Professor François Pierre Guillaume Guizot Delivered His Initial Lecture As Professor of Modern History at the Sorbonne (Reprinted in His MEMOIRS)
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Class Struggles in France 1848-1850
Karl Marx The Class Struggles in France, 1848-1850 Written: December January-October 1850; Published: as a booklet by Engels in 1895; Source: Selected Works, Volume 1, Progress Publishers, Moscow 1969; Proofed: and corrected by Matthew Carmody, 2009, Mark Harris 2010; Transcribed: by Louis Proyect. Table of Contents Introduction (Engels, 1895) ......................................................................................................... 1 Part I: The Defeat of June 1848 ................................................................................................. 15 Part II: From June 1848 to June 13, 1849 .................................................................................. 31 Part III: Consequences of June 13, 1849 ................................................................................... 50 Part IV: The Abolition of Universal Suffrage in 1850 .............................................................. 70 Introduction (Engels, 1895)1 The work republished here was Marx’s first attempt to explain a piece of contemporary history by means of his materialist conception, on the basis of the prevailing economic situation. In the Communist Manifesto, the theory was applied in broad outline to the whole of modern history; in the articles by Marx and myself in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, it was constantly used to interpret political events of the day. Here, on the other hand, the question was to demonstrate the inner causal connection in the course of a development which extended over some years, a development -
Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Heather Marlene Bennett University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Bennett, Heather Marlene, "Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 734. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Abstract The traumatic legacies of the Paris Commune and its harsh suppression in 1871 had a significant impact on the identities and voter outreach efforts of each of the chief political blocs of the 1870s. The political and cultural developments of this phenomenal decade, which is frequently mislabeled as calm and stable, established the Republic's longevity and set its character. Yet the Commune's legacies have never been comprehensively examined in a way that synthesizes their political and cultural effects. This dissertation offers a compelling perspective of the 1870s through qualitative and quantitative analyses of the influence of these legacies, using sources as diverse as parliamentary debates, visual media, and scribbled sedition on city walls, to explicate the decade's most important political and cultural moments, their origins, and their impact. -
Liberal Catholicism in France, 1845-1670 Dissertation
LIBERAL CATHOLICISM IN FRANCE, 1845-1670 DISSERTATION Presented Is fbrtial Ftalfillaent of the Requlreaents for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By JOHN KEITH HUOKABY, A. £., M. A, ****** The Ohio State University 1957 Approved by: CONTENTS Chapter Page I INTRODUCTION......................... 1 The Beginnings of Liberal Catholicism in F r a n c e ....................... 5 The Seoond Liberal Catholic Movement . 9 Issues Involved in the Catholic-Liberal Rapprochement . • ......... > . 17 I. The Challenge of Anticierlealism. • 17 II. Ohuroh-State Relatione........ 22 III.Political Liberalism and Liberal Catholic la n .................. 26 IV. Eeoncttlc Liberalism and Liberal Catholiciam ..... ........... 55 Scope and Nature of S t u d y .......... 46 II THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE UNIVERSITS.... 55 Lamennais vs. the Unlveralte........ 6l Oniv era it a under the July Monarchy. 66 Catholic and Unlversite Extremism .... 75 The Liberal Catholio Campaign ......... 61 III CHURCH-STATE RELATIONS................ 116 Traditional Attitudes ................. 117 The Program of L*Avaiilr........... 122 The Montalembert Formula* Mutual Independence but not Separation .... 129 Freedom of Conscience and Religion . 155 Syllabus of Errors ........... 165 17 GALL ICANISM AND ULTRAMONTANISM........... 177 Ultramontanism: de Maistre and Lamennais 160 The Second Liberal Catholic Movement. 165 The Vatican Council............. 202 V PAPAL SOVEREIGNTY AND ITALIAN UNITY. .... 222 71 POLITICAL OUTLOOK OF LIBERAL CATHOLICS . 249 Democracy and Political Equality .... 257 ii The Revolution of 1848 and Napoleon . 275 Quarantiem and Ant 1-etatlaae.............. 291 VII CONCLUSIONS.............................. 510 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY............................ 525 ill Chapter X INTRODUCTION In the aftermath of the French Revolution the Roman Catholic Church placed itself in opposition to the dynamic historical forces in nineteenth-century France. -
The Fan Affair and the Conquest of Algeria1
The Fan Affair and the conquest of Algeria1 Michael Dudzik2 ABSTRACT The study analyses the domestic political background of the conflict that resulted in the French conquest of Algeria. The author begins at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries when the Paris gov- ernment bought grain from Algerian merchants. Subsequent economic cooperation, including the provision and collection of loans, negatively affected mutual relations. Deteriorating relations were negatively affected by the appointment of Hussein Pasha as governor of Algeria in 1818, and they further worsened after a diplomatic insult against the French ambassador in April 1827. The article analyses developments in both countries, the gradual escalation of conflicts and their response in the European powers and presents the reasons that prompted the French government to intervene. KEYWORDS France, the conquest of Algeria, Charles X, Jules Prince de Polignac, 1830 INTRODUCTION The tense political and social climate in France at the end of the second decade of the 19th century reflected the citizens’ dissatisfaction with the regime of the re- turned Bourbons. King Charles X (1757–1836) promoted absolutism and restrictions on the press and relied primarily on the Catholic Church and the pre-revolution- ary nobility. Together with the Prime Minister, Prince Jules Auguste Marie de Poli- gnac (1780–1847), he tried to divert public attention from the negative response of extremely conservative domestic policy measures to foreign policy, and use the age- old dispute with Algeria, a vassal of the Ottoman Empire, to achieve easy victory and thus raise the prestige of the army and the regime. The study analyses Franco-Algerian economic and political relations after 1818 when Hussein Pasha became Algerian governor. -
Address by the Honorable Edward H. Levi, Attorney General of the United
ADDRESS BY THE HONORABLE EDWARD H. LEVI ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE UNITED STATES AT THE DEDICATION CEREMONIES OF THE JOHN EDGAR HOOVER BUILDING 11:00 A.M. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1975 J. EDGAR HOOVER BUILDING WASHINGTON, D. C. We have come together to dedicate this new building as the headquarters of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. It is a proper moment to look back to the tradition of this law enforcement organization as well as to look forward to t.he future it will meet in this new place. It was under Theodore Roosevelt that the predecessor of the FBI was founded. There was resistance to its creation. For varied reasons -- noble and base -- some feared the idea of a federal' criminal investigative agency within the Justice Department. But through'the persistence of Attorney General Charles Joseph Bonaparte the organization was formed. The resistance did not crumble when Bonaparte's idea was accompli-shed. There were bad years to follow for the Bureau. It did not escape the tarnish of the Teapot Dome era. The Justice Department and the Bureau were criticized for failing to attack official corruption with sufficient vigor. From this period the' Bureau emerged with a new beginning under the man to whose memory this new building is dedicated. John Edgar Hoover was 29 years old when Attorney General Harlan Fiske Stone appointed him acting director of the Bureau in May of 1924. Hoover's reputation of scrupulous honesty had been commended to Stone. Such a man was needed. Hoover set about reforming the Bureau to meet the demanding requirements of a more complicated era. -
1905-1906 Obituary Record of Graduates of Yale University
OBITUARY RECORD OF GRADUATES OF YALE UNIVERSITY Deceased during: the Academical Year ending in JUNE, /9O6, INCLUDING THE RECORD OF A FEW WHO DIED PREVIOUSLY, HITHERTO UNREPORTED [Presented at the meeting of the Alumni, June 26, 1906] [No 6 of the Fifth Printed Series, and No 65 of the whole Record] OBITUARY RECORD OF GRADUATES OF YALE UNIVERSITY Deceased during the Academical year ending in JUNE, 1906 Including the Record of a few who died previously, hitherto unreported [PRESENTED AT THE MEETING OF THE ALUMNI, JUNE 26, 1906] I No 6 of the Fifth Printed Series, and No 65 of the whole Record] YALE COLLEGE (ACADEMICAL DEPARTMENT) 1831 JOSEPH SELDEN LORD, since the death of Professor Samuel Porter of the Class of 1829, m September, 1901, the oldest living graduate of^Yale University, and since the death of Bishop Clark m September, 1903, the last survivor of his class, was born in Lyme, Conn, April 26, 1808. His parents were Joseph Lord, who carried on a coasting trade near Lyme, and Phoebe (Burnham) Lord. He united with the Congregational church m his native place when 16 years old, and soon began his college preparation in the Academy of Monson, Mass., with the ministry m view. Commencement then occurred in September, and after his graduation from Yale College, he taught two years in an academy at Bristol, Conn He then entered the Yale Divinity School, was licensed to preach by the Middlesex Congregational Association of Connecticut in 1835, and completed his theological studies in 1836. After supplying 522 the Congregational church in -
NEW ORLEANS NOSTALGIA Remembering New Orleans History, Culture and Traditions by Ned Hémard
NEW ORLEANS NOSTALGIA Remembering New Orleans History, Culture and Traditions By Ned Hémard Passing Through New Orleans There have been numerous times through the centuries that the phrase “passing through New Orleans” has been used. Sometimes the occasions and circumstances were happy, while some were frighteningly sad. Unwelcome visitors “passing through New Orleans” included the Aedes aegypti mosquito and the yellow fever deaths it brought. More than 41,000 victims died from the scourge of yellow jack in New Orleans between 1817 (the first year of reliable statistics) and 1905 (the Crescent City's last epidemic). Then there were all those hurricanes that, too, came uninvited. Who in the city can forget witnessing Hurricane Katrina passing through New Orleans on weather radar? But there was a multitude of welcome cargo, and the visitors that brought it alongside the city’s docks. President Thomas Jefferson could not understate the importance of this when he wrote, “There is on the globe one single spot, the possessor of which is our natural and habitual enemy. It is New Orleans, through which the produce of three-eighths of our territory must pass to market.” By 1802, when Jefferson wrote those words, over one million dollars in American trade was floating down the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers to this great port city. This comprised two-thirds of the commerce “passing through New Orleans”. Flatboats came down the Mississippi filled with flour, beef, bacon, pork, Indian corn, oats, peas, beans, cotton, tobacco, lard, tallow, live-stock, poultry, wines, whiskey, cider, furs and hides, marble, feathers and lead. -
French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J
Santa Clara University Scholar Commons History College of Arts & Sciences 9-2013 Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/history Part of the European History Commons, and the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Recommended Citation Andrews, Naomi J. (2013). Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation. The ourJ nal of Modern History, Vol. 85, No. 3 (September 2013) , pp. 489-527. Published by: The nivU ersity of Chicago Press. Article DOI: 10.1086/668500. Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/668500 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation* Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University What we especially call slavery is only the culminating and pivotal point where all of the suffering of society comes together. (Charles Dain, 1836) The principle of abolition is incontestable, but its application is difficult. (Louis Blanc, 1840) In 1846, the romantic socialist Désiré Laverdant observed that although Great Britain had rightly broken the ties binding masters and slaves, “in delivering the slave from the yoke, it has thrown him, poor brute, into isolation and abandonment. Liberal Europe thinks it has finished its work because it has divided everyone.”1 Freeing the slaves, he thus suggested, was only the beginning of emancipation. -
Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2016 Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change Başak Taraktaş University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Taraktaş, Başak, "Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change" (2016). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2050. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2050 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2050 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change Abstract In nearly all authoritarian regimes, democratization finds significant societal support and a number of organized opposition groups struggle for regime change. In some cases—such as in Iran in 1979— opposition groups are able to cooperate with one another and bring down authoritarianism. In others—such as the Assad regime in Syria—groups are not able to cooperate, and the ruler remains in place. Studies that apply cooperation theory on regimes predict that shared grievances about the current government and common interests in changing the existing regime foster cooperation among challengers. Yet, evidence suggests the contrary. This study examines the conditions under which diverse challengers, despite persistent divergence in their ideological preferences, are able to achieve a level of long-term cooperation that can transform the status quo. It uses the case studies of the Ottoman transition to constitutional monarchy (1876–1908) and the French transition to constitutional monarchy (1814–1830), paired according to the least similar systems design, in combination with network theory. -
Congress Before the Lochner Court
CONGRESS BEFORE THE LOCHNER COURT * KEITH E. WHITTINGTON INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................ 821 I. THE REGIME PERSPECTIVE ON JUDICIAL REVIEW ............................... 824 II. JUDICIAL REVIEW OF FEDERAL STATUTES , 1890-1919 .......................829 III. INVALIDATING FEDERAL STATUTES .................................................... 835 IV. STRIKING DOWN IMPORTANT REPUBLICAN POLICIES ......................... 838 V. STRIKING DOWN IMPORTANT DEMOCRATIC POLICIES ........................ 845 VI. AND THE REST ..................................................................................... 850 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................... 855 INTRODUCTION The Lochner Court is remembered as one of the great activist Supreme Courts of U.S. history. During the Lochner era judicial review took on its modern character. Constitutional review of legislation by the Supreme Court became a routine feature of the American political system. Although judicial review itself had, of course, been known for a century, it was only with the Lochner Court that we found the need to develop a particular term to refer to the practice of the judiciary nullifying statutes. Though a variety of terms were floated by commentators of the time, including judicial supremacy, judicial veto, judicial nullification, and judicial paramountcy, “judicial review,” a term associated with the judicial supervision of the new administrative -
Race and Immigration in Interwar France Policing Migration And
DOSSIER Race and Immigration in Interwar France THE STRANGENESS OF FOREIGNERS Policing Migration and Nation in Interwar Marseille1 Mary Dewhurst Lewis Harvard University A man has all his moral value, according to us, only in the middle of his fellow cit- izens, in the city where he has always lived under the eyes of those citizens, watched, judged, and appreciated by them … but in general the displaced person, whom we call a vagabond, no longer has his moral value. – Adolphe Thiers2 In April 1924, Stefan X., a young man born in Marseille to Italian immigrants, was imprisoned for failing to honor an expulsion order dating from 1920.3 Protesting his imprisonment, Stefan invoked the French nationality law of 1889, which held that children born in France to foreign parents became French nationals upon reaching adulthood, provided that they remained res- idents of France at that time and did not repudiate their right to French nationality before a justice of the peace. Stefan, who had just passed his twenty-first birthday, argued that he was a citizen and that, as such, he could not be expelled from the country.4 Local officials argued quite the contrary. They pointed out that the origi- nal expulsion order, which had been triggered by Stefan’s theft of charcoal bri- quettes from a barge, was issued when Stefan was still a minor and could not French Politics, Culture & Society, Vol. 20, No. 3, Fall 2002 66 Mary Dewhurst Lewis yet exercise his birthright citizenship. Since he was supposed to have left France three years earlier, they argued, he could hardly claim to have legal res- idency there upon turning age twenty-one. -
University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
PATHS TO SUCCESS, PATHS TO FAILURE: HISTORICAL TRAJECTORIES TO DEMOCRATIC STABILITY By ADAM BILINSKI A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2015 1 © 2015 Adam Bilinski 2 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Throughout the work on this project, I received enormous help from a number of people. The indispensable assistance was provided by my advisor Michael Bernhard, who encouraged me to work on the project since I arrived at the University of Florida. He gave me valuable and timely feedback, and his wide knowledge of the European political history and research methods proved irreplaceable in this regard. He is otherwise a warm, humble and an understanding person, a scholar who does not mind and even appreciates when a graduate student is critical toward his own ideas, which is a feature whose value cannot be overestimated. I received also valuable assistance from members of my dissertation committee: Benjamin Smith, Leonardo A. Villalon, Beth Rosenson and Chris Gibson. In particular, Ben Smith taught me in an accessible way about the foundational works in Political Science, which served as an inspiration to write this dissertation, while Chris Gibson offered very useful feedback on quantitative research methods. In addition, I received enormous help from two scholars at the University of Chicago, where this research project passed through an adolescent stage. Dan Slater, my advisor, and Alberto Simpser helped me transform my incoherent hypotheses developed in Poland into a readable master’s thesis, which I completed in 2007.