arts of Deceit (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 95–103. 106. Henry’s letters to Anne were first printed in the eighteenth century. Letter 1. Henry VIII, King of England. Love-letters from King Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn: Some in French, and some in English. To which are added, translations of those written in French. With an appendix, . . . (London, 1714), sig. B1v–B2r. 107. Henry VIII, Love-letters, sig. C1v (letter 4); sig. D3v (letter 11). 108. Henry VIII, Love-letters, sig. D1r–D1v (letter 9). 109. Henry VIII, Love-letters, sig. C2v (letter 5), sig. D3r (letter 11). 110. Lerer, Courtly Letters, 101–102. 111. Jasper Ridley, The Love Letters of Henry VIII (London: Cassell, 1988), 65. 112. Stewart and Wolfe, Letterwriting, 55. 113. G eorge G a scoig ne, “T he A dvent u re s of M a ster F. J.” i n An Anthology of Elizabethan Prose Fiction, ed. Paul Salzman (New York: Oxford, 1987), 1–88, 8–9, 15. 114. Stewart and Wolfe, Letterwriting, 147. 115. Henry VIII, Love-letters, sig. E2r (letter 14). 116. Henry VIII, Love-letters, sig. E2v (letter 15). 117. Folger MS X.d.428 (77). 118. Daybell, Women Letter-Writers, 222. 119. Daybell, Women Letter-Writers, 59. The original letter is in the National Archives at Kew: State Papers Domestic Supplementary 46/5/139. 120. Daybell, Women Letter-Writers, 223. See also Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, ed. J. S. Brewer, et al. (London: Longman, Green, Longman, & Roberts, 1862–1932), Vol. 20 (ii) 855:23/11/1545. 121. Daybell, Women Letter-Writers, 223. 122. Daybell, Women Letter-Writers, 209. 123. Edward Phillips, The Mysteries of Love & Eloquence, or the Arts of Wooing and Complementing (London: N. Brooks, 1658), title page. Two editions published in 1658, a third in 1685. 124. Full title is, John Gough, The Academy of Complements, Wherein Ladyes, Gentlewomen, Schollers, and Strangers may accomodate their Notes 221

Courtly Practice with most Curious Ceremonies, Complementall, Amorous, High expressions, and formes of speaking, or writing. A work perused and most exactly perfected by the Author with Additions of witty Amorous Poems, And a Table expounding the hard ENGLISH words (London, 1539). STC 19882.5. Subsequent editions include STC 19883, 19883.5, Wing G1401, G1401A, G1401B, G1401C, G1402, G1404, G1405, G1405A, G1405B, G1406: 12 editions between 1639 and 1685. 125. Gough, Academy, sig. A10r–C5v. All references are to the expanded second edition: (London: Humphrey Mosley, 1640). 126. Parfitt and Houlbrooke, Courtship Narrative, 62–63. 127. W. S., Cupids Schoole: Wherein Yong men and Mayds may learn diverse sorts of new, witty, Amorous Complements. Newly written, and never any written before in the same kinde (London: Richard Cotes, 1642).

4 Jacques Ferrand’s ON LOVESICKNESS: Love and Medicine

1. Plutarch, “Antony,” in Plutarch’s Lives, Volume 2, trans. John Dryden, ed. Arthur Hugh Clough (New York: Modern Library, 2001), 496. 2. All references to the works of Shakespeare are to The Norton Shakespeare, 2nd ed., ed. Stephen Greenblatt et al. (New York: Norton, 2008). 3. On the ubiquity of the discourse of lovesickness in early modern England, see Lesel Dawson, Lovesickness and Gender in Early Modern English Literature (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008). 4. Boaistuau translated, adapted, and moralized Bandello’s 1554 novella on Romeo and Juliet in his additions to Belleforest’s Histoires Tragiques extraites des Ouevres italiens de Bandel (Paris, 1559). It was Boaistuau’s translation that was in turn the main model for the story in English; it was translated into English in William Painter’s Palace of Pleasure (London, 1567) and adapted by Arthur Brooke in his poem The Tragicall Historye of Romeus and Juliet (London, 1562). 5. On the relation of Burton’s Anatomy to medical texts in Latin and the vernacular, see Mary Ann Lund, Melancholy, Medicine, and Religion in Early Modern England: Reading the Anatomy of Melancholy (New York: Cambridge, 2010), 77–111. 6. Jacques Ferrand, Erotomania, or a treatise discoursing of the essence, causes, Symptomes, Prognosticks, and the cure of love, or erotique melancholy, trans. Edmund Chilmead (Oxford: L. Lichfield, 1640). The English text was reprinted in 1645. 222 Notes

7. Donald A. Beecher and Massimo Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand and the Tradition of Lovesickness in Western Culture,” in A Treatise on Lovesickness, ed. and trans. Jacques Ferrand, Donald A. Beecher, and Massimo Ciavolella (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1990), 1–201, 26–38. 8. Plato, “Symposium,” in The Collected Dialogues of Plato, ed. Edith Hamilton and Huntington Cairns, trans. Michael Joyce (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1961), 526–574. 9. Mary Frances Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages: The Viaticum and Its Commentaries (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990), 6–18; Beecher and Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand,” 62–70, 39–54. 10. On Arab medical writing on lovesickness, see Beecher and Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand,” 62–70. 11. See Wack, Lovesickness. 12. Wack, Lovesickness, 22–27. 13. André Du Laurens, A Discourse of the Preseruation of the Sight: Of Melancholike Diseases; of Rheumes, and of Old Age, trans. Richard Surphlet (London, 1599), sig. R3v. STC 7304. 14. Nancy G. Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine: An Introduction to Knowledge and Practice (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 107–109. 15. This formulation is based on Ficino, De Amore, Speech 7, chapter 5, and derives ultimately from Plato’s Phaedrus and Lucretius De rerum natura. 16. The term “silly . . . worm” is an addition by the translator Surphlet— the French simply has “le pauvre amoureux.” See Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 416, n. 1. 17. Du Laurens, Melancholike Diseases, sig. R3v. 18. Du Laurens, Melancholike Diseases, sig. S1r. 19. Du Laurens, Melancholike Diseases, sig. S1v. 20. Jacques Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour ou de la mélancolie érotique (1610), ed. Gérard Jacquin and Éric Foulon (Paris: Anthropos, 2001), 74–75. The title page of the 1610 edition of Treatise on Lovesickness identifies Ferrand as being from Agen, (M. Jacques Ferrand, Agenais). The com- mendatory verses in Latin, Greek, and French are from lawyers who were friends and relatives of Ferrand from Agen and the surrounding area. Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, 1, 6–8. 21. Beecher and Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand,” 25, 171, n. 32. 22. “Il soit dénué de toute éloquence et . . . il ressente mes jeunes ans.” Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, 5. It is also odd that this reference to Ferrand’s supposed youth comes in an epistle addressed to his patron Claude of Lorraine, born in 1578, who would have been younger than Ferrand if he was indeed born in 1575. Notes 223

23. Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, 74–75. Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 273. 24. All references to this text are to the modern French edition: Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour. 25. Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, XI. 26. Beecher and Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand,” 26. 27. “Maxime perniciosum et impium et mathematicae judiciariae occul- tum fautorem damnavimus et prohibuimus.” This Latin document from the Archbishopric of Toulouse is dated July 16, 1620, and is signed by J. Rudèle, the vicar general. It is reproduced in Jacques Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, 219–220. 28. “Et bien qu’il improuve de parole la magie en quelque lieu, il la relève par son discours et donne des remèdes damnables pour se faire aimet des dames, enseigner des outils d’abomination et donne des mémoires des plus damnables livres et des plus damnables inventions qui aient été écrits et donnés pour la lubricité et pour les sorcelleries d’amour, ce qui est d’autant plus périlleus qu’il est écrit en langage vulgaire.” Like the Latin text quoted in note 27 above, this French document from the Archbishopric of Toulouse is also dated July 16, 1620, and signed by J. Rudèle, the vicar general. It is reproduced in Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, 222. 29. Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, VIII–X. 30. Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, XIV. Beecher and Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand,” 28. 31. “Par grace & privilege du Roy, il est permis à Denys Moreau, Marchand Libraire à Paris, d’imprimer, ou faire imprimer, ven- dre & distribuer un Livre intitulé, Le traicté de l’essence & guerison de l’Amour ou de la Melancholie Erotique: Composé par Jean [sic] Ferrand Docteur en Medecine. Et defences à tous autres Libraires & Imprimeurs de ce Royaume, de faire le semblable, aux peines por- tées par lesdites lettres. Donné à Paris le 28. Jour de May, 1623. Par le Conseil. BRIGAND.” Jacques Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour ou mélancholie erotique (Paris: Denis Moreau, 1623), sig. ĩ8v. 32. Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, XVI; Beecher and Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand,” 34. 33. See, for example, Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 290–291, where astronomy is rejected as a source of truth. 34. Entitled “Pourquoi peu de médicins ont enseigné la guérison d’amour et de la mélancolie érotique” [Why few doctors have taught the cure of love and erotic melancholy]. Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, 23–30. 35. “Les idiots disent les maladies et leurs causes, divines.” Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, 24. 36. Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, 28. 224 Notes

37. On the differences between the two editions, see Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, XVI–XIX, 213–217; Beecher and Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand,” 21–23, 34–38. 38. All my subsequent references to Ferrand’s text are to the 1623 edition unless otherwise noted. 39. Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, 74. 40. Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine, 107–109. 41. See, for example, Beecher and Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand,” 100–101; Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 390, n. 20. 42. Beecher and Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand,” 113. 43. Petronius, “Satyricon,” in Petronius, Satyricon; Seneca Apocolocyntosis, ed. E. H. Warmington and W. H. D. Rouse (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1975), section 43: “adhuc salax erat. Non mehercules illum puto in domo canem reliquisse.” 44. Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine, 104–106. Gail Kern Paster, The Body Embarrassed: Drama and the Disciplines of Shame in Early Modern England (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993), 6–14. 45. Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine, 101–104. 46. Ferrand, Erotomania, sig. D4r. 47. Dedicatory poem by Martin Lluellin of Christ Church college. Ferrand, Erotomania, sig. b2r. 48. Nicholas Monardes, Joyfull Newes out of the New Found Worlde (London, 1577), sig. I3r. C. T. An Advice How to Plant Tobacco in England (London, 1615), sig. B4v–C4v, sig. C4r–C4v. Tobias Venner, A Briefe and Accurate Treatise concerning the Taking of the Fume of Tobacco (London, 1621), sig. B3r, C2v–C4v. 49. Pierre Boaistuau, Theatrum Mundi, The Theatre or rule of the world, wherein may be seen the running race & course of every man’s life, as touching miserie and felicitie, wherein be contained wonderfull examples and learned devises to the overthrow of vice and exalting of virtue. (London, 1581), sig. O1r. This is a translation of the 1558 French edition, a very popular text, reprinted over 20 times in France, and published in Spanish translation in 1574. 50. Avicenna, Liber canonis, trans. Gerard of Cremona (Venice, 1555), book III, fen 1, tr. 5, ch. 23. “Fortasse necessarium erit, ut isti reganter regimine habentium melancholiam, et maniam, et alcutu- but” (Arabic cuturub—i.e., lycanthropy). Haly Abbas’s medical epitome, al-Kitāb al-mālikī (Pantegni) in Opera Omnia Ysaac, trans. Constantius Africanus (Lyon, 1515), chapter 7, treatise 9 (c. 950 AD) is entitled “De malinconia et canina et amore causisque eorum et signis” [on the causes and signs of melancholy, lycanthropy and lovesickness]. See Robert Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, Book 3 Love Melancholy, ed. Holbrook Jackson (New York: New York Review Books, 2001), 1.1.1.4, p. 141. 51. Beecher and Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand,” 62. Notes 225

52. See Petronius, Satyricon, section 62. 53. My translation. Poem 31: Sappho, Greek Lyric: Sappho and Alcaeus, ed. David A. Campbell (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982), 78–81. 54. Longinus, “On the Sublime,” in Aristotle: The Poetics; Longinus: On the Sublime; Demetrius: On Style, ed. and trans. Donald A. Russell (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995), 10.2. 55. Catullus, Carmina, 51. The last of Sappho’s four stanzas is replaced by Catullus with a stanza of his own. 56. Beecher and Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand,” 118. 57. Dawson, Lovesickness and Gender, 49–60. 58. Dawson, Lovesickness and Gender, 49–50. 59. Hippocrates, “On the Diseases of Young Women,” in Oeuvres Complètes, ed. Littré (Amsterdam: Adolf Hakkert, 1978), 8.469–471. Quoted in Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 377, n. 17. 60. This passage is quoted directly from the sixth-century AD treatise On the Diseases of Women by Muscio, a Latin translation of Soranus’s Gynaecology, wrongly attributed in the early modern period to the ancient Greek physician Moschion. A Greek version of the text was published in Basel in 1566, and this is likely Ferrand’s source: Moschion, De morbis muliebribus liber, Graece cum scholiis et emendationibus Conradi Gesneri (Basel: Th. Guarin, 1566), p. 28. 61. Ferrand, Erotomania, sig. F8r–F8v. 62. Egerton MS 2421 (f. 46). British Library. Manuscript is dated mid seventeenth century; 12mo; compiled by Francis Norreys (name on cover) and Henry Balle (name on f. 1). Contains poems from 1625–1645, including songs from The Tempest (f. 6v) and pieces by Ben Jonson, John Donne, Thomas Cary, Sir William Davenant, and Sir John Denham. 63. Dawson, Lovesickness and Gender, 50–51. 64. François Rabelais, Le Tiers Livre (Paris, Garnier, 1971), 160–164 (chapter 31). 65. Marsilio Ficino, Commentary on Plato’s Symposium on Love, ed. and trans. Sears Jayne (Dallas, TX: Spring Publications, 1985), Speech 7, chapter 11, p. 168. Ferrand rejects drunkenness as a therapy. Various authorities came down on opposite sides of the issue, see Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 320–321, 538, n. 9. 66. Ovid, Remedia Amoris, lines 119–213; see Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 608, n. 21. 67. Beecher and Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand,” 52–53, 66–69. 68. Quoted by Ferrand from Aristotle, On the Generation of Animals, 4.6 (774b). 69. Ferrand cites Ficino and the doctor François Valleriola of Arles on this point. 70. Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 544, n. 30. 226 Notes

71. “Si sit in adolecentia prima, cedatur virgis, et incarceretur, atque illic nutriatur pane et aqua donec veniam petat.” Valesco de Taranta, Epitome operis perquam utilis morbis curandis in septem congesta libros (Lyon: Joan Tornaesium and Gulielmum Gazeium, 1560), 36. Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 549 n51. 72. Sarah Toulalan, Imagining Sex: Pornography and Bodies in Seventeenth Century England (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 93. 73. “Ainsi faisoit on anciennement l’infibulation ou boucleure, comme Celse le recite, afin que les garçons n’abusassent des femmes, avant l’aage competant. On tire avant le prepuce, dit il, ou bout duquel on passe une esguille enfilee. Le fil demeure, qu’on remue tous les jours pour frayer les trous, jusques à tant qu’il se face une legiere cicatrice à l’entour. Puis on y met un boucle que l’on peut oster et remettre sans douleur.” Laurent Joubert, La premiere et seconde partie des erreurs populaires touchant la médicine et le régime de santé (Paris: Claude Micard, 1587), Book 4, Chapter 4, 215. Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 549 n52. 74. “Oportet ergo ut teneas superfluitatem tetiginis manu, aut uncino, et incidas, sed ne altius seces praecipue in profundo radicis, ut non accidat fluxus sanguinis.” Albucasis, Methodus medendi certa (Basel: Henricum Petrum, 1541), 118–119. Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 615, n. 12. 75. François Valleriola, Observationum medicinalium libri sex (Lyons: Antonium Candidum, 1588), 216–217. Ferrand, Treatise on Lovesickness, 629, n. 40. 76. Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ã6v–ã7v. 77. J. H. Kellogg, Plain Facts for Old and Young (Burlington, IA: Segner and Condit, 1891), 302. Both Slyvester Graham (1794–1851), inventor of the Graham cracker, and John Harvey Kellogg, inventor of corn flakes (1852–1943), were extremely concerned to elimi- nate masturbation as a threat to public health, and both advocated a “purifying” vegetarian diet high in fiber to encourage regular evacuation of the bowels. See also Jayme A. Sokolow, Eros and Modernization: Sylvester Graham, Health Reform, and the Origins of Victorian Sexuality in America (Rutherford, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1983), 77–126. 78. Wack, Lovesickness, xi–xii. 79. Beecher and Ciavolella, “Jacques Ferrand,” 133. The case of the rich merchant is described in Valleriola, Observationum medicinalium. 80. For England, see Margaret Pelling, The Common Lot: Sickness, Medical Operations and the Urban Poor in Early Modern England (New York: Longman, 1998) and Medical Conflicts in Early Modern London: Patronage, Physicians, and Irregular Practitioners 1550–1680 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003). 81. On issues of historical classification of disease, see Jon Arrizabalaga, John Henderson, and Roger French, The Great Pox: The French Notes 227

Disease in Renaissance Europe (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), 1–19. 82. Kevin Patrick Siena, Venereal Disease, Hospitals, and the Urban Poor: London’s “Foul Wards,” 1600–1800 (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2004), 15–29. 83. On the appearance of the pox in Italy and reactions to it, see Arrizabalaga, Henderson, and French, The Great Pox, 20–25. 84. Arrizabalaga et al., The Great Pox, 13–14. 85. Johannes Fabricius, Syphilis in Shakespeare’s England (Bristol PA: Jessica Kingsley, 1994), 1–3. 86. Arrizabalaga, Henderson, and French, The Great Pox, 25–27; Siena, Venereal Disease, 15–22. 87. Arrizabalaga, Henderson, and French, The Great Pox, 34–37. 88. Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, 24–25. 89. The authors are Ferrand’s cousin, Le Blanc, counsellor to the president of Agen, Guy-Noël Ouradou, doctor of law and lawyer to the president of Lauragais, and Ferrand’s brother Jean, lawyer to the King and the elected chamber of Agen. Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, 6–8. 90. “Si l’amour est puissant, Ferrand vous l’êtes plus; S’il blesse, vous savez comment guérir l’ulcère; S’il jette ses brandons, vous éteignez ses feux; Et de nos passions vous maîtrisez le père.” Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, 7. 91. “Herbis fertur Amor Phoebo immedicabilis, auctor Fallitur et prudens artis ab arte sua. Pharmaciis curet juvenis cun frater Amorem, Nonne senx Phoebo nomine major erit?” Ferrand, Traité de l’essence et guérison de l’amour, 8. Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ã8v. 92. “Table des choses plus remarquables contenuës en ce present Livre.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē4v. 93. “Caton le Censeur eut un enfant à 85 ans.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē3r. 94. “Amans ne doivent manger des raisins.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē3r. 95. “Turquoise decouvre les passions amoureuses.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ĩ3r. 96. “Dormir sur le dos provoque à luxure.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē5v. 97. “Clitoris & ses synonymes.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē4v. 98. “Fricatrices qu’elles [sic] femmes.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē6r. 99. “Tribades quelles femmes estoient.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ĩ3r. 228 Notes

100. “Affections d’aucuns à des choses inanimées.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig ē3r. 101. “Adam crée masle & femelle.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē3r. 102. “Courtisans metamorphorsez en loups & pourceaux.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē5r. 103. “Enfant nourry par une Truye.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē5v. 104. “Prepuce boucle pour empescher la luxure.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ĩ1v. 105. “Baisers causent l’amour. plus usitez en Espagne & Italie qu’en France.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē4r. 106. “Cerveau siege de la maladie en l’amour,” “Coeur siege de la maladie en l’Amour,” “Foye est le siege d’amour.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē4v, ē6r. 107. “Amour divin ou vulgaire, 2. cause de tout bien, 1. ne profite à per- sonne, 7. estimé un venin, 10. comment pris par l’Autheur, 3. origine de toutes les perturbations de l’ame, .change les femmes en hommes, 10. ses diverses definitions, 23. 24. celle de l’Autheur, 26. a esté peint aveugle, ibid. deprave l’imagination, 27. 29. vient de la veuë, 35. sa generation, 54. maladie hereditaire, 69. ne peut estrs celé, 82. estant au berceau surmonte Pan, 16. comment se faict par fascina- tion, 55. sa diversité empesche la melancolie Erotique, 195. oublieux ou lethean, 233.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē3v. 108. “Jouïssance souverain remede d’amour 205 / est illicite, impie, & eronnee 208.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē6v. 109. “Fouët prescrit par Gordon pour medecine à l’amour.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē6r. 110. “Magie & ses especes.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē7r. 111. “Moyens occulte pour cognoistre l’amour des personnes.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē8v. 112. “Oniromance ou divination des songes.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ē8v. 113. “Pierres precieuses monstrent l’amour des personnes.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ĩ1v. 114. “Philtres amoureux ont quelque vertu, 221. venimeux pour la plus grande part, 224. ostent le bon jugement, 225. nombrez parmy les poisons. 10.” Ferrand, De la maladie d’amour, sig. ĩ1r. 115. The prefatory materials from the1645 English edition are missing author’s note and first three dedicatory poems—all from signature a. The rest of the prefatory materials are identical to the first edition, even printed from the same plates. And no new materials are added. 116. Poem by Sam Everard of Christ Church college. Ferrand, Erotomania, sig. b4r. 117. Ferrand, Erotomania, sig. b4v. Notes 229

118. Ferrand, Erotomania, sig. b4v. 119. Ferrand, Erotomania, sig. b4v. 120. Ferrand, Erotomania, sig. b6r–b6v. 121. Ferrand, Erotomania, sig. b6v. 122. Ferrand, Erotomania, sig. b7v. 123. Ferrand, Erotomania, sig. b7v. 124. Ferrand, Erotomania, sig. b7v. 125. Ferrand, Erotomania, sig. c1r.

Conclusion: Romeo + Juliet

1. On the play’s popularity on stage see William Shakespeare, Romeo and Juliet, The Oxford Shakespeare, ed. Jill. L. Levenson (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 69–70. 2. The Capulets are one of the only households Shakespeare stages in which a child has both parents living. And Juliet’s mother and father are not necessarily a model of wedded bliss. See Sasha Roberts, William Shakespeare: Romeo and Juliet (Plymouth, UK: Northcote House, 1998), 28–31. 3. Lope de Vega’s Castelvines y Monteses, and Francisco de Rojas’s Los Vandos de Berona, both of which give the play a happy ending. A seventeenth-century adaptation of the Shakespeare’s play by James Howard apparently also gave the play a happy ending. See John Downes, Roscius Anglicanus, or an Historical Review of the Stage from 1660 to 1706, (London, 1708), 22. 4. Matteo Bandello, Novelle, ed. Luigi Russo and Ettore Mazzali (Milan: Rizzoli, 1990), 315: “. . . con particolar dolore dei Montecchi e Capelletti e general di tutta la città, furono fatte l’essequie con pompa gradissima; e volle il signore che in quello stesso avello gli amanti restarono sepolti. Il che fu cagione che tra i Montecchi e I Capelletti si fece la pace, ben che non molto dopo durassi.” 5. Plato, Symposium, ed. Kenneth Dover, Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 204c. Unless otherwise indicated, all references to the works of Plato are to The Collected Dialogues of Plato, ed. Edith Hamilton and Huntington Cairns (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1961). Bibliography

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Abrabanel, Judah, 14, 33, 60, 76, Bible, The, 62, 154, 185 78, 103 blood, 4, 12, 89, 156, 157, 159–60, Academy of Complements, The, 163–4, 166, 168–72 138–40 Boaistuau, Pierre, 146, 161, 184 Alcibiades, 30, 33, 83, 168 Boccaccio, Giovanni, 18, 57, 72 Alexander of Aphrodisias, 86 Boleyn, Anne, 134–7 Andreini, Isabella, 121 book market, 2–3, 13–14, 16–17, Antiochus and Stratonice, 156–7 19, 23, 33, 120, 129 Aretino, Pietro, 92–3, 130–1, 154–5 brain, the, 75, 150–2, 157–8, 161, Ariosto, Ludovico, 18, 25 165–6, 175, 178 Aristotle, 62, 66–7, 69, 71, 72, 74, Brooke, Arthur, 184–5 77, 80, 83, 85–9, 93, 96–7, Bruno, Giordano, 33 104, 167, 168 Burke, Peter, 18, 53–4 Arnold of Villanova, 90, 167, 173 Burton, Robert, 12, 16, 59, 103, ars dictaminis, 114–15, 129 146, 150–1, 161, 172 Aschem, Roger, 59 astrology, 14, 76, 149, 154, 167 Cantelmo family, 63–6 Augustine, St., 74, 76, 77, 84 Capellanus, Andreas, 16–17 Avicenna (Abu Ali Husayn Abdullah Castiglione, Baldassare, 3, 18, ibn Sina), 4, 68, 74, 90, 157, 22, 27–60, 62, 66, 74, 86, 162 90–1, 93, 96, 97, 100, 101, 167, 178 ballads, 15, 18 Book of the Courtier, 3, 18, 22–4, Bandello, Matteo, 184–5 27–61, 86, 90, 93, 96 beauty, 4, 21–2, 28–33, 35, 38, publication history, 23, 53–60 48–52, 54–5, 57–8, 69–70, Cortegiano, Il (see Book of the 72, 74, 76, 83–4, 86, 89, 91, Courtier) 98, 100, 109, 115–18, 121, Courtier, The (see Book of the 123–6, 130, 140, 150, 153, Courtier) 156, 168, 179, 186 Catullus, 94, 95, 96, 163 Bebel, Heinrich, 115 Cavalcanti, Guido, 72–3 Bembo, Pietro, 23, 27–8, 33, 38–9, Celtis, Conrad, 115 42–4, 48–60, 62, 67, 72–3, censorship, 39, 54, 56, 154, 177 86, 91, 97, 103, 167 chastity, 37, 47, 50–1, 55, 83, 89, Asolani, Gli, 23, 33, 42, 49, 72 112, 115, 119, 138, 143, Bernard of Gordon, 169, 178 160, 171, 179 Betussi, Giuseppe, 33 Chilmead, Edmund, 156, 179 246 Index

Cicciarelli, Antonio, da Fuligni, 56–8 Equicola, Mario Cicero, 1, 4, 46, 56, 71, 74, 93, 114, biography, 64–7 115, 118, 120, 123, 187 Mulieribus, De, 64–6 Oratore, De, 46 Natura d’amore, De, 1, 3, 23–4, Clerke, Bartholomew, 58–9 33, 59, 61–104, 117, 146, court culture, 16, 18, 22–3, 27–60, 159, 163, 177–8 62–7, 90–6, 99, 137, 155, publication history, 23–4, 164, 174 99–104 courtesans, 33, 83, 93, 164, 177 Erasmus, Desiderius, 18, 24, 114–20, courtesy books, 138–43 123, 124, 129–30 courtiers. See court culture De conscribendis epistolis, 114–20, courtly love. See love, courtly 129 courtship, 5, 17, 19, 22, 33, 36, ethnicity, 160, 167 126–9, 133–8, 141–3 Cupid, 1, 2, 29, 73, 74, 76, 142, Fanny Hill, 20 145, 176, 179–80 femininity, 41–52, 64–5, 82, 84, Cupid’s School, 141–3 142, 148, 152 Ferrand, Jacques Dante, 19, 72–3, 95, 109 biography, 153–7 desire, 2, 4–5, 9, 14–15, 21–2, 25, Erotomania (see Treatise on 29–36, 45, 49, 51–2, 54, Lovesickness) 57–8, 65–6, 74–6, 80–2, Maladie d’amour, De la (see 86–9, 93–4, 96–8, 102, 109, Treatise on Lovesickness) 118, 146–52, 157–9, 163–7, On Lovesickness (see Treatise on 171–2, 176, 178, 184–5 Lovesickness) diet, effect on love, 13, 87, 98, Treatise on Lovesickness, 1, 3, 4–5, 148–9, 152, 160, 162, 12, 24–5, 87, 103, 145–81 166–9, 172, 176 publication history, 24–5, Dolce, Lodovico, 54–6, 58, 100–1, 176–81 121 Ficino, Marsilio, 4, 27–8, 30, 33, Donne, John, 2, 9 43, 49–50, 52, 60, 61, 67, Du Laurens, André, 146, 151–3, 72, 73, 86, 97, 149, 166 158, 163, 171 Formulario Nuovo ad dittar Lettere Amorose, 126, 133 Ebreo, Leone. See Abrabanel, Judah friendship, 6–15, 31–2, 46, 75, editing, 23–4, 36, 53–60, 66–8, 78–80, 114, 116, 150 99–104, 153–6, 165–8, 177–80, 183 Galateo, 19, 23 effeminacy, 23, 45–8, 58, 98, 148, Galen, 4, 25, 89–90, 98, 146–7, 152, 164, 171–2, 174, 180 149, 152, 157–60, 167–8, Elizabeth I, 33, 59, 137 181 Enemy of Idleness, The, 120–1, gender equality, 42, 64–5 123–6 gender identity. See effeminacy, English Secretary, The, 123, 125–7, femininity, masculinity 133 gender relations, 7, 36–7, 41–9, epistolary novels, 112, 120, 131–2 113, 184 Index 247 generation of children, 31, 69, 77, letterwriting manuals 88–9, 92, 97 English, 121–9 genital organs, 16, 52, 75, 84, 89, French, 120–2, 127, 132 155–6, 158, 165–6, 168, Italian, 108–14, 121, 123, 133 170–4 Latin, 114–20 Giolito, 54, 100–1, 132 literacy, 16–18, 23 God, love of. See love, spiritual liver, the, 75, 150–2, 157–8, 161, greensickness, 162–6 165, 171, 175, 178 Guittone d’Arezzo, 72–3 London, 35, 120, 137, 174 Lorraine, Claude of, 153, 176 Haly Abbas (Ali al-Abbas love al-Majusi), 90 courtly, 13, 16, 20, 33, 49–51, heart, the, 2, 3, 8, 12, 29, 51, 75, 73, 109–11, 124, 149 106, 109, 110, 124, 128, definition of, 3–5, 7, 10, 13–15, 134, 135, 141–3, 151–3, 27, 44, 49–51, 74–5, 86, 157–8, 161–4, 170–2, 104, 148, 150, 178 175, 178–9, 183 medical discourse about, 3, 5–6, Henry VIII, 135–7 12–13, 17, 24–5, 62, 70, 80, Heptameron of Civil Discourse, 21 85, 87, 89–90, 145–81, 183 Hesiod, 77 parental, 8, 12, 13, 20–1, 29, 31, Hippocrates, 98, 155, 164, 166, 167 70, 76, 79, 157, 183–6 Hoby, Sir Thomas, 48–9, 58–9 platonic, 22–3, 27–35, 38, 44, homoeroticism, 1, 7, 15, 33, 43–4, 48–60, 62, 73–7, 80, 82, 52, 62, 80–4, 177 86, 91, 97–9, 109–10, 121, Horace, 74, 94, 95 146–9 humors, 14, 72, 90, 158–61, 165, remedies for, 12, 25, 102, 124, 166, 168, 172, 172 143, 151, 154, 156, 166–74, 178 indexing, 23, 24, 25–6, 53–5, 58–9, rhetoric of, 2, 6, 9–13, 24, 47, 67, 99–104, 177–9 49–51, 96, 109, 114–16, Isabella d’Este, 61, 63–7, 71, 73, 96, 134, 136, 139 99–100 romantic, 1–2, 6–24, 27–8, 35, 146–7, 149, 183–6 Jean de Meun, 66, 72–3, 95 self-, 62, 70, 74–80, 84, 97 Jerome, St., 114 sexual, 3, 5, 8, 12, 14–15, 21–4, 29, 31–5, 43–4, 46–9, 51–2, kissing, 16, 51, 54–5, 57, 59, 87, 54, 57–8, 70, 77–8, 81–2, 136–7, 140, 177, 186 84–5, 94, 110–11, 136, 147, Kolsky, Stephen, 71 157–9, 164, 166, 180, 184 (see also desire) Leto, Pomponio, 63–4 spiritual, 2–4, 15, 21–4, 28–35, letters 49–54, 57, 74, 76, 79, 97–8, love, 3, 11–12, 24, 64, 105–43 148–51, 155, 159 in drama, 11–12, 105–7, 132 love magic, 14, 25, 93–4, 154, 162, English examples, 133–8 167, 178 model, 3, 24, 105–43 love mania, 157–8, 162–4 248 Index love melancholy. See melancholy Panoplie of Epistles, 122 love potions, 93–4, 154, 167, 177–9 Paris, University of, 69, 147, 156 love tokens, 12, 105, 133–5 passion, 4–5, 8, 15, 16, 20, 22, 23, lovesickness. See love, medical 52, 57, 91, 94, 95, 106, 109, discourse about 110, 121, 135, 136, 147, 149, Loyola, Ingatius, 34 154, 156, 161, 164, 167, 177, Lucretius, 87 178, 179, 183, 186 lust, 16, 29, 84, 86, 150–2, 161, Paul, St., 84 167, 177, 185 Petrarch, Francesco, 13, 17, 24, 28, lycanthropy, 162, 172 33, 72–3, 95, 109–10, 124, 127, 136, 159 Machiavelli, Niccolò, 39–44, 47–8, Triumph of Love, 28, 73 50, 74, 80, 112 Philostratus, 77, 81, 88 Prince, The, 39–41, 47, 53 Pico dell Mirandola, Giovanni, 33, Marlowe, Christopher, 10 72, 103 marriage, 1, 4, 5, 7, 15, 17, 20–2, 78, plague, 147–8, 163, 175, 180 112, 117–19, 128–9, 136, Plato, 15, 21, 23, 29–33, 62, 66, 140, 143, 151, 165, 180 68, 69, 72, 73–4, 77, 82, Martial, 170 85–90, 92, 93, 98–9, 103, masculinity, 9, 23, 27, 31–2, 39–52, 145, 147–9, 160, 166 56, 64, 81, 84, 102, 142, 148 Phaedrus, 82, 109 masturbation, 165, 174 Symposium, 15, 21–3, 29–34, 37, medecine, 3, 24, 149, 162, 168, 43, 49, 62, 72, 76, 83, 86, 172–3, 177–9 145, 147, 148, 150, 186 melancholy, 11, 12–13, 16, 87, pleasure, 4, 20, 29, 31–2, 36, 42, 106, 146–7, 152, 153, 155, 47–50, 62, 69–70, 76–7, 157–66, 168, 171–4, 178 81–2, 84, 86, 88–9, 93, Merry Wives of Windsor, The, 106–7, 96–9, 112, 136, 147, 132 150, 156 Milton, John, 70–1 Pliny, the elder, 71, 94 Miseries of Enforced Marriage, The, 21 Pliny, the younger, 115 misogyny, 31, 37, 57, 66, 100, 173 Plutarch, 4, 82, 103, 145, 156–7 Montaigne, Michel de, 21, 67, 103 Poliziano, 115, 120 music, 43, 87, 93, 103, 148, 169, 170 pornography, 18–20 pox, the, 175–6 Neoplatonism. See love, platonic pregnancy, 112 novelle, 16–18 Proceso de cartas de amores, 131–2 prostitutes, 84, 96, 162. See also orgasm, 32, 88, 178 courtesans Ovid, 2, 8, 9, 28, 33, 66, 68, 74, Prothocolle des Secretaires, 120–1 90, 94, 95, 96, 109, 117–20, purgation, 173–4 139, 149, 163, 166, 180–1 Amores, 28, 72, 109 Rabelais, François, 166–7 Ars Amatoria, 66, 90, 94, 117, rape, 8, 9, 47, 66 155 Rhazes (Abu Bakr Muhammed ibn Heroides, 119–20, 123, 139 zakariya al-Rasi), 162 Index 249

Robb, Nesca, 33–4 Spenser, Edmund, 28–30, 60, 103–4 Roman de la Rose, Le, 16, 66, 72 Fowre Hymnes, 28–9, 60, 104 Ruffinelli, Venturin, 121 sperm, 89, 94, 157, 167, 171, 174 sprezzatura, 37, 39 Sappho, 83, 149, 162–4, 173 Stile et manière, Le, 120–4, 131 Savino, Lorenzo, 61, 62, 99 surgery, 149, 162, 168, 170–2 Seneca, 4, 84 syphilis. See pox, the senses, the, 4, 24, 50, 62, 69–70, 80, 85–90, 97–8, 149, 160 tables of contents, 54–9, 99, 101, servants, 3, 6–8, 13, 40, 45–7, 50–2, 177, 183 65, 81, 93, 99, 106, 108–14, Tagliente, Giovanni Antonio 122, 127–9, 135–7, 139–43, biography, 108 156, 181 Componimento di parlamenti, service, 27, 28, 30, 39, 48, 50, 62, 108, 130 64–6, 82, 90, 93–4, 122, Opera amorosa, 3, 24, 107–14, 117, 128, 134, 139–40 121, 124, 129, 131–2, 142–3 sexual desire. See desire publication history, 24, 108 sexuality, 15, 20, 23, 32–3, 35, 41, temperance, 48, 50, 68, 77–8, 97–8, 43–4, 46, 48–9, 84–5, 88–9, 159–61 164, 175–6, 180 tobacco, 161 Shakespeare, William, 5, 6–13, 35, touch, sense of. See senses, the 60, 105–7, 132, 145–6, 163, Toulouse, 24, 147, 153–5 165, 183–6 Toulouse, Ecclesiastical Tribunal of, Antony and Cleopatra, 145, 165, 154–5, 177–8, 181 183 Tullia d’Aragona, 33 Hamlet, 105–7, 117, 132, 133–4, 146, 165, 175, 183 Urbino, 22, 37, 40, 43, 49, 51 Much Ado About Nothing, 106, 132, 146 Valleriola, François, 4, 146, 173, 174 Romeo and Juliet, 6, 10, 21, Vanini, Cesare, 154–5 145–6, 161, 165, 183–6 Venus, 3, 16, 19, 74, 76, 81, 89, Two Gentlemen of Verona, 5–13, 112, 139, 145, 151, 173, 180 15, 35, 132 Viaticum, The, 149 Short Discourse of the Life of Virgil, 83, 94, 95, 118, 146, 149, 163 Servingmen, 122, 127–9 violence, 9, 41, 44, 47–8, 52, 66, 89 Sidney, Sir Philip, 181 Vives, Juan Luis, 115 social performance, 36–48 Socrates, 21–3, 29–35, 52, 82–3, 85, Wolfe, John, 35, 58 109, 148, 168, 186 sodomy, 62, 83 Xenophon, 56, 93, 103